 time for the Lawn Jean Chronoscope, a television journal of the important issues of the hour brought to you every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday. A presentation of the Lawn Jean Wittner Watch Company, maker of Lawn Jean, the world's most honored watch, and Wittner, distinguished companion to the world-honored Lawn Jean. Good evening. This is Frank Knight. May I introduce our co-editors for this edition of the Lawn Jean Chronoscope. Mr. William Bradford Huey, editor of the American Mercury, and Mr. Henry Haslett, editor of the Freeman and contributing editor of Newsweek Magazine. Our distinguished guest for this evening is the honorable Wallace F. Bennett, United States Senator from Utah. The opinions expressed are necessarily those of the speakers. Well, Senator Bennett, you've made some vigorous speeches lately about the President's seizure of the steel industry. I wonder, one to ask you what you think the principal effects of that seizure are now likely to be. I think it has some long-range implications and some that are affecting us already. I think the principal long-range implication will be felt in the continuing study of the American people of the powers of the President. We're concerned again about whether there are any limitations on the powers of the President. And what do you think will be done about that? Well, the Supreme Court may do it by its decision. And I think if the Supreme Court should not do it, we may expect before too long to see a proposed amendment to the Constitution which might spell out in the Constitution the interpretation given by Judge Pine. You're saying, you're telling our audience, Senator, that in the event the Supreme Court does not sustain Judge Pine, that you think that Congress will then attempt to make Judge Pine's decision to write it into the Constitution? Is that correct, sir? Well, I think that will happen, whether it'll happen at this session of Congress, which has a short life ahead of it, or whether that might be postponed until 1953. As a member of Congress, and you think that that Congress must soon, in effect, specifically define the inherent powers of the President? Well, Congress has the power to amend the Constitution and the only power to initiate that, well, that isn't true. The states have a concurrent power. But I think Congress will exercise that power. Well, you think they have the intention? Do you think that's the sentiment of Congress at the present time that if the Supreme Court fails to sustain Judge Pine's decision that immediately Congress will do something of this sort? I think if the matter were up for a vote tomorrow, both houses would act that way over homing. Well, will it have any effect on labor legislation? I think that makes sense. An immediate effect. Yeah, I'm not sure how immediate the effect will be because, of course, the President has the Taft-Hartley law and he hasn't used it in this particular case. And there are many of us in Congress who feel that we shouldn't have any new labor legislation while this situation exists until after the President has used Taft-Hartley. But for the long run, I would expect some new labor legislation to grow out of this experience. Well, along what lines would it be a limitation of the right to strike? Is that one of the lines that it might take? Well, this seizure experience has shown that there is a limitation of the right to strike. Even the Union agrees that it will not strike against the government. And Judge Goldsboro in 1948 indicated that the courts take the position that labor may not strike against the ultimate interest of the nation, even though the government isn't involved. And you think there'll be any effort to restrain industry-wide unions or try to prevent the growth of these enormous industry-wide unions? I think that's a possibility. I was interested to discover that when the Sherman law was passed in 1890, unions were included as well as individuals and corporations. Specifically included? Yes. And they have since escaped by, well, by implication and by direct amending legislation. Well, weren't they immunized, so to speak, under the Clayton Law? That's right. And under the Norse LaGuardia Act and others. Now that may be restored. Now, Senator, you say that there is deep concern in the Senate over this constitutional issue. Do you believe that the American public is also deeply concerned? Well, I wish they were more deeply concerned. And I have the feeling that this may have introduced a new issue in the forthcoming campaign. And I hope the Republicans will do what they can to create a more widespread concern. You say that you wish they were more deeply concerned. Actually, you have found the public from your mail and otherwise to be rather apathetic, if you not. Well, my impression is that the public are more concerned about the immediate effects of the strike and the seizure and the implications of the price control problem. And they're not aware of the fundamental constitutional problem. As a practical politician, sir, why do you think that the American public is not greatly concerned over this constitutional issue, which you regard is so important? Well, in the first place, many Americans feel that all constitutional problems were settled 150 years ago and that we've passed the point where fundamental problems have to be resolved again. Well, this indifference doesn't seem to be reflected in the press. Do you think that