 Pimping pag-opo I'm sure you that he is not a friend of yours. But I love you, all the time. Magandang umaga po sa inyong lahat at welcome sa ikaapat na webinar ng UP Day of Remembrance 2021. Ang taon ng aktividad na ito ay isa sa mga inisiativo ng University of the Philippine System upang magbalikta nao sa isa sa pinakamadalim na bahagi ng ating kasaysayan ang panahon ng Dictadurang Marcos. Ako po, si Francis Justin M. Malban, katawang na profesorom mula sa UP Department of History. Magandang umaga sa lahat. Ako naman po si Rene Luisco, ang student regent ng Universidad ng Pilipinas at mag-aaral mula sa UP College of Law. Kami po ni Francis ang magsisilbing tagapagpadaloy ng ating programa. Atulad nga po ng nabanggit niya, ito na po ang ikaapat sa limang webinar ng UP Day of Remembrance 2021. Para sa ating mga audience na hindi nakadalo sa naunang tatlo, Francis, ano nga ba ang mga paksang na pagusapan doon? Tamayan SR, nito ang nagdaang tatlong araw, nagkaroon tayo ng mga webinar na pumaksasa tatlong mahalagang batayang katatuhanan o essential truths patungkol sa batas militar. Una na rito ay ang pagiging huwad o peking bayani ng Dictador na si Ferdinand Marcos at ang ibat-ibang mga mito at kesinungalingan na itinalagganap ng kanyang rehimend. Pangalawa ay ang kawalan ng kapayapaan at kaayusan sa Pilipinas sa ilalim ng batas militar. Dito tinalakay ang mga pagaalsa at rebellion sa maraming panig ng bansa at ang mga karahasang ginawa na mga poersong gobierno sa mga urban raid, demolition, mga rally at mga strike. Sa pangatlong webinar naman, pinagusapan ang malawakang paglabag sa karapatangpantaong ng mga Pilipino kasama na ang libo-libong mga kaso ng pagpatay, torture, illegal detention at forced disappearances. So para naman sa umagang ito rene, ano nga ba yung ating magiging tema? Ayan, sa ating webinar ngayong umaga, tatalakayin ng mga, tagapagsalita natin ang estado ng ekonomia sa ilalim ng batas militar. At tulad sa mga naunanating paksa, ang ekonomia ay isa rin sa mga usapin na talagang pinagawayan o pinagdedipatayhan ng mga tao, lalo na sa social media. At kanalasan, ito ay nakacentro sa Madling Idea na nagkakaroon ng golden age ng ekonomia ng bansa sa ilalim ng diktadurang marcos. Kaya naman, upang magbigay ng paunang pananalita at mas malalim na pagpapaliwanag ng ating tema. Kasama po natin ang tagapangulo ng UP Department of History at isa sa mga punong abala sa pag-oorganisa ng UP Day of Remembrance. Let's welcome Dr. Neil Marshall R. Santillian. Magandang umaga po sa lahat. Isapong karangala na magbukas ng isang programa ng paggunita para sa UP Day of Remembrance ngayong taon. Hindi ilamang dahil ilan sa magagaling ng mga guru na Universidad ng Pilipinas ay kasama natin ngayong umaga upang magbigay ng mga pesantasyon na walang golden age sa ekonomia ng panahon ng batas milita. Higit na mas mahalaga na nang sama-sama tayo sa lingkung ito, sa pagtamo ng layong makapagbigay ng pagpapahalaga at pagkilala sa mga sacrificio at kabayanihan ng maraming Pilipino na naging victimah at tumindig sa isang dictadurang nagbunsod ng isang panahon sa ating kasaysayan na lagana pangkahirapan at kawalan ng katarungang panlipunan. Lugmok na pamansa ang ekonomia ang iniwana ng Rehemeng Marcos ng 1986. Sa bagong lipuna ni Marcos, mahalagang bahagin ng kanyang ritorika ang pagbuwag sa oligarkiya, paghawak ng kapangyarihan at kayamana ng bansa ng iilang pamilya. Nakatoon lang ang kanyang kampania kauggainito sa kanyang mga kalabang pamilya. Iniluwal ng dictadura ang cronismo ang pagdibigay na mga pabor at concession sa mga kamagana at kaibiga ng Rehemeng sa ibat-ibang larang ng kalakalan. Nagbunsod dito sa labis na pakikialam ng pamahalaan sa commercial at industriya ng bansa upang isulong ang mga interest ng kanilang mga crony. Hawak ng mga crony ang monopolio ng mga produkong agricultural tulad ng asukal, nyog, saging at tabako. Hawak dinilang ibat-ibang sektor ng ekonomia tulad ng banking, enerhia, langis, transportation, and pharmaceutical. Marami rin sa kanilang nakinabang sa malawakang pagpotroso at pagninina na tuluyang nagpakalbo sa napiterang reservang kagubata ng bansa na nagbigaydaan sa mga sakunang pangkapaligaran matapos ang Rehemeng Marcos. Sa taong 1981, ubalis si Dewi D., matalik na kaibiga ni Marcos sa bansa at nag-iwan ng isang daang milyong doliar na utang na lalong nagpahina sa nagyihingalong ekonomia ng huling mga taon ng Rehemeng Marcos. Sangkot din ang dektadura sa malawakang pangungutan ng bansa mula sa mga panday digang institution financial, umabot ng $6.5 billion ang ating utang matapos ang dalawang dekada ng kanilang pangunong. Napunta ang pangutang sa labis na paggasta, malawakang pangangamkam at malakihan pagtatayo ng mga infrastruktura. Bilang sokdu lang larawa ng pagmamalabis, nagtapon si Marcos ng halagang $1.1 billion sa paggawa ng bataan nuclear power plant. Isang proyekong hindi natin napapakinabangan hanggang sa kasolokuyan. Sinayang din niya ang mga pautang sa paggawa na mga infrastruktura na hindi lubusang dinamit tulad ng Manila Film Center. Sa loob ng 80 taon, tinatayang sangkot sa pandarambong ang pamilyang Marcos ng $10 billion, mahigit ⅓ ng kabuang utang na kanilang iniwan ng 1986. Nawalan din ng kumpiyansa mga dayuhan at lokal na mga namumuhunan sa katayuan ng ekonomiya, dulot ng kawalang kayausang politikal. Lalong kumirap ang buhay ng mga Pilipino dahil sa palagihan at malakihang pagbaba ng halaga ng piso na nagbunsod sa pagtahastang presyo na mga bilihin at halaga ng interest ng pautang ng mga banko. Lalong naghirap ang mga Pilipino ng tuluyang kumina ang sektor ng agricultura. Pinakamahalagang paglalarawa nito ang pabagsak ng industria ng asukal na nagbunsod sa malawakang pagutom sa maraming pamilya ng mga sakada sa isla ng Negros. Mababakas din ang tamlay na ekonomiya sa pag alis ng mahigit 1,000,000 Pilipino sa bansa nung rehemeng Marcos upang makahanap ng trabaho sa ibangbadsak. Patunay nakailangan makipagsapalaran ang maraming Pilipino til hindi nakakatugon ang rehemen sa kanilang mga batayang pangaylangan. Sa ating webinar ngayong umaga, lubos na nagpapasalamat ang UP Day of Remembrance Committee. Napinaunlakan ng 5 profesor ang ating invitasyon na mga silbing pagpagsalita hingil sa paglalarawan at pagpagpakapulogan ng estado ng ekonomiya nung panahon ng Dictatura Marcos at kung ano ang bisa nito sa lipu ng Pilipino noon at ngayon. Ang kutkupong ipinapaalam sa inyo na hindi makakasama sa Ginong John Carlo Punumbayan mula sa UP School of Economics sa ating webinar nilpumahanaw po ang kanyang amang kaninang madaling araw. Kasama sa ating panel ang mga batikang profesor mula sa UP Deliman. Doktor Tessa, Incarnacion Tadim mula sa Department of Political Science. Doktor Eduardo Tadim mula sa Asian Center. Doktor Efeneita May Takeban mula sa Department of Anthropology. And Professor Emeritus Rene of Reneo mula sa School of Labor and Industrial Relations. Naway magkaraon tayo na makabuluhang talaka yan ngayong umaga. Never again, never forget patuloy ang laban sa pangyurat sa alaala ng mga bayani na dumaban sa Dictatura Marcos. Padayon sa'y ang kampanya kontra sa pagbaloktot sa atong kasaysayan. Muli, magadang umaga po sa lahat. Paraming salamat po Sir Neil sa papaliwanag ng tema. At ngayong alam na natin ang mga paksa ng ating mga tagapagsalita, maganda rin na maipabated sa ating mga participants and audience kung ano nga ba ang magiging daloy ng ating programa. So panunga ba natin gagawin itong webinar SR? Para sa umagang ito, mayroon tayong apat na tagapagsalita na tatalakay sa ibat-ibang aspeto ng ekonomiya ng bansa noong panahon ng Dictatura. Mamaya po, ay isa-isahin natin silang formal na ipapakilala. Matapos ang kanilang mga presentasyon, tayo po ay magkakaroon ng malayang talaka yan kung saan sa sabutin ng ating mga tagapagsalita. Ang ilang katanungan mula sa mga participants dito sa Zoom at sa Facebook page ng TVUP. Para po sa ating mga kasama dito sa Zoom, maari po kayong magpadala ng mga tanong sa pamamagitan ng ating question and answer box. At para sa Facebook, ay nariyan naman po ang comment section. Isang mahalagong paalala po sa mga participants na na sa log ng Zoom session, sana po ay iwasan natin ng labis-labis na pagpapadala ng mga mensahi sa chat box upang hindi maantala ang ating speakers at ang talaka yan. Yun lang po para sa mga mechanics, Francis. Maraming salamat SR. Ngayon naman, bago natin formal na simulan ang talaka yan at ipakilala ang ating unang tagapagsalita. Atin po muna ang tutonghayan ang isang maikling video mula sa National Historical Commission of the Philippines na pinamagatang kayo ang hihirap kami ang yayaman. TVUP, please play the video. Hindi mag-isasimar ko sa pagnakaw ng pera at mga ari-ari ang umabot sa 10 billion dollars. Nilagay niya ang mga malalapit na kaibigan, kamag-anak at miembro ng gabinete sa pagkontrol ng iba't ibang industria at sektor. Tatto ang namahala sa monopoly kickback at commission sa importanting industria. Si Juan Ponce Enrile ang tagapangtupad ng Marshall Lo, ang may kapangyarihang magbigay ng licensya sa logging companies. Siya rin ang nagmamayari o connectado sa hindi ko kulangin sa sham na logging companies. Pinamahalaan din niyang isa sa pinaka-importanteng ani ng Pilipinas, ang Yogyog. Bilang chairman ng Philippine Coconut Authority, isang malaking imperio sa industria ng copra ang kinontrol ni Enrile kasama ang isapang crony ni Marcos, ang negosyanting si Danding Kohwangco. Si Enrile at Danding ang namahala sa controversial na coconut levy fund na nakalahan para sa mga mga sasaka at sa palpapaonlan ng industria ng copra, pero iba ang nakinabang. Ginamit ito sa pagpondo ng mga proyekto ni Emelda ng mga kaibiga ni Marcos. At sa kampanya para sa pagkapangulo noong 1983. Nanatili sa gobierno si Enrile at kasanukuyang ikaanim na pinakamayamang senador, ikadalawang punaman sa 2016 Forbes Philippines richest si Danding Kohwangco. Isang negosyanting malapit din kay Marcos ang na sa 2016 Forbes Philippines richest si Lucio Tan, pang apat na pinakamayaman sa bansa. Pinirmahan ni Marcos ang cigarette tax law na isinulad daw ng executives ng Fortune Tobacco ni Lucio Tan. Ang kanyang allied bank naman ang nagingdaan para mailabas sa Pilipinas ang mga nakao na pera ng mga Marcos. Kaibigan o tauhan ng mga Marcos ang ilang shareholders nito. Pinahawakan din ni Marcos sa kanyang mga kaibigan ang infrastructure projects ng bansa at ilang negocio. Hanggang ngayon hindi malaman ang kabuan ng nakao ni Marcos at kanyang mga crony. Ang alam natin $28 billion na putang ang iniwan ni Marcos sa kanyang pag-adis noong 1986. Kayo ang hihirap kami ang yayaman. Para ipakilala ang ating unang tagapagsalita ngayong umaga na tatalakay sa crony capitalism sa panahon ng diktadura, siya ay profesor sa U.P. Department of Political Science na kanyang pinamunuhan bilang tagapangulo mula 2000-2003. Siya ay mayroong Ph.D. sa Politics and Public Administration mula sa University of Hong Kong at kasolokoyang nag-CCLB bilang Executive Director ng UP Center for Integrative and Development Studies o UP CIDS at punong patmugot ng Philippine Journal of Policy Interdisciplinary Development Perspectives. Siya ang editor ng akdang localizing and transnationalizing contentious politics na inudimbagno ang 2009 at co-author ng MarkSystem in the Philippines, Continuing Engagements na lumabas naman ang 2010. Ngayong taon lamang ang kanyang akdang Philippine Politics and the Marcos Technocrats, the Emergence and Evolution of a Power Elite na inilimbag ng Ateneo de Manila University Press ng 2019 ay pinarangalan bilang 2021 Outstanding Book Award ng National Academy of Science and Technology. Let's all welcome Dr. Teresa Enkarnasyon-Tadim. Okay. Thank you very much. Com, I don't know, share screen? So, I'm sorry. Just a second. Go ahead, ma'am pesa. Okay. Sorry. So, corruption has generally defined Philippine politics, given the dominance of only a few, ruling elite emanating from the countries very well and French political families. It was, however, during the martial law period from 1972 to 1986 where corruption was centralized to a chosen few who were part of President Ferdinand Marcos Escobal, consisting mainly of relatives and friends. They were referred to as the Marcos Cronies. Cronies used to describe those whose positions are particularly favored by the current regime regardless of their origin. The first part of this paper will therefore explore how crony capitalism is defined given its Philippine context. The second part will discuss the circumstances which brought about the rise of the Marcos Cronies. The third part, on the other hand, will examine the relationship of the Marcos Cronies with the Philippine elite, that is the landed elites, the business community and the technocrats. It will elucidate the reasons why the latter initially tolerated the Marcos Cronies and the factors which brought about their eventual resistance against crony capitalism. During the Marcos regime, cronies consisted of close friends and associates coming from a variety of backgrounds for example, old oligarchs. They have already established his or her fortune in earlier dispensations. The cronies constituted one of the three pillars of the regime, the other two being the technocrats and the military. The Marcos Cronies were also referred to as bureaucrat capitalists because of the manner they exploited their ties with Marcos and public agencies to build private empars. During the martial law period, the private sector was sliced into different spheres of influence. Each partition was handled by a relative, a close friend, or a trusted crony and their earnings were regularly shared with a dictator. The World Bank also extended support to crony corporations. A major export industry which Marcos placed under crony hands was the sugar industry under Roberto Salas Benedicto. Benedicto was Marcos' classmate and fraternity brother at the University of the Philippines Law School. It was through Benedicto whereby Marcos entrenched himself in the sugar industry which was controlled by the sugar elite and which was considered as the most powerful elite faction in the country before martial law. The wealthy as an organized group was also viewed as the biggest obstacle to Marcos' drive towards dictatorship. Getting rid of this sugar aristocracy also provided Marcos with the propaganda value of his pretensions to be a populist out to destroy the country's oligarchs. The other major Philippine export industry which was brought in the hands of another Marcos crony Eduardo C. Cawanko was the coconut industry. The Cawanko conglomerate of this industry was established through a levy imposed by the government on the farmers. This started in August 1973 until the 1980s when coconut export prices were soaring. This was effectively imposed as a massive tax on copper producers and was intended supposedly to prevent an increase in the prices of basic consumer goods such as soap and milk, the cost of which would go up as the price of their major raw material, coconut oil, was increasing. Such a tax generated billions of pesos for Cawanko. Aside from Benedict and Cawanko who were referred to as Marcos' chief cronies, there were also other cronies who thrived in the non-agribistice sectors of the country, the more prominent ones for the following, Rodolfo Cuenca in the construction industry. Marcos crony Rodolfo Cuenca monopolized the government-initiated construction contracts. Cuenca's construction conglomerate, the construction and development corporation of the Philippines, or CDCP, was by 1980, one of the country's top 10 companies in terms of assets and one of the top 15 in net sales. Cuenca had 17 companies. For Herminio Decini, who was head of the Hurdy's Group of Companies, his family relationship with the First Lady facilitated his virtual monopoly of the cigarette filter business by presidential decree. Because of his personal connections with the Marcos' Decini was able to build up a conglomerate of more than 30 companies dealing in such diverse activities as construction, logging, insurance, and petrochemicals. His most spectacular coup was the estimated $5 million to $35 million commission he received from the Wessing House nuclear reactor deal in Bataan. Like Decini, Silverio started out as a small businessman and used his relationship with Marcos as the highway to economic power. Silverio's Delta Motors Corporation acquired the exclusive right to assemble and distribute Toyota automotive parts in the Philippines. From this base, Silverio built an empire of some 30 companies engaged in everything from auto assembly to electronics, from air and sea transport to insurance and banking. As for another Marcos Crony, Antonio Florendo, before he struck a friendship with Marcos, he was a car salesman in Davos City in the late 1940s. He sold Ford vehicles and parts in the southern islands of Mindanao as his main source of livelihood. He was able to overcome these modest beginnings by slowly and surely cultivating his connections with ruling politicians starting from the administration of President Carlos Garcia in the late 1950s. The major turning point for Florendo came when he successfully parlayed his connections with Marcos into a lucrative undertaking with the United Front Company, the agribusiness giant which virtually controlled the economies of Central American Banana Republics. Because of his Marcos connections, Florendo has also become one of the most powerful individuals in Mindanao during the martial law period and he played a pivotal role in Marcos political plans in southern Philippines, especially in Mindanao. Another Crony who benefited from his ties close ties with Marcos was Lucio Tan, who owned Fortun Tobacco Company as well as Allied Bank. Tan was a close associate of Marcos probably even before 1972 and he owned a small cigarette factory in Ilocos, the home region of the President. But it was only with the declaration of martial law in that year that his meteoric ascent began. By 1980, because of his extensive support from the palace in gaining tax, customs, financing and regulatory favors, his Fortun Tobacco Company had become by far the country's largest maker of cigarettes. In return, Lucio Tan is said to have provided large contribution to Marcos and his new society movement and cut the precedent into a large equity in his firms. Although the Philippine elite and the middle class as well as the World Bank in general tolerated Crony capitalism, their support for Marcos and consequently his cronies would gradually erode. Two economic crises would covenize their opposition against the Marcos cronies. The first was the Duwidi scandal which exploded in January 1981. The Filipino-Chinese businessman with interest in the textile industry fled the country leaving behind some 100 million dollars in debts. This incident shook the foundations of the financial system since many banks and financial intermediaries foolishly, as it would turn out, were heavily exposed to the. These capers severely affected both crony and non-crony establishments and the central bank reacted by extending loans to troubled institutions. But this was mainly to crony firms which was largely resented with business who could not accept the continuing enrichment of a few privileged firms and persons under difficult conditions for the rest and the exclusion from the spoils. The second crisis which plunged the country into economic turmoil was the Philippine debt crisis in 1983. This debt crisis brought about the realization that this predicament was a result of the regime's economic policies. With a debt crisis, it became so small that the crony groups which were inefficient and derived their profits only from extra economic mechanisms rather than from capitalist competition could no longer be accepted by the business community. Because of that, there emerged the resistance of the elites against the cronies. In the coconut industry which was dominated by Kawanko, there arose a strong lobby among coconut planters including the larger ones to remove the levy on coconut oil exports in the face of depressed prices abroad. The levy was viewed to only benefit private individuals, most especially Kawanko. The sugar planters in particular complained that the National Sugar Trading Corporation, which monopolized trading in the country and was headed by Benedicto, had not been paying the proper composite prices only a limited number of favorite traders were given the license by Nasutra. Agravating the situation was despite the massive profits which the sugar industry generated for planters and millers, it remained a backward economic sector relying for profits on depressed workers' wages, tenants' low shares or profits and on the subsidized US market. Because of all the dismal state of the sugar industry, historically, one of the most conservative sectors in Philippine society became increasingly arrested. This led to the establishment of a planters' association that is Hortensia Starts National Federation of Sugar Planters which was independent of the Benedicto click. The growing resistance against Roberto Benedicto's monopoly of the sugar prices was fueled further by the fall of prices in the world market. At the time, the market was still in the sugar industry which consequently turned Negros into a human wasteland. Moreover, Marcos also virtually lost the support of the traditional sugar block which by then had already been discretely supporting the human rights cost of an awakened church against military abuses and protection rackets. In August 1982, the influential Makati Business Club composed of the top 10 1000 Philippine corporations extensively outlined its issues and prescriptions to the Marcos dictatorship calling for, among others, an environment of honesty, integrity, peace and greater confidence in government, a curb to military abuse and government corruption, a stop to red tape, graph and corruption and cronyism, the definition and pull out of government roles for private sector concerns and business, the removal of lopsided competition from government and the protection of media in its crusade against injustice and curtailment of human freedom. The reality, therefore, was that it was becoming less and less possible at the precarious consensus among the various factions of the ruling elite. Resistance was also emerging among the Marcos technocrats against the cronies. Although the technocrats who led key government agencies have never approved of the cronies practice of using their ties with the regime to enrich themselves, they have more or less come to accept it because this was their concern to have the country's major export crops under the control and supervision of the state. Conflict of interest, however, ensued between these two parties on the question of whether or not export crops should become a center of state or private accumulation. The technocracy feared that the cronies would use this source of private accumulation to achieve their political ends. At the time of the 1883 debt crisis and the assassination of ex-Senator Benito Aquino in August 1983, further fueled the conflict between the cronies and the technocrats. As the technocrats had to step in to salvage crony corporations like those of Cuencas and Decinis, Virata and his fellow technocrats sought to discipline these cronies. The technocrats found support from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund due to their increasing alarm felt. They felt by foreign capital over competition from the cronies. Government corruption as epitomized by crony capitalism also convinced the IMF World Bank Group that stability which is needed for the implementation of their projects should not only be economic in nature but political as well. The IMF World Bank Group thus pressured the Marcos regime to lift martial law and declare a new republic in 1981 headed by a cabinet composed of World Bank technocrats. Thus, in August of that year there was a cabinet revamp to accommodate the technocrats with Marcos' finance minister César E.A. Girata as prime minister. This however did not appease the Marcos cronies but also members of the business elites as well as those the latter joined forces with other social forces and movements in Philippine societies to toggle down the dictatorship with a 1986 people power revolution which also ended the lifeline of the Marcos cronies. Thank you. Maraming salamat po Mam Tessa para sa inyong mahusay na presentasyon. Pinalamanan talaga ni Dr. Teresa ang sinabi ng National Historical Commission dun sa video kanina na kayo ang hihirap pinalaman. Nakita na napakalaling at mahigpit ang pagkakaliado ng mga cronies ni Marcos para sila lang yung maghati-hati sa kita sila lang yung makkinabang sa mga polisiyang nakadisenyo para sa kanila at dahil dito ay sinakal ang kaunlaran at kagdinhawaan na natatamasasana noon ng mga Pilipino at natatamasasana natin ngayon at I think mahalaga rin banggitin o maipabatid sa marami na itong mga apelidong ito ay hangga ngayon na nanatili sa kapangyarihan. Kaya mahalaga talaga ang balikan itong panahon na ito dahil marami dun sa naging problema natin eventually pagdating sa ekonomia ay maiugat natin dito sa panahon na ito. So maraming salamat po Mam Tessa para sa inyong presentasyon. Ngayon naman ay dadaku tayo sa ating ikalawang tagapagsalita siya ay kasalokuyang convenor ng Program on Alternative Development P.C.I.D.S. Nakamit niya ang kanyang PhD sa Southeast Asian Studies mula sa National University of Singapore at hanggang 2015 isa siyang profesor sa UP Asian Center kung saan sya rin ay naging katuwang medicano para sa usaping akademico at punong patnugot ng Asian Studies Journal of Critical Perspectives in Asia. Sya rin ay nagsilbe bilang asistan to the UP President on UP Mindanao. Nang Freedom from Death Coalition Founding Governing Board Member ng Consortium on Southeast Asian Studies in Asia o SESHA at atibong bahagi ng Asian Regional Exchange for New Alternatives or Arena. Upang talakayan ang crisis sa Sector ng Agricultura sa Pilipinas noong Dk 80 kasama po natin si Dr. Eduardo C. Tadem. Salamat Francisco. Magandang umaga sa lahat. Hindi ang payitulutan na mag-share screen ako. So ito pang paksa ng aking atalakay ang baga. Pinalitan ko ang aking title na unang title ay the Crisis of Philippine Agriculture in the 80s. Pero sumosunod lang mo ako sa tema ng UP webinar na ito na maging matingkat yung ating pagpupunah sa dinawa ni Marcos sa ating ekonomiya kaya ang bagong titulok ngayon ay how Marcos bankrupted Philippine Agriculture and ruined further the pessim. In the beginning of the 80s decade the Philippine economy under martial law underwent a crisis of unprecedented proportions. The negative growth rate of 1.8% was reported in late 1984 and international reserves upto $470 million compared to $1.69 billion in the previous year. Consumer price index average 250.3% by April 84 with 1978 as the base year. Successive evaluations of the PESO in 83 and 84 saw the currency decline by 63% vis-a-vis the US dollar and this resulted by July 1984 and the doubling of the prices of essential commodities. From 1980 to 1983 the foreign trade deficit was 61% higher than the preceding five-year period. The foreign debt crisis resulted in four moratoriums on debt repayments forcing negotiations for a $646 million standby credit and negotiations with 483 international banks for the rescheduling of the due principal payments of the $26 billion foreign debt. Local and foreign media observers point to the 1983 assassination of Benigno Aquino as the event that precipitated the crisis and the withdrawal of confidence by the international financial community from the Marcos government. But the signs of the economic debacle have been evident for many years with mounting trade deficits ballooning balance of payments shortfalls declining exports falling real wage rates deterioration of the PESO corporate failures and increasing taxes. The already fragile economy was further undermined by the rise of a group closely tied to Marcos the crony capitalists the takeover by this group of major economic sectors the preferential treatment accorded to it in terms of government loans and bailouts and the eventual collapse of some of these crony empires with the aid of public funds. The economic development strategy pursued since the 70s premised on tight linkages with the international capitalist system and the subsuming of domestic needs in favor of external gains it also consisted of following the dictates of the global systems primary gardens the IMF and the World Bank the failure of the export oriented industrialization strategy as borne out by the crisis resulted in a new policy thrust in a position paper by the Ministry of Agriculture addressed to the World Bank entitled the agenda for action in agriculture 1983 to 1987 the paper named the new thrust balanced agro industrial development strategy or base its basic features include number one import substitution and export expansion diversification of agricultural products increased private sector participation diminished government control and increased foreign investments the World Bank play the major role in this policy shift in 1983 the bank proposed a series of agricultural reforms to the Philippine government consisting of A. the elimination of credit subsidies to small rice and corn farmers B. the dismantling in sugar, coconut and grains exportation C. the merging and streamlining of government agencies in agriculture D. the removal of price controls on commodities such as rice and corn and A. preparation of a five year plan for agricultural development the Philippine government complied with most of the World Bank prescriptions credit subsidies to small farmers in the form of lower than prevailing market rates were effectively dismantled with the interest rates to be determined solely by the market by April 1984 the interest rates for the Masagana 99 and Masagana 77 small farmer loans reached 16% from the old grade of 12% private entrepreneurs were allowed to export sugar rice and yellow corn government agencies involved in agriculture and food production were merged the price ceiling on rice and corn were raised three