there's a gap between the protest and the press present and the feeling of the people? Well, the fact that the press so overwhelmingly came out in opposition to the president's stand gives me hope that in the months ahead, its attitude will actually be reflected in the public opinion. I'd like to ask what the effect of this action will be on the control powers on the extension of the control powers and the kind of control powers that you think you people in Congress are going to let the president have. Well, those effects are already evident. So far as the Senate is concerned, the Senate Banking and Currency Committee has completed its work on the law to extend the president's powers. And it was practically finished with its work when the steel seizure happened, then it stopped dead. And since then it has gone back and completely revised its proposed law in these interesting respect. Originally they were to be extended a year. Now it's eight months. Originally they didn't do very much to the wage stabilization board. Now as a result of this experience, they practically rewrite the law affecting the wage stabilization board and take away from it all the powers it claimed in this particular decision. So they would still have a wage stabilization board that would be fixing wages while there would be a price controller fixing prices and neither of them would pay much attention to what the other was doing. This seems to be the situation present. Would that be continued under this legislation? I would imagine so. But the new board will be limited entirely to the question of what wages are within the stabilization formula have nothing to do with union shop or fringe benefits. And its membership will be made up of public members only and those would have to be confirmed by the Senate. So we have our hands on the wage stabilization. I believe you come from the very interesting state of Utah. Your governor Governor Lee has attracted a great deal of attention and you have a senator that's up for reelection this year. So I'm sure that our audience would like a few expressions from you on the political scene in the mountain states. Now has the Utah delegation to the Republican National Convention been selected. That was selected on the I can't remember the date but it was selected a couple of weeks ago in Salt Lake and it is 100 percent for Senator Taff 14 delegates. And what's the situation generally in the mountain states in the Republican Party. Well Senator Taff will have the great majority of the delegates from the mountain states. There have been one or two places where an Eisenhower Delegator 2 has slipped in but overwhelmingly it's overwhelmingly Taff country. And are you personally supporting Senator Taft. I have announced my position that way and I'm happy that my state supported me. And since that you have since the governor Governor Lee is up for reelection and also Senator Watkins in your state. Would you care to predict for our audience how Utah is likely to go in 1952. Well my sense of the attitude in Utah is that there as everywhere else there is a great unrest a great feeling that this is time for change. And I'm sure it's going to sweep both Senator Watkins and Governor Lee back into office together with many other Republican nominees. What do you think the effect is going to be on the election of Mr. Truman stand on seizure. Hasn't he in effect carried his party pretty far over the left with these statements by Vice President Barclay and Secretary Tobin and so on. What's going to be the effect on the nomination. Well I think he's made it very difficult for the middle of the road Democrats or the Jefferson Jeffersonian Democrats to stay with the Democratic Party. Not only with him as an individual but with the party whose path he says he's going to map. You think that it's likely then that the Democratic Party this year will have a new deal nominee and that they will run on a on on the new deal platform and the fair deal platform that the president is insisting upon. I think there's every every evidence that that will happen. The only possible candidate that can save him from that is Senator Russell. And I doubt that he's got power enough to get the nomination. You don't think that it's likely that we'll have a candidate that's nominated by both parties in. I certainly am not in favor of the one party system and I hope the Republicans don't contribute to it. And and you also think that that it would be best for the country if there is a real debate and a race between a new dealer or fair dealer and a conservative Republican. I think the American people have been wanting that for 20 years and I hope we have the wisdom to give it to him this time. And as a final question sir since you come from the great Mormon State of Utah and the Mormons have been known to be conservative in the past. Is the state leaning toward conservatism now do you think. Well my election would indicate a movement in that direction and I think the nineteen fifty two elections will bear it out. I say so well thank you very much for being with us tonight. The editorial board for this edition of the long gene chronoscope was Mr. William Bradford Huey and Mr. Henry Haslett. Our distinguished guest was the honorable Wallace F. Bennett United States Senator from Utah. It seems like a nice idea on the wedding day the bride and groom give watches to each other. 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