times and a five year plan for agriculture was drawn up in June 1983 through its affiliate the International Finance Corporation the World Bank invested in a wide range of activities in Philippine agriculture including food processing palm oil production and processing on September 26, 1984 a $150 million agricultural loan agreement was signed by the Philippine government and the World Bank the loan was viewed as World Bank support for the Philippine government's action agenda for agriculture and the Bayes strategy it was also seen as a hopeful event that would trigger revival of confidence in the Philippine government's ability to make the prevailing crisis a close look at the $150 million loan however showed that 99% of the components was earmarked for the importation of various agricultural inputs while the remaining 1% would go to paying for foreign technical experts the loans priorities were in line with the strategy associated with the already discredited grain revolution program and its introduction in the late 60s the green revolution so called and its components have been responsible for the entrapment of the small farmer in a continuous cycle of indebtedness and increasing marginalization import dependent and capital intensive nature of the GR's farm technology had only resulted in declining net incomes for farmers despite increased production of the loan or the transnational agribusiness corporations which manufacture and export these agricultural inputs their local affiliate firms and dealers of these inputs while serving to perpetuate the structures of control in the rural areas and do little to alleviate the plight of small farmers the $150 million will simply flow right back to the rural states this was one rescue operation that works in reverse that work in reverse as export crops was the priority the new agricultural thrust was geared more towards aiding private businessmen and land owners rather than small farmers and owner cultivators the latter have already accumulated large unpayable debts under credit programs for any further crop loans any participation the small producers in the bates program would therefore be only under the auspices of the big agribusiness corporations the urgent attention being paid to bates the need to produce results in the shortest possible time the high capital requirements and the critical one for foreign exchange export earnings meant that the new policy thrust would be slaughtering the government of the direct investment of the agribusiness corporations furthermore there was a government productivity fund amounting to 500 million pesos for developing short gestation crops but this was channeled to the corporate takers of the government's invitation for investors in agricultural production total loans to agribusiness firms American and Japanese firms entered into partnerships with Filipino companies to set up seed farms in Mindanao. Foreign export fruit plantations expanded especially in Mindanao and in the process forcing destitute farmers to enter into operating contracts with these companies. Private banks also jumped in by increasing its agricultural loan portfolio for agribusiness expansion. And worse, land conversions were taking place that shifted food crops to export crops and this became the order of the day. Marcos Cronis monopolized or assumed vital agricultural sectors led by Roberto Benedito for sugar, Eduardo Cojango for coconuts and Antonio Florendo for the export banana business. This industry, however, suffered severe downturns and had to be bailed out in billions of funds, billions of public funds, funds by the Marcos government. The World Bank's BADE strategy for rescuing Philippine agriculture had reached an impasse from which it could not be salvaged. The further expansion of agribusiness could only result in the following consequences. One, the production of food crops suffered as export promotion is intensified. The Philippines remained a food deficit country with increasing imports on rice, corn and other cereals and live animals while at the same time receiving food aid from other countries and international agencies. Agribusiness expansion also resulted in the social and physical dislocation of farmer-killers and whole rural communities. The ejection of tenants and small-owner cultivators from their lands by aggressive corporations has been documented in the export fruits industry, in the palm oil ventures, in the corporate rice farms and in coconut plantations. Number three, being capital-intensive, export-oriented firms are also labor-displacing. Palm oil expansion in Agusan Belsur, for example, dislocated some 5,000 settler families or 30,000 people while the workforce requirements for 8,000 hectares of farm area was only 2,800 workers. Number four, continued low wages of agricultural workers as the low grants no more than the minimum wage for agricultural plantation workers of 35 pesos a day and 6 pesos and 75 centavas for non-plantation workers. Plantation workers, therefore, would earn about 10,725 pesos a year while non-plantation workers would take home 8,025 a year. At business day, at that time, had computed the poverty line for families outside the Metro Manila region at 13,834 pesos at the end of 1983. Number five, the monoculture and the extensive use of harmful chemicals by agribusiness plantations results in soil degradation, pollution, and other ecological issues and health problems for the workers and surrounding communities. The new economic development policy officially abandoned equity-oriented goals to make way for an exclusively productivity-centered approach to rural development. Under the Government Productivity Fund, Marcos instructed the Ministry of Trade and Industry in July 1984 to offer the incentive of exemption from land reform to corporations who would undertake the large-scale planting of export crops of short gestation. Built as an emergency measure, the offered incentives shall not be subject to constraints, proclamations, whether in land reform or any such programs. A greater reform, already suffering from a half-hearted, sales-based implementation, during 12 years from the time it was declared the cornerstone of Marcos' new society, was finally dealt a death blow. Covering only 28% of the officially estimated number of tenants in all crop lands and only 33% of all tenant agricultural lands. The program had been able to transfer lands to only 3% of the targeted beneficiaries by December 1984. The Marcos region's base concept of rural development effectively dispelled any remaining illusions about where the Filipino peasantry stood in overall government policy. Since its rapid growth under American colonial rule, the sugar sector has been dependent on the US sugar quota and its preferential rates. The expiration of the quota in 1974 forced Philippine sugar to compete in the international sugar market and the industry was exposed in all its naked frailties. The US quota was renewed in 1982, but under less favorable conditions. Consequently, the price of sugar dropped to a low of 4 US cents apound, while the cost of domestic sugar production was 11 cents apound. To cut down on losses, production was drastically reduced as was the area planted to the crop. Sugar mills closed down and 100,000 sugar workers were displaced. Those retained in the workforce suffered pay cuts. Internationally, a famine alert was issued for Filipino sugar workers and their families. Negros Island became the new global basket case for hunger, rivaling Africa. On the whole, agricultural workers in almost all crop lands were hardest hit by the spade of layoffs and returnments in industries that could no longer maintain their production levels. Real wages of agricultural workers in all crop lands fell to levels that were below the consumer price index. The National Census and Statistics Authority reported that 1.1 million rural workers lost their means of livelihood during the first quarter of 1984 alone. The banana export industry, once a bright spot in Philippine export agriculture, suffered a decrease in export revenues. For 1983, losses in the industry were estimated at $30 million, as exports fell from 70 million cartons in 1982 to set to 50 million cartons in 1983. In the coconut industry, a government mandated check price that was higher than prevailing world prices, so coconut oil exports ground to a halt. Furthermore, the 5.7 billion pesos in coconut levy funds imposed on farmers could not be accounted for. The much publicized rice self-sufficiency obtained during the 70s was undermined by the importation of 150,000 metric tons in 1984 from Thailand and China. The rice shortfall was caused by a sharp 5% decline in production from 8 million tons in 1982 to 7 million tons in 1983. Pali harvests were rotting, were rotting due to continuous rains. The high cost of inputs, the unavailability of cheap credit. Rice farmers were simply applying less fertilizers to minimize cost. From 1980 to 1984, only 60,000 small farmers availed of numerous business supervised credit compared to 500,000 in the 1974-75 period. Business day estimated that by the end of 1983, the incomes of 73% of rural households had fallen far below the poverty line as compared to 33% in 1971. In response to the threats posed by the continued viability of small-scale rice production, farmers groups threatened to limit production to their consumption needs alone, unless the prices of fertilizers and pesticides were rolled back to their levels of the previous year. Fertilizer prices almost doubled from 133 pesos per bag in 1983 to 255 pesos per bag in 1984. In conclusion, the agricultural scene in the 80s went from bad to worse for small farmers and rural workers. Diversification of export crops only offered stopgap and short-term relief. And the costs entailed in this long run was higher than any foreign trade returns. Net proceeds were of course would be much less than the export receipts since capital and technology, including machinery and inputs were imported and huge foreign loans secured. It would also appear that the hundreds of millions in foreign assistance and government allocations for export agriculture and agribusiness had come to naught. The tragedy is that government planners in the post-Marshall low period have been blind to the lessons of the 1980s. The same Marcosian agricultural strategies have remained in place and continue to inflict pain and hardship on the Filipino peasantry and rural workers. Invoking the mantra of trade liberalization, the government plunged headlong into membership in the World Trade Organization in 1995 and eliminated all quotas on agricultural goods. The country became a dumping ground for cheap and subsidized agricultural surpluses from other countries, thus bankrupting local producers. The 2019 rice tarification law or RTL liberalized rice importation and allowed private traders to import rice in unlimited quantities. The result was an epic disaster for rice farmers. As panay prices plunged to their lowest levels in years, rice farm households lost 80 billion pesos or a per capita minimum of 17,347 pesos and a maximum loss of 41,000 in the very first year of RTL liberalization. On the other hand, rice importers, dealers and retailers earned 52 billion pesos or an average of 234 million to 570 million each. There appears to be no end in sight to the agony and suffering of the local agricultural sector and its direct producers, peasantry, the rural workers and their families. Thank you. Maraming salamat po, sir Ed, para sa inyong presentasyon. So kita natin dito SR na nung 80s napakalaking issue ng pagpag-sak ng sektor ng agricultura, talaga nakakapandumo yung kanyang mga naging effecto. Merong kang kawalan ng trabaho, kawalan ng kita, nagkaroon ka ng problema sa kadikasan at siyempre meron ding health problems dahil napakarami o malaking bahagi ng populasyon. Dito sa mga agricultural areas na ito ay yung nagutom dahil sa kawalan ng kita. Tamal ka dyan Francis. At sabi nga po ni Dr. Tadim na kakalungkot isipin na yung mga policiyanoon, kita pa rin yung effecto ngayon. Hindi pa rin maunlag ang teknolohiya na gamit na mga magsasaka. Hindi pa rin sila prioridad kung titignan po natin sa plano, sa budget. At ang pinakamakasak, ang pinakamasakit pa dito ay day javunga patuloy ang pagihirap nila dahil sa mga policiyang pinapasa ngayon. Parang wala tayong napag-aralan sa ano yung nagpahirap sa mga magsasaka noon. Hanggang ngayon yun pa rin yung mga nakikita natin. Sabi nga ni Dr. Tadim, it seems like there's no end in sight. Talagang makakapag-bago lang ng condition ng mga magsasaka natin ay overhaul sa mga policiyang, sa pantingin natin, sa pagsasaka sa ating bansa. Maraming salamat po Dr. Tadim para sa inyong presentation comprehensive na pinakita kung paano ba ang crisis sa agricultural sector noong sa era ng martial law. Upang ipakilala naman ang ikatlong tagapag-salita na tatalakay sa economic development at sa karapatan ng mga indigenous peoples sa Pilipinas sa Panahon ng Dictadora. Siya ay kawaksing professor sa UP Department of Anthropology kung saan siya ay nagtuturo ng mga kuroso tulad ng anthropology of human rights, globalization and development. Siya ay may PhD sa Anthropologya mula sa University of Amsterdam at membro siya ng integrated bar of the Philippines. Ang ating tagapag-salita ay aktibong bahagi rin ng legal rights and natural resources center na isang sambahan na nagsusulong sa karapatan ng mga indigenous peoples and upland rural poor communities, particular na sa lupa at sa iba pang likas na yaman. Mga kasama ating poong sa lubungin si Dr. Effonita May M. Takibat. Maraming salamat po. Pagpukugay sa lula ko dahil sa pangalan. May na lang ko. Bag-share screen to ako. Pipilitin ko poong mag-code switch bilang paanyaya ng isa sa ating mga audience. So gaya po ng inspiration ng Dr. Tadem, minabuti ko na rin poong palitan ang titolo ng aking presentation. So economic maldevelopment at the expense of indigenous peoples. So kwentuhan ng po ito. Maganda po at maraming salamat sa mga naunang nagpanayan because they gave a broad overview of the economic status at a time. What I intended to, I mag-quent po ako ng case study. Isang kwento na paano ito sinasa ganap sa context ng mga katutubong Pilipino. Malamang po sa usapin ng indigenous peoples rights movement, we are able to imagine and think of a particular name because his name has become synonymous to the movement in a sense that he is an iconic na figure. Ang tinutukoy ko po ay si Amamakli Indulag, isa siyang leader nabot-bot pinanganak sa bugnai Kalinga. Dahil sa kanyang mga gawain at paki-kibaka laban sa mga proyekto ng Rahimeng Marcos, we were invited to see a kind of indigenous worldview that offered a counterpoint and opposition to what was then a dominant economic and development paradigm that was imposed on the country. Sabi nga niya, such arrogance to say that you own the land when you are owned by it, how can you own that which outlives you? Ano ba itong kanilang pinaglaban? Patongkol ito gaya na nang sabi na, one of the examples of a loan agreement that Marcos wanted to push was won by the World Bank. This was over the Chico River Basin Development Project. Kaunting introduction ang Chico River ay isa sa longest river system in the Grand Caldillera. Kung tayo ay pumupunta nang sagada, na daanan natin ang Mount Data, mulado on sa Provincia ng mountain province, papuntang Kalinga, papalabas sa Daga sa apari. The Chico River Basin Development Project was supposed to feed into hydroelectric power. This was supposed to propel a luzon into brilliance, literally brilliance life, dahil magbibigay ito ng Corriente doon. Pagsinabi po nating Chico Dam, ang tingatukoy po dito ay hindi lamang isa, kung di apat, dalawa sa mountain province, dalawa sa Kalinga Apayaw. The most of contentious of which was the Chico Dam number four, kung saan after sometime, their feasibility studies, and by the way, notwithstanding, studies showing cost inefficiency and even energy inefficiency of the dam, ay pilit pa rin itong gustoong ipatupan ng Rehinang Marcos. Napakahalaga ang lokasyon ng ito because these covers, watershed municipalities, ngayon na mas gagap at, we have a better handle of forest covers and their impact on climate change, makikita natin kung gaano kahalaga ang pangangalaga sa mga water systems na ito. Mula din doon sa kuwento ng pakikibaka ng mga Kalinga, nakita natin itong pantutunggalit ng magkakaibang pananao sa buhay, two paradigms of development. We always assume from government policies that there's only one development. But in fact, indigenous peoples will show us there are various ways of development that allow us to live more harmoniously with Mother Nature. Number one of which among the Kalingas and among the Igurots in general, you had re-irutating swidden farming which was to supplement their terrorist cultivation. Ito ay tinitig na na ecosystem, stability, self-perpetuating, and inherently preserving. Kaya nga ilang taon na nagdaan na, ay meron pa rin tayong Banawi or Ice Terraces at kung ilan pang mga terraces sa Kulderiera. And yet, if you juxtapose this with a dominant policy at the time, and even up to now, it becomes contentious because you have kaimian which was given the optics to be very negative. This is very ironic, almost hypocritical, kung saan, sa kapanuhu ng ito, kaliwat kanan ang pag-issue ng timber licensing agreements ng rihimen. And even now, we have integrated forest management agreements which usually covers hundreds of hectares of agroindustrial plantations which presupposes the logging of forests that are initially there for more commercial logging purposes. Isa pa do na, sa pag-aaral itong Chico Dam nakita na ang daming mga katutubo, ang daming mama mayan nama didisplace. The estimated count was over 100,000 individuals and that's from their ancestral land holdings. In danger also, were very fertile rice lands. At that time, siguro, considering inflation, makano na ang halaga niya ngayon. Rice fields as well, not only in the mountain province but also in Kalinga. In terms of heritage, lived heritage or living heritage, it was also estimated to destroy 1,200 stone wall dry statuses. The loss of at least 800 hectares of fruit trees, at some of which would be primary fruit trees, perhaps endemic as well in the area. And of course, very important, the loss of forest, hunting grounds, a way of life really, yung pagahanting, pangangaso, panisda sa mga ka-ilugan. So ito yung delicado that was posed by the dam project. And so we could readily understand kung bakit ganyto na lang yung padalsa, ganyto na lang yung pag-protesta ng mga katutubo sa area. Ito rin kaso ng Chico Dam, nakititan natin ang isang attitude ng regimen, kung paano tinitig na ng ng ating pangbansang minoria o ang ating mga katutubong mamamayan. Here, I got snippets from Kalinga's article as well as Delinas. Sabi nila, the bond of delegation from Chico II area was able to meet with President Marcos and Malacanyang, but their objections were dismissed as being sentimental. Ko lang pagtalima doon sa pagougat na mga tao doon sa lupa, lupa bilang buhay, lupa bilang identity nila. Yung isa pa. So to pacify the indigenous peoples, Martha S. Manuel Manda Elizalde, his presidential assistant for national minorities to the Chico area, bringing with him chocolates and food, chocolate bars, basketballs, flashlights of other trinkets. If that isn't condescensioned, if that isn't, you know, very, very patronizing sa halaga ng chocolate bars at basketballs ay inaasahan nilang, maliling lang. Napakababa ng tingin na bibitawan yung kasarin lang. This would probably be very familiar to us right now, in the malu of press and media. Despite categorical resistance and opposition by the communities, nagpapalabas ang Malacanyang nang it speaks very greatly of the greatness of the Kalinga people involved great sacrifice on their part. The optics at the national level was controlled then by then President Marcos. And so how he was shaping the whole discourse of the Kalinga struggle was that Indigenous peoples were very favor, were in favor. In fact, the leaders unanimously adopted resolution endorsing the program, pledging their support and cooperation to the administration. Huwad naka sinongalingan, if you could go on press and say these things categorically which are categorical counter points to what communities were saying. So I provide here kung ako nang mga city sa dialogue of the National Power Corporation at that time at ang kapanayan ng kalinga leaders parang may pa kita in humility at quiet confidence even in their gestures and by their actions they refused. They refused the offer of the government. They refused the dam. 3 a.m. ng madaling araw the Kalingas refused to go to the quarters prepared for them. Instead, they stayed in the bus until daylight. In another one, makikita, a social scientist we tried to be sensitive of spaces at dito palang sa isang dialogue nakita natin ang mga NPC officials ay nanduon sa head of the table sa mantala not really a dialogue not really in conversation but someone who hears ng mga audience lang sila ang mga liderato ng mga community ay nanduon. And yet again in the little gestures refusing the snack and how categorical can Makliing Dulag say na, I have only one thing to state here. Your project proposal of building dams along our rivers will mean the destruction of our properties on which our very life depends. Forget your dams. We don't want them. Napakalinaon doon. And yet there was little media coverage until tragedy happened. As well. Para ipakita din yung pangkakaisa ng mga kumunidad sa Kodelyera in 1975, 150 Bonto Kankalinga leaders ay nakipag they came together and signed anti-dam pagtatibodong which is an agreement. And this is very historical kasi ito ay mga kumunidad na very often come in tension because of what you call this water tension on water rights. And yet coming together realizing a collective cause, a protection of a common identity as igurots, they come together to sign a peace attack and in fact coming together in a grand budo. Dito din natin makikita during this time ay evolve yung katagang development aggression. Nakita natin sa Kalinga na kumpaano minilitarize ng Rahimeng Barcos ang lugar hamleting et cetera. Not just in Kalinga by the way all over the Philippines but just to highlight pinapad na lang mga battalion doon to subdue the resistance of the people these are battle-hardy battalions the 51st PC Battalion fresh from their stint in Sulu the 44th Army Battalion fresh from their insurgency campaigns in Isabella. So sinisiguro na ito yung mga may kakayahan may sikmura na sumugpo ng mga tao. Not only that the civilian home defense forces were also deployed in some instance attempting to divide the community. At Dito and this will sound very familiar to us in this generation in this season of ours we remember NTF-Lcock we are still living under under NTF-Lcock and this is not new back in the time of Marcos anybody who opposed development projects sponsored by the government were tagged as Rebels were tagged as NPAs ngayon the termino that we use as terrorists but the same modus operandi really and ultimately this culminated in the death of a cleaning doula McLean was gunned down on the night of April 24, 1980 when soldiers of the Army Sports Infantry Division under Lieutenant Leo Degario Adelend fired at the house of McLean Dulag and Pedro Dumbo. Up to now no real vindication of the deaths of Pedro and Emma McLean have been have been given. So government is talking about restorative justice ang hirap ng conceptong yun kung wala pang pag-amin ng kasalanan anong ibabalik naloob or even just basic justice of accountability for crimes committed. Ilan pa, no? We highlighted the Kalinga story the but there is also the Cellophil Resources Corporation ito naman po ay nasa abla this is very this typifies crony capitalism ito ay idadagdag ko po doon sa sinabi ni Ma'am Tadem kanina isarin ito sa pag-aari ni Herminio Decino where you have 99 1565 I have to slowly save the numbers because it's mind boggling the sheer size of this timber pulpwood license agreement when they would criminalize no indigenous peoples for practicing their Kenyan system and yet they would left and right north to south issue this kinds of agreements to to favorites to their cronies. In the south as well nandon din yon so it's also very emblematic kanina na mention na po na nasabi na si Anthony Florendo ngayon siya pa rin ang mag-aari sa Tagum Agricultural Development Corporation and these are plantations hectares, hundreds of hectares of labs new-serping, occupying indigenous peoples lab mga manobo po doon sila ngayon ay largest exporter of bananas in the Philippines total land area 8,500 it's so big that when they do pesticide control kailangan na nakaeroplano para espray doon sa area isa pa po sa another extractant corporation is Nekal Asia Corporation founded by Manuel Zamora mahalaga po itong ma mention because the north of Mindanao is ravaged by mining projects and para sa ating kaalaman Nekal Asia Corporation is actually doing very well up to today the systems that supported it before continue to support now in fact under the cover of pandemic it reported 50% profit around that figure so habang maraming mga negosyo ay nagsasarado mining corporations are thriving the lumod struggle ito rin yung emblematic of our struggle with trans national corporations that it tawag natin multinational corporations it's very normalized we like dalmonte products we like dole products they seem rather benign and can very delicious pineapple and banana food products but in fact again most of the plantation is occupying blahan land and South Kotabato Tabuli Manobo in Bukignon the Higaonon of the Manobos as well and there were a presidential decrease and I mentioned now just one kung saan it favored government control and ownership where PD 705 declared all lands 18% in slope or over are automatically considered as forest land and therefore not inalienable and disposable meaning to say pag aari siya ng gobierno so itong conserto ng ancestral domain which is kabahagi ng right to self with management of ancestral domains which is kabahagi ng right to self determination ng indigenous peoples ay nababali wala dito is undermined because most of the ancestral domains are within the scope of the 18% ito po nulitrato nito ay kauna-una ang issue ng newsletter na lumad kung saan meron na rin by the 1970s to the early 80s a consciousness of the lumad identity paki-iisa laban sa magkaparehong mga issues na kinakaharap nila pagsasama-sama rather laban sa mga issues na kinakaharap nila isa pa at contentious if not controversial during the regime of marcos itong panamin or the presidential assistant to national minorities ito ay pinangasinwaan nimanda Elizalde became very infamous na feature ang Filipinas sa isang national geographic cover feature because we found stone age people in the Philippines later on this was found to be a big hoax again you see here this tendency to lie to shape narratives for their own for their own use it was supposed to be for the benefit of indigenous peoples but it was a divide and conquer tactic really because the mandate of panamin was to recruit and train indigenous peoples to be part of paramilitary groups and which was intended to support development corporate interests over ancestral lands ayaw kong masyadong maging madilim gusto ko rin ipakita at hi-highlight kung ano yung kala kasan na lumabas sa panakong ito solidarities sa kaigurota consciousness of the that reclaiming with pride of the agorot identity sinama ko dito si mother Petra no relation to makliyong dulang isang tingabuntok ang ginawa po nga ay nung nalaman nila na may nagpaprospect na isang minahan a group of women a group of mothers went to the engineers unbear their breasts we dare them to harm the womb from where they came and this allows us again to intuit if I could over read into the statement of mother Petra isang paanyaya, isang isang hamun na umalala at makita how indigenous peoples are definitely related with nature it isn't just farming really, it isn't just it's a whole notion of agroecology that harkens to this relationship of land yun nga, how can you own that which outlives you and this concept of stewardship versus owning versus dominion, care versus dominion ilan po ito sa born of the fire were strong communities that came together at bilang paggunita sa kamatayan di pinagderiwang po ang cordy day kung saan it became it became a a space for people to share to learn of the struggles of the coviliana people and to share their struggles also so madalas ito ay by international indigenous peoples as well that share their own learnings and again to form that solidarity at napakahalaga din po gaya na ginagawa natin ngayon isang pag-aalala pag sasariwa doon sa lumipas ito po ay bago lang na itatag memorial sa kanil para sa mga napas lang ang mga heroes ng kalinga struggle kung pupunta po kayo doon ay madadaan ninyo ito po ay bilang pag-aalala sa kanila and yet at the same time circa 2021 the specter the legacy of marcus and that kind of strong hand is still very prevalent kasi ito po ay dinismantle ng mga kapulisan at the cover of darkness allegedly when in fact this was a memorial that was instituted by the peoples themselves no so the legacy in many ways very nervously lives on pero hindi po nagpatinag yung mga community mulini lang itinayo ang bantayog na ito mulini lang gustong ipakita to claim this is a part of their history and the struggles that they did go through and the solidarity that they formed napakahalaga po yan dahil yung nagbabantang pag-uulit ng kasaysayan kung hindi tayo maingat kung hindi natin dini-dinig yung dambana na mula sa nakaraan at kung hindi natin pinutugdong yung dambana sa kasalukuyan na nagbabadyang project ngayon as if we have not learned ito po ang landscape ng Koldilyera at makikita nyo po yan yan po ang daloy ng Chico river and what is at stake not just for the communities but I would say for the Filipino nation and how it speaks of how we treat our natural resources how we treat of our indigenous communities as well papasadahan ko lang po ito bilang pagtangkana ikalampag ang dambana sa mga kasalukuyang nangyari ngayon at kung gano ka ikting ang hamon na buwagin ang legacy of Marcos because if we are not careful it will repeat itself that kind of development project of economic development paradigm is still very dominant in our government's policies kung hindi man World Bank project napalaitan ito ngayon ng isang chevron project hindi hydro power kundi geothermal power plant naman but we take inspiration from the northern mountains we look to the mountains very strong like our parents like our elders and take inspiration from that but hopefully tayo nismo ay kakalampag sa dambada para ting umalala never again to Marshalo yun lang po dito po bakta tapos sa ating kuento maraming salamat maraming salamat po mamay para sa inyong mahusay na presentation honestly ngayon ay medyo pinipis together ko pa kung paano ba itray mag comment, mag wrap up dito sobrang nakakayak yung account at pag-diditail ng struggles ng indigenous peoples under Marcos rule and how it is continuing up until today nakakausubo talaga ang inyong presentation akmak talaga yung inyong title na economic mal-development at the expense of indigenous peoples dahil pinakita po ni mam na at saka na mga unang pagpagsalita na hindi makamasa hindi maganda ng mga policiya ng economy natin pero additionally pangit na ngayong policiya nirarachada pa rin sila sa pinsala ng mga IPs natin inemphasize po na ng bottom line ng Dr. Takeban yung sa kainin po kulturel siyang practice sa kanilang pagaani pero tinutureng itong crimen ngunit ang rehimeng Marcos mismo yung gigiba ng mga gubat yung bubuwag ng mga community na nasa ancestral domains lupa na nasa kanila na since time immemorial para ibigay sa kanyang mga kaibigan sa kanyang mga favorite para sila-sila lang ang gagamit magtatayo doon na mga infrastructure mga yung development aggression na sinabi pero at what cost ilang buhay, ilang community ilang kultura ang naapektuhan ito hindi mo may imagine na ganun ka lala pero kaya naman talaga nagkaisa ang ibang mga IPs sa laban sa mga policiyang pinipilit ng Marcos patulo yung mga efforts na i-destroy yung gantong pagkakaisa yung pagbabahan together para patulo yung same old and unproductive policies yung implement yun po, Sir Francis kaya po, anapong pagtinginin nyo? I totally agree with you SR at may nabasa kong ating mga comments sa me nagsabi dito na first time to hear a more detailed picture dealing with indigenous struggles na talagang napakabusay nung naging presentation ni Mamay and we'll be expecting nang marami pang mga tanong yung makukuhan natin tungkol dito kasi nga isa siguro ito sa mga topic na hindi masyadong nubibigang pansin kapag tinuturo sa mga paaralan lalo na sa grade school or high school so mamaya babali ka natin ito questions of our participants na so bago po naman po tayo dumako doon sa ating kuling tagapagsalita atong hayan po natin ang isang maikling video mula sa National Historical Commission of the Philippines na pinamagatang ang totooong kuwento ng OFW ako sabi ko kung magbago ang Pilipinas babalik ako nagpunta ako ng Kanada noong 1975 iniwang ko yung family ako yung Marshall nagkakarunan ng crisis yung sweldohan ay hindi sumasagot sa living wage hindi lang yung pamilya mo yung immediate family mo kasi maraming nakatira sa iyo meron akong tatlong pinsa na na sa bahay tapos yung kapatid ko dinidimandin ng nana'y ko na aid finance ko yung studies niya samantala sabi ko kung meron akong tatlong anak hindi kumakaya yun kaya na hindi talaga mangkakasya yung kita mo ang ginawa ng gobernong magpalis ang katapadalakan ang masumalaki sa paminya mo makakapangpaaral ka ng anak na sa private school mga anak ko masabadan yung feelings nila bakit ko daw sila iniwan na sandawa ko noong gailangan ako noong nasaero plano na ako I have the urge to get out and jump and go back noong panahon na ni Marcos ang dami na talagang maalis na na na Pilipino ang dati nila doon natutupla sa nila kung ano hirap nila dito ganun din ang mas worse pa ko rin sa mga kaya hindi na naman ng karamehan kasi yung mga mismo OFW nilang ikwento yung situasyon nila doon ko lang na realize na my God, sabi ko ang galito noong sa mga kapwa ko sa nana ko magulang hindi pala sila ang may kasalanan kasalanan ng kondisyon ng systeman ng Pilipinas hindi magkakarong ng fundamental change sa Pilipinas hindi hindi mababago ang kondisyon ng mga Pilipinos So ngayon naman po ay da-dapo na tayo sa ating ikaapat at huling tagapagsalita na tatalakay sa Labor Export at OFW Phenomenon na ong panahon ng Dictadurang Marcos siya ay Professor Emeritus at dateng dekano ng UP School of Labor and Industrial Relations o Solare at isa sa mga pinakakilalang experto sa usapin ng Labor Relations at Labor Market Studies sa Pilipinas at Asia Pacifico Ang ating huling tagapagsalita ay nanungkulan rin bilang Under Secretary for Labor Relations sa Department of Labor and Employment at aktibong bahagi ng iba't ibang mga samahan tulad ng Freedom from Death Coalition Integrated Rural Development Foundation at Philippine Movement for Climate Change isa sa kanyang mga akdat ay ang Libroong Green Jobs and Green Skills in a Brown Philippine Economy na hindi din bagong 2010 ng International Labor Office ating poong sa lubungin ng isa masigabong palakpakan si Professor Emeritus René Iofrenayo Isang mapagpalang araw po maraming salamat kasama Francis, kasama René at sa mga kasama dito sa webinar na ito. Napakaganda po ng video ipinakita nyo sabi ko parang dadali ang aking presentasyon ang message po na pagalingaw kung magbabago ang situasiyon sa Pilipinas at gaganda ang kalagayang para sa lahat bakit nga maingin bambayan? Ang paksa ko po can I share the screen? Okay. Okay. Nakikita po nyo. Yes, sir René. It's on the phone. Ang paksa ko po ay medyo na iba birting of the nation's life saver the overseas Filipino workers medyo mas maramiho ang discussion ko kung ko sa nabangin na rin kanina na Dr. Tadem ang se-issue ng economic policy ng bansa because right now there is a virtual cottage industry na mga pag-aaral, pananalixic assessment sa kalagay ng OFWs. Napakarami po, natu only sa dito sa loob na UP sa kahit ang iba-diba mga pamantasan at mga research institutions abroad andami mga studies pero pinakamarami doon ay mga historia ng Tagulaylai Tagulaylai ng mga Tagulaylai ng mga illegal trafficking limandikada na po yan. Tagulaylai ng mga victiman ng kafala sa Middle East. Tinatago ang kanilang mga passport. Tagulaylai ng mga victiman ng Osrero. Victima ng mga ahente rin sa Bili Binas and victimari ng mga ahente pagdating sa So let me proceed with my presentation. May silang po ito. Let me start with a joint summary ng kalagaya ng situation natin in relation to the OFWs. Ito po yung mga bagay na alam natin na lahat ang Pilipinas po, ang economiya ay dependent sa diaspora. Yung pag-aaral po ng commission ng Oversies Pilipinos, meron tayong 11 million OFWs and Oversies Pilipinos. Almost 1 third po ang Oversies yung permanent. Pero sa binagit kanilang video labin 5 million na ang kalilang estimate. And then they send close to 3 billion dollars a month. Ang sabi ng isang kibigan namin industrialist that is pure money. Hindi yan gan. So that is the oil nagpapagulong ng ekonomiya ng bansa. In fact, that is true because at least one fifth to one fourth of the population directly subsist on remittances. And that is why po taong daon, pag tinanong bakit lumalago ang ekonomiya ng Pilipinas and laging sagot na maeconomista consumption led. But ito po ay in the last 15 years only because no mga unang panahon ayaw nilang recognize ang papel ng OFWs. So in the say wise, ito po yung mga indos yung na bubuhay sa OFW remittances, karamihan ay nasa services. More, supermarkets, real estate, nostalgia, entertainment, appliance, furniture. May mga nagtanong nang kaya Henry C. Bakit nagtatayo ka ng MOA in a place na napakalayo sa tao? Sabi hawa lang problema do dumugin nyan at ang dumug-dumbug nga mga OFWs. So what we have seen is the phenomenal expansion of labor migration. Ito na karangap at dimandikada ay siyang naging tuntungan ng ekonomiya para mabuhay and in recent years mag-force ng high-economic growth not necessarily because of good agricultural policies but because tulituloy ang nang remittances. So yung po ang gan. Now in relation to this ang nice ko punta lakayin ay ano ba ang circumstances ng panahon ng martial law na nagbigay po ang sa kakarawan tayo ng programa o patakaran sa labor migration as an economic and employment program of this state. Dupo sa video ganina si Nabi nagpapadal may migrant workers pa nangpanong the other century sa Hawaii pero hindi po sila bahagi ng isang official economic and employment program ng estado. Danikalwa bakit lagi nung 1970s, 1980s kay Corey, kairamos, kairap, nag-antawag siya sa labor migration program na minaman eho ng gobierno ay temporary o kaya stop gap. So bakit and then bakit nag itong permanently temporary? And then sa holy po hindi pagusapang po namin ano ang dapat gawihin para eriting yung overseas labor migration katulad ng mensaje nung video kung pano ayusin ang ekonomi sa ating bayang sinilangan. So, medyo maiba po, nice kung ay warning kayo, ang discussion ko ay very much related sa isyo ng industrial policy. Now, nice ko panggitin dito yung labor migration ay hindi po bahagi ng economic employment blueprint na iginuhit nung panahon ng martial law. In particular, yung iginuhit ng National Economic Development Authority it was established in 1972 and then every five years may silang Philippine Development Plan. So, nung pung idiklara ang martial law na 1972 ang economy ay in shambles mataasang unemployment and isa dahilampo niyan ay yung austerity program na inimposed ng IMF we have this peso flotation. Yung 350 to a 1 ratio ng peso to the dollar naging almost 7 pesos. Crazy sa mga indusya, negocio at trabaho and of course, 1970 to 72 malaki ang political turmoil na gilamit ang mani Margos para na dahilan para magdiglaran ang martial law. Now, after the declaration of martial law dalwa pung mahalagang economic developments ay langyari. Number one, liberal economies from the presidential economics tab gain ascendancy and organize the National Economic Development Authority at pag upo nila at pagkabuwan ng NEDA din iklar nila ang programan ng Filipinas ay labor-intensive export-oriented industrial program. At ito po, part ni din asket na rin in Dr. Ed, pero ang idea po ng liyo, nakakaliyo po ito ay maging export-oriented tayo at malaki ang panday digang palenke at gamiti natin maging labor-intensive mamapapang unemployment. So, at yung ikalwa po pangyayari din iklara po ng World Bank after the martial law declaration, ang Filipinas as an area of concentration. At ito po, nagsimula yung yung gun pagging tayo ay parang colony nito ang IMF at World Bank. At ang World Bank at IMF immediately, nakayosin na ng consultative group of credit of countries for the Philippines, Chilean Nagar, orchestrate na development finance. Maganda ho pangal na yung term na development finance, financing development. Pero financing development as outlined by Nega or as outlined na ito mga liberal economies behind the LIO program. So, the reality is yung pung declaration ng martial law is a big triumph sa mga liberal economies. Bakit po? Kasi po, nung bago on the eve of martial law, ang Kongreso sa pangunguna po ni Speaker Laurel katulung niya yung ilang Nationalist Economist sinamaningap, kataipo ito ni Joseph Piapp, Alejandro Lichaco, mga Nationalist Economist, nagpasa sila ng yung kapo resolution, magna carta for social justice and economic freedom. At ang idea po dito i-revive yung Filipino first policy ni Garcia. Numpon 1997-1961, malagas yung Spirit of Economic Nationalism sa pangunguna ni Clara M. Recto. Kaso nasirap po yung program na yung ni Garcia sa pag-atbinanatan ng U.S. Embassy in the way associated with the communists at ng pung panahon na yun in the 1950s ay panahon po ng Cold War. But today, nakikita nyo, wala problem ang America mag-declare America first and then all countries are saying sila ang nangunguna. Pero ng panahon na yun ay iba ang politics. At dito sa resolution of magna carta and layunin ay magkaroon ang full integrated industrialization from downstream to upstream binasusi sa paglikhan ng trabaho including sa bagayos ng payment situation. Bakit po full industrialization? Bakit po magamang maraming industry na tayo na on pero dependency sa mga imported inputs mga makina narunta'y sa light processing at wala yung meron tayo lang basic industries pero hindi ma-develop-develop so hindi integrated. Pero ang sabi naman itong kan I'm sorry I have to state the name of some economists then si Herardo Cicat at ang kanyang mga kasamahan si na jump power na nirahan sila jansa sa isang institution dito sa UP ang sabi nila position ninyap ay bad economics hindi nang mag-deliver ng trabaho sa kanila ang paraan ay buksan ang ekonomiya to the larger market outside sa pag atnapakalaki buksan ang ekonomiya sa mga foreign investment sa pag sila mag-generate ang jobs at i-reduce ang tariff protection ng mga local industry at alisi nyo mga trade restrictions sa pag atsilaraway masyadong naging inefficient tinawag bilang sa gapa nilang rent seekers so ito po yung program ang import substitution by the way yung pung import substitution policy pinangunahan i Miguel Cuaderno ng central bank no 1950s 1950s 1960s Dalman Decada po na almost double digit annually ang industrial growth and that's why ng 1960s ang sabi ng World Bank ang Pilipinas is number 2 sa Japan in industrialization in Asia ay ito ngayon ang gusto nang itumba nina Jerry Sigard sa pag atang gusto nila itong liyo so yung pung sa debate na yun unfortunately na talo yung mga nationalist economies yung ibayata kinulung pa so but yung debate po sa tukos ang employment generation at sa pagtriacto sa labor magpatuli po at I find it interesting na may mga articles yung Jerry Sigard siy na sabi niya yung away niya kay Blasople in relation to labor policy sabi niya ito si Blasople masyadong makalabor at masyadong itinotulag ang higher minimum wage minsa misinulad pa si Sigard na we are a poor country with masyadong nag-bebegay ng generous labor benefits kasi ang punto de mister ni Sigard hindi mo naman siya masisisi sa pagkatang development ang kanyang framework sa economics po yung tinataw na comparative advantage kasi para mag-invest ang negocio lalo na dayuhan ay di sa mag-alahi yung abundant, cheap, skilled labor and then pag-lumagun na yung economy then you can give benefits to the workers later on so ganun ang kanyang kwan so ano po naman nangyari sa silent debate yun pero nakaro na akumadasyon sa isa-isa yung dalwa but in general si Sigard ang matagumpay sa pag atyong layo labor intensive export oriented industrialization na enthroned is the overall economic development strategy kung gusto niyo po ng probating ng po yung literature na neda nung panahon ayon ito po yun na reinforce pa ng infrastructure loan secure pwenda World Bank IMF at napakalagas ng kapangyarihanon ni Jerry Seagot sa pagkat sila nag-outline ang infrastructure projects na pwede impunduhan ng World Bank in particular yung green revolution sa agriculture nevertheless si Ople gain some benefits for labor such as the policy requiring employers to clear first with the ministry of labor any employee termination. Napaka powerful po ng policy na yun sa pagkat today is so easy to terminate terminate at saka na lang magharap sa arbitration o sa support nung panahon ayon to a certain extent you have to give it to Ople although tango naman si Adu sa Repressive Policy nung panahon na yun na bawala mag-strike bawala magkaroon ng assembly ang mahikita ng limat tao under Jar Order No. 5 so so base dito sa ganitong kalagayan na karo po na nilunsa yung ni Ople yung manpower export program na base dito and then ang gilawa naman kasi nung panahon na yun nagbukas ang Middle East nanalo ang Middle East na mga countries makuwan nila ang subreniya sa langis at mula sa multinational at sila ang magpapatagbo ng kanilang ekonomiya big lang dumami ang kanilang hawak na pera na puntawag in a petrol dollars at dahil sa petrol dollars ayon na karo na pagkatawang magkaroon na mga investment sa infrastructures so massive industrialized infrastructure development sa Middle East sinamatala po yan na nablas Oble makaroon ang manpower export program so yung po ang term nila in salib na labor migration ang term is manpower export at ang mga mga gawang puputanon ang tawang nila ay OCWs or versus contract workers na sabi nga isandati kong kaibigang dekanos ay upikalis of law parang overseas contract workers parang workers on a lease at mga tamay pa'y siya sabi di din bakungan anyway the reasons advance the program was a interim one sabi because the economy and the Dahlia program na nila ay hindi pa nagtik up kasi pag nagtik up mapupunong ang bansa ng trabaho mapupunong ang indusiat investment sasagana ang bansa and then the reason ay simple kikita pa ng foreign exchange now most of the OCWs na pinadala sa middle east ay mga skill construction workers hindi pa usanoon yung mga caregivers kwan yung po yung mga unang wave na no 1970s and then kasi at itong isanda nagreact negatively sa may dito sa employers confederation of the Philippines sa po kan na nung napakahilap na bigla na na nakita nil ang hilap maghanap ng carpentero maplammers electricians sa pag atini higup lahat na middle east and then nung panong na yung nagbukas ang ocean going shipping industry that's why ang iti na yung ng mga institutions ministry of labor kasi noon ay kwan tayo parang parliament more ministry of labor employment ay itong overseas employment development board or ADB and national cement board ay itong ayun nangyari ay yung temporary yung temporary become permanently temporary bakit kasi yung yung structural transformation program na iginuhiti na jersey cut sa neda at sa kanil na pagpag-usap sa IMF pag-work back yung outward looking industry strategy hindi naman nang deliver ng promise jobs and higher your growth for the country. That's why in 1974-75 nang ininosad yung manpower export na process nang ng mall less than 40,000 OCWs tama po yung sa video pero by early 1980s mahigit ng 300,000 workers and then mahigit na 100,000 seafarers nakasagay ng mga barco by 1990 ang record ng Pilipina naka tumanggam ng Pilipinas ng remitas na $1 billion and after 1990 lahat na lang ng mga merung county skills may contact sa mga recruiters to have na lang na apply sa overseas so yung wala pang 1 million so ngayon lumubo na lumubo every year and that's why by the turn of the century or millennium talagang-talagang very very clear we are a remitas driven economy at at pinantani na pangalan ng OCWs nakakayayada yung term na yun so ito si Kebigan ko siya biskompisor sabi niya tavagin natin si lang overseas Pilipina workers so mas maganda na ting OCWs din deploy sa over 100 at silang ngayon matatagpuan nyo sa 150 160 yanda ang bilang countries outpost worldwide including yung sa arctic and Antarctica meron po niya sa Siberia may Pilipino lahat na to sum up the temporary manpower export program continued nung ikawang henghati ng 1970s hindi na mo lakalakin proglaman isikad and subsequently in the 1980s lalunan bilang gini Dr. Ed yung crisis in 1980s and then to 1990s and 2000 patulip po ng po 1995 natagulu tayo dahil inexecute ng Singapore government itong si Plur Contemplation dahil napatayata yung employer niya despite yung panawagan ng Pilipinas tinuloy nila so nag-rebel di ang ang ang jario ang mga media bakit pinababayaan ng Pilipinas itong ating mga heroes at heroines tinan nyo ang kalagaya na nina Plur Contemplation so nakakot si Fidel Ramos tinayo niya agad yung dangkay co-commission pinadresign pa niya si Nyebes Kompresor at siyong isang foreign affairs secretary at isang bunga po na tayo na tayo ng Migrant Workers Act at dahalwa ang tunguhin ng act i-derregulate ibig sabihin bawasin ang papel ng gobierno at the same time it pays out ang labor mag-migration member po ako ng Oversight Action Group para dito sa dangkay co-commission pero ano po nangyari the opposite happen sa pag ating din ang mamapigil ang pag dagsaan ang gusto lumabas ng basa umal inigwasan ang crisis sa lob ng basa nagahalam ng Green Passure Circle and ng panahon ng araw Gloria Macapagalaro finally sabihin nila kung na tayo magtalo sa temporary o test agap si Patrick Dutomass tinawag nalang nga yung labor migration is managing migration so and then spatial focus on protection so maliwanag maliwanag sa sikat ng araw yung temporary manpower expert program became permanently temporary sa pag at failure ng industrial transformation sa ating bansa ng 1970s 1980s 1990s tuto po ano karo nang siya sabi structural changes pero hindi po yung katula ng iniisip ng mga proponens na layo na later on pinaltan na ilang pangalan naging EOI na lang Export-Oriented Industrialization and then if you are familiar with the global discourse on neoliberalism ang lama po nito ng EOI usually reflected sa mga letters of intent ng IMF in 1980s at do sa ma memorandum ba pag agreement with the World Bank in 1980s ito ang tawag mga civil society campaigners for a jazz global order Washington consensus anyway noon anata yung mga EOI industries ay yung export-led garments industries pero wala naman sa domestic textile industry impact na matayang textile industry partly because of smuggling ng imported textile but ngayon po halos patay na rin ang garments industry sa pag at yung mga nakakita yung investor ng cheaper sites so yung po ang tawag yung food loss industry of course na rin yung electronic semiconductor industry ang laki ng 1970s 1980s 1990s pero nag-platu starting in 2000 and then at ang problema we are focused on assembly ng mga parts lower assembly sa pag at yung higher assembly ay ginagawa ng mga bansa kadulan na Singapore Malaysia so these two twin industries may yun na nagdagam mo pa na toy industry et cetera hindi sa pat para trigger na tinatawang dynamic transformation ng industrial sector let alone of the whole economy now at the turn of the millennium it's very clear na the industrial sector as a whole is in crisis dahil bumabagsang yung ui sector nil nagdogro yung ISI sector naman is slow by slow decline so ito po yung pinomino na tinatawang na deindustrialization and again the statistics bear this out at maramin na di na sulad ano ba yung nangyari sa Pilipinas the industrialization at yung agriculture naman as we describe by doctor at the agricultural development so we have a hallowing out of the economy the real sectors of the economy down at ang namanagas ay yung services at yung sabi nila ang Pilipinas is unique kasi ay saya naman ekonomi na naging service-led economy without going through an industrial revolution and agricultural modernization so why the failure in industrial transformation so medyo pa say siya na kayo dito pero kung tila mga historical background kasi po yung inisip nina Jerry Seacott yung Leo U.I hindi naman kapariha po yung kinawa na Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore and China because these countries are always excited by the outward looking economies yan ang mga modelo na if you go outward looking lalaki ang bansa but hindi hindi ganung ang kasi hindi ang kinawa ninto mga bansa na ito hindi po nila inabandon yung local industrial local industries whether export oriented or not ngayon lang nagbabawas na by the way at ang China po labin liman taon ang negotiations at World Trade Organization bago tinanggap bakit labin liman taon sa pogat ang negotiation nila sa tariff calibration line by line meron po mga 10,000 tariff lines tayo naman nang negotiate sa WTO isang saglindan the whole industrial sector the whole agricultural sector wholesale lamsam wala pang ilambuan agreement na kasi wala tayong development framework wala tayong maliwanag na framework na alim bang ating hindi develop alin ang ating ipabimimimigay ito po mga bansa na ito they invested heavily on human resource development acquisition of technology so yung reverse engineering na Japan no 1950s kinopia po ng Taiwan sa Autoria ang yun ang China naman kaya magigedin yung alakin ng away ng US China sa technology saabi nilang magnanaga ang China ng technology now isang ironic outcome po no 1970s ang South Korea po e mas pobres sa Pilipinas and together with the Pilipinas nanday deploy sila sumama sila sa deployment ng migrant workers sa Middle East pero no 1990s ang South Korea po niridusan deployment and it became a labor-receiving country because ang karma ng dramatic industrial transformation ang tawag po dito is na karma sila na tinatawag na turning point or migration ham na yung ok pa palabaskan ng tao dahil hirap ang yung bansa wala may bigay na trabaho maliid ang income pero pag nandevelop na domestically magbabalikan kadula na sinasabi ng video pero sa atin yung migration ham hindi pa natin nakikita kung kailang mangyayari we could have achieved yung gilabu ng South Korea kung mas naging tolerant ang economic policy planners sa mga ibad ibang idea at pinaglalaman di di ba di? Ali ba mas magaling? Do po sa school of economics nag-aral ko ako yan ang isang taon ang isang nakita kung magaling na professor dyan at ito si Dr. Amado Castro at nung early 1970s sinulad niya na with the hindi-pending patuli ang ISI industry sabag at masyadong dependence ang imported industrial raw materials mga machinery et cetera so therefore nagtutulip po yung sabalas of payments crisis so ang solution po niya side by side ok magpromote ka ng export but side by side palalimin mo rin ang industrial structure ng domestic ito po exactly in summary ang ginawan lang japan sa Korea, Taiwan, Singapore at ngayong ginagawa na in China so anong yari po yung yung mga proponence ng NIO-EO ay parabagang just focus on export ignore if not punish the lokas so nung po sa mabansabi nangginko ang industrial champions nila ay galing sa yung mga world champions nila galing si Sakalila mga ay tayo, wala tayo masabing world champions so ang South Korea merong Samsung ang japa may Toyota and then merong tinatawang na forward backward linkages at yung po na wala do sa mga tinayon ng garments, electronics maswerte lang po tayo medyo pumasok sa atin yung BTO sector and then local industries punished by uncoordinated liberalization, high taxes sempre panay ang fiscal incentives nila sa mga naging investment export processing zone so si nung bubwisan, mga local and in local consumers so we infrastructure support for the lokas at yung nga po nung wala yung potentials intersectoral growth kasi purely export oriented development plans so what is the way forward so mga taktapus na po ako ang reality po unlabor migration has become a major pillar of the economy more than 10% do say sa nabasok mo ng GDP we are number number three after China in just a number of migrant workers pero yung dependence remittances dito sa Asia, number one at tayo and then one cannot just wish it away so ang isang malaking hamo po is how to rebuild the national economy so hopefully itong ginagawa nating mga webinar retinking development retinking nga mga EOI ang EOI retinking nga mga lalo na with the digital situation retinking development in the time of COVID ito nung panahopon ikaw nung secretary of foreign affairs sabi niya bakit di natin it develop immobilize yung savings ng OFWs if there are meeting mga 30 billion dollars a year 10% of that is immediately 3 billion sa mantala ang pumapaso na foreign investment in the Philippines yung real hindi yung pledges ay wala pang 1 billion so but kinakalaman ka na mga mga mga mobilization program nangkalo sila ng AWI politikali ni madam Arroyo at yung kanyong napakaganda ng programa nakausap niyang ateneyo at yung UP law M and U hindi natuloy isa na matuloy na ito dahil malami tayo nga college of law ang idea ang OFWs magpul ng kanilang savings mag-invest sa mga different community stress mag-invest sa mga health nation ng community katulay ng isang community hospital and then other models na pinagusapan ng ibadiba mga CSO a number of OFWs have been exposed also though high technology processes and sophisticated industrial production actually ito po yung gilagawa ng nang mga taiwanis even the Japanese even yung mga Chinese nang magpadala sila na may scholars abroad the idea acquired the technology acquired that knowledge and then it translates mo at home ito po maraming mga giling ng OFWs dapat po tingnan ng DOSC and DTIDA paano yung mga natu-tuna nila ay ma-replicate sa Pilipinas of course taking into consideration yung reality and local conditions but that is the way forward of course siguro po dapat po ilibing na ilibing na itong EUI adog naman tayong siguro sobrang naman nang matagal na yung di ba di sa ISI nagtataka akong yung mga profesor para yung nagsasabi yung we are hindi tayo na develop because import substitution tayo and seeking ay nakalimutay nyo limandigada na yung EUI limandigada yung binobog yung ISI program of the 1950s and 1960s that gave the Pilipinas the ranking number 2 in Asia after Japan. So with this global pandemic and with countries now focusing on respective national priorities kailangan po talaga magaloon ng re-thinking but of course I do not claim I have all the answers but nananawagan ako sa mga organizers lalun-lalun na deiko kaya ating mag-iting na Vice President Perna sana ito isa sa pag-aralan na susunod na webinar na UP what is the way forward in COVID times habagad po hindi ito to o we can simply go back to the old normal at we go to the new normal hindi na mamariwanag may slogan na build back better pero again hindi mariwanag magsama-sama po tayo tayo ang isang bagong bansa maulad na hindi na mag-iisip ang mga tao na sila'y mag-abroad manan na tiri na manang dito kung minsan pupunta na lang because it kinakala mag-aral o exchange magandang ara po sa inyo lahat Paraming salamat po profrene sa inyong presentation pinakita po talaga dito kung ano yung picture ng labor policy nung time ng marshalo nung time ni marcos at kung paano siya ginawa talaga na hindi mas friendly siya sa ating mga labor sa ating mga mga gagawa and how this has produced this kind of setup na dahil dito ay parang napuero sa tayo na ang ating mga Pilipino ang talagang kukuha ng development na sana nga gawa naman natin dito sa ating domestic industries and domestic economy kung napagtugunan lang ng pansin naging comprehensive yung discussion natin naging comprehensive din yung discussions ng mga ibad ibang nating tagapagsalita kaya naman sa puntong ito atin po ang inaanyayahan ang mga tagapagsalita na magbukas ng kanilang mga video siisimulan na po natin channel discussion at Q&A Session naging po So again, maraming salamat Professor Emeritus Rene of Reneon So para po sa ating Q&A Session tulad nung binanggit kanina ni SR sa simulaan lang ating webinar pwede po kayo magpadalan ng inyong mga katanungan sa Q&A Box dito sa ating Zoom Session So again, iinbitahan po natin si Sir Ed to open their cameras nyan, so nandyan na rin si Sir Ed So para po simulan yung ating discussion at bago tayo kumuhan nung mga tanong from our participants and audiences meron kami inihandang ikling katanungan from the subcommittee dahil ito po isa sa mga goal siyempre nito ating webinar ay matutunan o malaman kung ano yung mga lessons from Marsha Luna dapat hindi na maulit kung ano yung mga pwede natin mapulot sa mga ito So upang simulan yung ating yung ating discussion So meron na tayong itong meron na tayo inihandang para sa mga tagapagsalita actually bahag yung nasagot na po ito nung ating mga speakers pero naniniwala kami na dapat ulit-ulitin ito at maslalo pang palalinin So mula po sa inyong mga presentasyon nakita ng mga participants yung ibad-ibang uri ng problema na corruption at kasakiman nung rehimeng marcos So hindi ko hindi ako sigurado kung strong enough itong mga salitang ito pero parang ito yung impression nung nakukuhan nung marami So ano ano po yung mga long-lasting effects ng mga ito na hanggang ngayon ay nananatiling nagpapahirap sa ating bansa kung baga ko irrelate natin sa current state ng Philippines itong nangyari nung panohon sa pertinent to economic policies where can we serious long-lasting effects? Si no pang gustong maunan? Siguro we can start with mam tesa Yes mam Maybe I just want to point out the issue of inequality It's not enough that palitan yung dictator and be with them kasama na ang mga cronies First long as the economic policies remain like what we have in martial law there will continually be inequality which will spell for economic capitalism So I think that's a very important point to note and inequality which is also brought about the vulnerability of the economic sector because I think it was expanded by Rene as well as by Ed So I think that's something to think about and of course since inequality because of the very entrenched political dynasties again we've had economic growth after martial law but there has been corruption High economic growth 7% but it was not equitable growth without equity So you will still continue to have goni capitalism and with that it will be tolerated but once the economic crisis will come then the question will now come in because the pie becomes smaller for people to share So that's one thing I'd like to share Thank you ma'am Tessa Sir Ed no? Gusto pa lang sigo palawigin yung nanggit ni Tessa na hindi pagkakapantay pan tay sa ating lipulan isang masusing problema na kailang talakain at mas matingka dito ang problema nito kaysa sa kahirapan sa pagkat kahit na umunlad man yung nasa ibabah umunlad o tumasa kailang mga sahod pero nakikita naman natin yung mga nasa ibabaw ay mas malakas yung kanilang pagunlad yung kita nila ay mas mabilis pakit sa pagdaas ng kita So kahit na ma tungayan mo yung problema ng low wages poverty et cetera kung yung inequality social inequality income inequality lalala yung wealth inequality ay patingkat pa rin hindi mo hindi mo mga mabibigyan ng solution ang problema ng ating bayan at ang nakikita kung dito ang problema ay tunggaliya ng dalawang sistema ang sistema na umunlad nyo yun alas ako ng mundo ay systemang kapitalismo dito ko nakikita ang ugat ng problema hindi lang nang ating bansa kung di nang iba pang mga bansa sa buong mundo pinakita sa pagaaral ng frances na ekonomista na si Toma Piketty yung sonorality niya yung kanyang libro yung Kapital in the 21st Century pinakita niya ang kanyang pagaaral ang ginawa ay pagaaral sa loob ng dalawang daang taon ng kapitalismo sa buong mundo nakita niya na ang nangyayari sa buong mundo ay habang lumalago at umunlad ang kapitalismo lalong nagiging matingkat yung dipagkakapantay-pantay So the more capitalism develops the more the higher are the rates of inequality at inugat niya ito dun sa relation of profits versus economic growth at pinakita niya na ang rate of growth ng mga kapitalista ay halos 3-4 times higher than economic growth So kahit na economic growth ka hindi pa rin ma hindi pa rin na mahahabul ni ito yung pagtahas ng tubo na mga kapitalista So sa tingin ko talagang kahit na hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang hindi lang Okay. Thank you so much, sir Ed. Mam May, do you want to add something? Salamat po. Sumasa ayon po ako sa sinabili sir Ed at jakan mam-test. It really is systems change. At siguro yung kailangan din natin maging very conscious that these are human-driven policies yung pagpili. Siguro dahil dinitignan na natin ngayon yung darating na-election. These policies do not exist in a vacuum. They exist in a political economy, hegemonic, so on and so forth. Tinapanda'y siya na mga taong may interest. So yung consciousness siguro na gano na, na ito na nagbigay na ng mga pangalan at paulit-ulit na lumalabas ang parehong mga pangalan at umuulad ba lumalali ang kanilang mga kabad. They're greatly entrenched. And so, pagpapalaw, higlindoon kay Prof. Ed yung certainly agree that it is capitalism. Sa Anthropology and in Discourses and Environment, contentious man yung issue ng pinatawag nila na Anthropocene. Pero ano ba ang drivers nito ngayon yung pag-yura sa ating kalikasan at iba pa? These are all extractivist, exploitative, capitalist enterprises. At kaya nga may nagsasabi din na itong Anthropocene are really capitalism. Ito yung system ang nagpapatakbonito, nagpapalalim, that we've normalized it. Siguro, eong ko, bilang mga bagabag tayo. Mabagabag tayo kasi yung ating realidad ngayon we are fed cake na mukhang okay. Also in this milieu of capitalism we have comforts that we forget with these comforts when we don't feel it. So parating namin sinasabi sa Anthropologia yung paki-kiisa, this immersion. At yung panayam ngayon, napakalalim ng mga datos na ibinahagi ng ating mga expeto. Saan na may ikabit natin ito doon sa what does inequality mean sa mga buhay-buhay ng tao? At yung damay-damay na when there is inequality it is not just indigenous communities that are impoverished also. We feel that also because the projects that are occurring in their ancestral domains will impact us. Hindi magkakahiwalay, may kantangad, lahat ng bagay at magkaugnay so it is system change. Pagbabago sa kaisipan, babagabag tayo. Thank you po, Doctor Mai. Prof. René po, do you have anything to add? May labi adandagdakan yung taklo na. Pero, nice ko lang banggitin dito. Pero isang magandang libro. Ito sinulan lang ang kibigan na di si Robin Broad at si John Cabana. Yung tinataw niyang doon sa panaw ng martial law alliance na mga technocrats at saka na mga cronies. Anang iyari kasi dito sa, ang tinataw na neo-liberal economics, may mga ilang aspeto yan pero ang mahalagang elements yan, trade, investment, liberalization, the regulation of economy, tapos privatization and then the regulatory sector by sector, yung economy. Just like that, the problem is aimless. And anang iyari naman under this system, like they take advantage naman yung mga malalaking capital. And right now, for example, in the present situation, okay, inaalis nila yung mga rules sa ka sa operation of public utilities. I understand kaya tayong nakakaroon ng public utilities para sila maniguro na makapagproduce yung basic services sa taong bayan, katulad ng tubi, koreante, sanitation, lahat na. But with the privatization and the regulation, sila sa mantala naman yan ng mga ilan ang higante. So makita mo, you have this monopoly sa telecom, monopoly sa infrastructure, monopoly sa power generation and distribution, et cetera. Ang sumatutal, mataas na presyo na mga kuanang ito mga bagay na ito. At pag nakakaroon ng pandemic saan sila po punta. And this is clearly illustrated sa ating health sector. Masiado pinabayaan under the neoliberal system yung health sector at infact pinipilit pang imobyo e-pulse yung tinatawag na privatization ng hospital, et cetera. Pero ang isang lesson is a COVID, a public emergency like this requires a public response at pagpapalagaas ng iyong health sector under the control of the government. So tinan nyo, even yung issue ng procurement na Kokorab, because understand this, liberalize this, privatize this. That's why kinakailan baguhin yung orientation. We need to develop a new development framework. Yung po ang maliang missing, kasi karamihan di sa neoliberal. Let the market be, let the supply and demand forces play it out and then let the fetus survive. Even in China today, si Jack Ma sumob sobrana. So he had to be tamed. Yung mga sama technology monopolies nila, they have to be tamed because otherwise sa sabog sila. We need a developmental state which brings me to a bigger problem. How do we develop and promote a developmental state? At dito po mahalaga yung consultation and dialogue with the people, sector by sector at yung po ang missing. Atipandemic ang approach nina, top-down militaristic approach, ang kinakailang po yan a whole-of-society approach. Dapat nakita rin natin yung ilang mga galing ng mayor, nakaka-adjust, sabog ka they are in touch with the people. Pero yung ilang hindi lalo na yung mga nasaitaas. But to make this yung people's participation, consultation, antara ang kinakailang palakasin. At yung po ng economic planning, make it more transparent, hindi lang yung laging nakasuso dyan sa IMF, sa ADB, sa World Bank. Tano hindi muna nilang bayan para sa ANBA yung pangungudang? Ayun nakita natin sa karana sabi ng GNA, Professor May. Basta lang na naisin nila, kailamog tayo ng dam. Just like that. Without consideration of what's happening sa indigino sa people. So we need a, well it's a bagong development paradigm. Well I agree with May, system change. Thank you po. Maraming salamat po, prof. René para po sa inyong insights. Pwede na po tayong pungunta sa mga tanong, na pinanong ng mga audience dito sa Zoom at saka sa Facebook. Ito po, galing po kay Roline Joyce Marohomsar. Can we safely say that the infrastructures Mark has built during his administration didn't really give us much profit and that infrastructures during his time don't equate that we were in a golden age. Pinoyed out nya kasi na yun yung narrative ng karamihan ng mga apologists. They always list down the things they made and gusto niyang mag-clarify if we really benefited from it. Siguro maybe we can address this po to Dr. Eduardo Tadim po. If there is, kumereman isang matingkad na characteristic of the massive infrastructure program of Markos. Ayaw na yung corruption. Naging ano ito, naging itong infrastructure projects ay naging milking cow ng Markos mismo, ang kanyong acronis, ngang rand na yung mga nasa malalapking construction companies. At ito ay debt-driven. They were all funded by foreign loans and they were big-ticket projects, mga malalaking dambuha lang mga infrastructure projects. Nasatingin ko ay hindi naman, hindi mga kailangan, hindi mga mga kailangan gumuan ng isang dambuha lang dam para magkaroon ng irrigation ang mga mga sasaka. Hindi mga naman kailangan gumuan ng apaka laking dam para magkaroon ng water supply ang mga consumers sa urban areas. Pero alam nung, alam nyo nga, the bigger the project, the bigger the corruption involved kasi alagang limpak-limpak na salap yung higinong Google dyan. Lalo-lalo nasa pag they were all funded by foreign loans. Lumaki, lumaki lalo ang foreign debt ng Bansa dahil sa mga infrastructure projects na yun. Kaya nga nagkaroon ng debt crisis ang Pilipinas in 1983-84. Karoon tayo ng tatlong moratoriums on debt repayments. Karoon ng nego-session sa more than 400 international banks para mariscadulong debt repayments. Ang pinakasahul na alibawa dito ang Bataan Nuclear Plant, nga grave yung corruption pinakita ni Tesa kanina kung magkano yung commission na puhan ni Disney sa panayon. Pag tapos it was an overpriced, not only was it overpriced, it was also an old technology ang panayon na hindi na masyadong ginagamit. Pag tapos tulit-tulit yung pagbayad ang binayon ng Pilipinas noon on a daily basis ng debt repayments sa Bataan Nuclear Plant, ay $250,000 per day. At nabayaran lang yun ang 2005 o 2006 lang. So you just imagine yung wastage ng public funds yun. Hindi naman nag-amit nalaga yung Bataan Nuclear Plant because the location was faulty. May earthquake fault yun, may mga bulkan yun sa tabi-tabi. That was the worst place to put up a nuclear plant. Plus the fact that the nuclear plant is not a safe kind of power generation activity. So at sa ngayon nakita naman hindi nung pagbabahan ni Marcos, ang laki pa rin ang problema ng Pilipinas sa infrastructure. At pero yung lessons dyan ay hindi naman natungayan ng succeeding post-martial law governments. Patuloy pa rin yung ganyong classing pag-iisip. Yung mga malalaki yung proyekto, big-ticket items, foreign-funded, malaki yung foreign debt natin dahil dyan at na hirap ang tayong bayarin. Yung foreign debt problem alibawa ay, nagsimulayan ang panawin ni Marcos, pero patuloy yun sa pagkat sa merong batas na ginawa si Marcos, yung automatic debt appropriation. Ibig sabihin niya na doing gagawa ng budget ang Pilipinas. Ang ino-unan nila ay yung pag-buyad muna nabutang. Bago, bago social services, bago education, bago, kung anong mga budgetary allotments, sino-sigurad mo nila na merong ilalaan na pondo para sa budget para bayaran yung butang ng Pilipinas. At patuloy yung anong. Nung umupos si Corriacino, hindi niya pinigil, hindi niya, hindi niya pinapatuloy niya yung ganyong classing batas na debt repayment is the first cut of the budget. At sa ngayon nung mabut siya ng napakalaking halaga, mabut niya ng milyong-milyong piso. Halimawa, 2020 ang debt service natin ay umabut ng 492 billion pesos at ito ay halos 20% ng budget ng Pilipinas. Maraming salamat po sa tanong. Sa pagsagot dito sa tanong na ito. Asiguro follow up po nalang din po. Ito ay related na question asked by Miguel. It's actually addressed to Prof. Teresa. Pero either po could answer it. Why did the Corriacino government choose to repay Marcos' debt? The administration, he said, could have chosen another way to deal with the massive debt. Asiguro po, asigit po. Yes, ma'am. I think they were scared that the IMF World Bank will stop giving them loans if they don't pay the debts. And if you remember that led to the resignation of Solita Monson from the UP School of Economics, she was the net director general at that time. So there was that fear that they will lose the loans that they were going to pursue because they are still following IMF World Bank with regards to that. So they are still following that. Thank you very much Prof. Teresa. Sir Francis. Yes. So asiguro, daku naman tayo sa usapin ng pagtuturo. Panaho na ito sa ating mga mag-aaral. Lalo-lalo na sa elementary or high school. Kasi marami po sa ating mga attendees ngayon. I believe ay mga teachers. So sa, meron po tayo nakuhang tanong, although anonymous po yung nakalagay. Ayong apologize. So sa aralin panlipunan ng elementaria, nakasulat at na ituturo pa rin ang pagiging quote-unquote golden age ng ekonomia noong rehimeng marcos. Kaya ito ang tumatatak sa isip ng mga kabataan on paman. So Dap, naniliwala po ba kayo na dapat magkaroon ng isang malawakan revision sa curriculum ng edukasyon pang elementary and high school para maiwasan ang paglaganap ng kasinong alingang ito. Perhaps we can start with mamai. Nakakabahala ngayon na, it's very paradoxical. We have information right on our fingertips, literally as I speak to you now, I can google and figures will come out pero meron pa rin disjunct or hindi pagtanggap. Ang tingdilong hat-pack ng ating mga biases na malaman minanan natin sa ating mga magulang. May mga relatives ako na ilokano at naniliwala pa rin na golden ang kapanakuna ng marcos. So definitely kailangan natin baguhin yung ganong sistema. Pagkaalam ko, dapat ganunang ay. So nakakabahala na, nakakarinig tayo na mga kuyento na may ganong paring nakakapasok sa mga textbook ng ating mga kabataan at nakukuha nila yung kuyento ito. Di ko alam kung kailang bang repasuhin yung boong curriculum na tutukan ang kasaysayan na ito para bapalalin. Kasi it's also a deluge of information, and then you have two weeks to talk about martial law. This is contemporary and it continues to affect us. Siguro na pakahalaga na tutukan talaga siya. May mga ibang bansa na yung self-criticism, yung espasion, ang circumspection sa kanilang kasaysayan ay dinidiin doon sa kanilang edukasyon. We don't like the fresh conscientization, but perhaps we do consciousness, re-conscienticizing in a way. That it's not even conscientizing, but really just looking at data. Data, hindi tayo, hindi tayo. Ano ba, nakakapustray siya. So I'm lacking for words because from professor Eduardo Tadem, mam Teresa, professor Rene, ilang taon ng buhay nilang ginugul sa pag-aaral para mailabas sa mga datong ito. And yet it seems where we are now, it's not getting any traction. So yung siguro, how we can more than the school system, a cultural reframing of our history, an appreciation of history, an appreciation of economics, the sciences, the social sciences, para magagap ito. At higit sa lahat, how do you translate it, naabot ng lahat mga tao? Hindi lang sa iskwela. Kasi even that, like we're saying now, is rather suspect. Paano ito? So yun ay hamon. Wala din ako ng konkretong sagot, pero an encouragement of young people. How do we make use of the platforms that you know well now to let the truth be told? So yun lang po na. Salamat Francis. Okay, salamat po mamay. I think si Sir Ed ay nagtas na kamay. Sir Ed, go ahead. Bilong siguro footnote lang kung po dito sa problema ng educational, run as primary in high school. Nung 2000, first decade ng millennium, 2003-2004, nabigay ang World Bank ng napakalaking halaga miliyon sa pesos for a textbook, textbook project ng Pilipinas at binigay ito sa isang kumpanya para magproduce ng textbooks for, may getting for high school, thought parliamentary rin. At nagkaroon ang problema dito sa pag-expose na yung maraming nilalaman itong mga textbooks na ito. Hindi lamang sa science kung di pa sa geography, sa history, et cetera, et cetera. Kami naman na sa Freedom from Death Coalition ako noon, ay pinano namin yung World Bank, sabi namin bakit nyo pinayagan ito at hindi naman lang tinig na nito at nakipagpulong pa kami sa World Bank, representative dito sa Pilipinas. Upang tanungin siya direct yung status ng textbook project ng World Bank. At sabi nga sa amin, face-to-face lichin ito, sabi nga sa amin, para sa kanila, very successful yung textbook program na yun. At sabi namin, anong inyong indicator ng program, na success ng program nito? Sabi nila, our only indicator is the fact that the publisher was able to produce the books, the textbooks in record in the time that was allotted for producing the textbooks. So sabi nga namin, pero hindi nyo ba pinignan yung content, hindi nyo ba pinna-evaluate yung content ng mga textbooks na ito sa mga ibang experts. Sabi nila, hindi yung kasama sa kanilang evaluation. Para sa kanila, kung schedule will in one year produce the textbook, kung nagawa successful ng textbook na yun, ay yung program ng textbook. 100s of millions of pesos yung iginogul dyan sa textbook program. Kasama na dyan yung mga myths and misinformation ng the Marcos S. Marshalo at iba pang mga aspeto ng pagaaran ng ating mga kabataan, ng mga murang dad palamang. So dum palang, ahuhubog na nangin kanilang malhing pananaw. Ah, sinabi pa lang ng World Bank naman, dahil sa nagkaroon na doon ng mga criticisms sa content ng mga textbooks, ay naglaan uli sila na ibang pera para gumawa ng isang erata, isang erata dun sa textbooks na yun. Naumabot yata ng 1,000 pages ng erata. So sabi namin, so nagawa nyo ito, nagawa raw nila. Sabi namin, pero saan yung binigay itong 1,000 pages na ito? Sabi namin, binigay namin ng bawat principle ng high school at elementary ng isang copya para sa para dito. Sabi namin, hindi wala rin palang ano yun, wala rin palang sila yun. Principal lang ng high school o elementary ng copyo ng erata na yun. At sino nang mga babasa ng 1,000 pages na yun, para wastoin yung mga paka-kamali dun textbooks na yun. Para yung original textbooks, nando pa rin sa kamay ng mga guru sa high school at elementary na yung magtaka-kapong mga saka sa luku yun, ginagamit para yun nila yung mga textbooks na yun for lack of any alternative. Thank you, sir Ed. What about Professor Rene or Mam Tessa? Mayro pa ba tayo ilalagdag? Yes, pa. To take a look at what Dr. Maes say about social media platforms. Because aside from textbooks, mayyong mga kabataan, di ba? Atapit di ron yung silang nagbabasa. So usually Facebook yung social media. So I think very important trend, ma-mobilize itong mga platforms. Ya, and so I just wanted to point it out. And there's a lot of money being poured in for un-to-to propagation martial myths. So talagang kakalabanin mo yan. So that is the challenges that I had in front of us. And usually I get students and they, when we teach them especially when you go to UP, pa-ibang alam namin. Di namin alam na Marcus was bad in quotation by Tagailoko siya yun. So yan ang nga. But I hope siguro naman sanang mag-capturing at that level sa college level. But yan, yun lang gusto ko masang. Thank you ma'am Tessa, sir Renier. They have something to add po. Ya, okay. Yung po, napakahalaga ng issue ng pagbabuo ng national consciousness at yan nga nasa you go to Japan, sa Korea and now China and then even in other countries yung national consciousness yan nga mahalagang pabell ng educational system. At kawinay po nyan, napakahalaga rin ang pagduturo ng kasaisayan. And that's why kung kinakalapong mag-garoon ng review, hindi lang mas at depth, hindi lang patiched at saka test da. Yung test da, dami niya mga yung yung NC12, napakaraming NC, wala malang orientations sa development framework. Wala nga. But we call it technical education. So ko lang. Kahit dito po sa UP at one time there was a discussion downgrading yung pagduturo ng history as part of the education. Sabi ko, yung hindi sa UP, bakit na ganon ang framework? Kasi mahalagap po ang kasaisayan. And di sa consciousness, hindi lang mga consciousness na building na pambansa, consciousness building din sa commonidad na ginagalawan na mga bata. So actually, nakigita kong angayon dito sa one, yung reflection ng mga OFWs makatapos magapag save ng pera na pambili ng bahay at nang sasakyan at pangpapara ng mga bata. Hindi yung yung mga galing po sa mga depress, provinces, hindi mga balik doon sa mga provision nila. Kaya yung itong calabarson ayang kami din bolaka nang mumutik-tik na mga kwant, bahay na mga mijo nakapag nakapag-save na mga OFWs. Ida pa sana bumalik sila para share nila yung knowledge at siyong gun makahautulog sa pagpapagunlat. Kadun na nang nakintagod sa isang bayan siya sa batangas yung mga tagali sa itali. So nangkaro sila ng Italian village that is nakakakarumpu yan ng multiplier effect. This brings me back sa isyo kanina ng infrastructure. Infrastructure po pagpanoon ng crisis in all countries around the world they always think mag-stimulus spending tayo pa makarikober infrastructure. Kala hindi lahat ng infrastructure ay maganda. Yung pungnong marshalo po ang isang nabagalaking infrastructure project ay yung Pan-Pilipine Highway na sinuportahan ng mga hapon at naging pasaportipon nila yan para makabalik sa economia na Pilipinas because after World War II wala makatuntung na hapon ng dekada 50-60 because na tandaan ng mataw anangyari ng World War II so yun ang nga naging gun. But you see yung Pan-Pilipine Highway is very clear maganda naman tingnan ka lang it is meant to build a motorized system para may benda nila yung mga koche na yung mga koche na gawang hapon. Sa mata lang ang kailangan ng Pilipinas ay paro how to move goods and people at a reasonable rate. So dapat itinayo yung ng modernize yung railway yung papundang vehicle, papundang ilokos, dapat in extent nakarno na railway around Mindanao, et cetera because this is how our neighboring countries are doing business talagang napagahalagayon. So yun, isang cost ng very high cost of doing business at saka yung movement ng tao. Now with the pandemic ito pung ating gubyano for next year naglalaan ng mahigin na 1 trillion peso para sa infrastructure and then build, build, build again must be geared dito sa Kwan, kwan. Okay. Kung gusto nila ituloy yun ang sinasabi namin kung malis na magayon doon sa tinataw na big ticket projects na limited and job generation at ayung benefit sa taong bayang maliit magkarupot ay nang build, build, build sa mga depress, urban poor, peri urban, rural poor, coastal poor communities sa pag-anyang nagpug-pugad ang mga COVID at tapos ano po mga anong build, build, build. But you see namin yung mga kailang itayo ay ayos yung sanitation, ayos yung patway, yung sewage, ayos yung community center, ayos yung health clinic, ayos yung yung mga barangay centers makaruna ng community kitchen, et cetera. In other words, make it a community focus. Makakakiray ka ng mas maraming trabaho. At the same time, makakok COVID-proofing mo pa, makakclimate-proofing mo pa ang ating mga community because we're facing now itong apat na pandemic, yung COVID yung climate emergency yung kaninang din, ni-discussing na ed, inequality and of course, itong lumilipad na utang. So yung po, so in other words, it's a question of building for whom, building for what. Salamat po. Maraming salamat po, prof René, para po sa inyong sagot at sa mga sagot ng mga iba-iba natin speaker tanong nanari dito. Unfortunately, meron po tayong time limit. Kaya po, kung siguro, kakayanin po ng mga speakers, pwede po nilang itayp yung mga sagot nila. Sa Q&A portion po, yung panel po natin dito para po sa mga unanswered questions, pero dahil po, meron tayong time limit, meron na lang po tayong isang question, ay po pose para po sa mga, sa mga speakers po dito. Pwede po siyang mga package na by lang closing sentiments and remarks nina po. Yung nga po, nakita natin yung mga policies na implement ni Marcos economic policies during his time, ay may effect parin ngayon. And we are in a pivotal period this year, dahil elections na po next year. And in fact, in a few weeks, magaharoon na po na mga filing of candidacies na. So, given po yung gantong context, ano po yung dapat gawin ngayon para ibahan yung state of affairs now, economically speaking, and ano po yung inyong parting words sa audience related po dito. Thank you po. I'd like to po, ipupos ko nalang po ito sa lahat ng ating panel of speakers starting with Dr. Teresa Tadim. Thank you, Renette. Siguro, I think if you notice yung sa presentation ko, the elites and technocrats were basically deteriorated chronic capitalism. First long as they're able to benefit from it. Even at the expense of the majority. And this is also going back to what Miguel asked about why did the technocrats still follow the IMF robot because technocrats may come and go but economic policies will remain. So economic policy which will not address equality, maybe growth but equality. So I think it's very important that social movements are strengthened. Sana naman, because tumang gagaling talaga from below. It's not going to come from the top. Because from the top they will look at their own interest. Social movements will have the welfare of everyone. So this cuts across even non-class, women, IIPs, all of that. So I think this is very important. So despite also some repression, we have all this anti-communist thing now. It is very important that people continue to organize because this was also how Marcus was overthrown. There was an organized group. An organized group people were organizing. Maybe the last part was I remember I was third-world studies director research assistant people came in and said from South Korea how did you do it because they were not organized. Because mo ang lakas ng repression ng dictatorship sa atin na ka-organize yung mga top. So I think it's very important to organize with a proficient that will benefit for the majority that will move it. It's not coming from the elites and the technocrats. Okay, so that's my point in this. Thank you po Dr. Teresa. Si Dr. Eduardo po. Ngunan ng konteksto na tinan natin nga yung darating na halalan. Sa susunod na taon. At ilang araw makikita na natin kusino yung talaga tatak mo sa iba-tibang mga posisyon ang mula presidente, vice presidente, mga senador, mga guberlador, et cetera. At dumang tubtogin na ito pero importante na makita natin ano ang nasalikod ng bawat kandidato nang nilalaman ng kanilang mga sinasabi. Limbawa hindi po kaya anti-duterte ay okay na pwede na isalang napapalit nito sa kasalukuyang rehinyan. Baka kaya nakadkarumaldumal na rehinyan. Ang importante nilang programmer kasi wala pang nakikita ang programa ng kahit sinong tumayana ng kanilang panalan para tumakbobili ang presidente ng Pilipinas sa oposisyon ng isalamang kanilang sinasabi ayon laki duterte. Okay, tama. Ang ganda. Pero ano ang ipapalit ng laki duterte? Anong mga polisiya, mga estrategia, ng pagunlan ng kanilang sa salang para sa mga mga yan, para baguhin. Kung alasin sa duterte, babalik lang ang ba tayo dun sa panaw nila pinoy, pinangakino, nila gloria makabagalaroyo, nila ramos, nila koriakino. Kung ganun lang, ay hindi magkakaroon ang tunay na pagbabagod dito sa ating bansa. Siguro mababawasan yung mga extrajudicial killings, mababawasan ng human rights violations pero hindi sapat natyon para mapaunlad at mabigyang dinhawang ating mga mga mayor. Kinakailang mas malalim at mas kinakailang mas ugatan nila yung problema ng ating paya. Kipatakapantay-pantay, yung wealth inequalities, yung abandonment of public culture, the small farmers, rural workers, lan-lan na yung mga mga manggagawa sa pangapabrika, na hirap hirap, na hirap na hirap na mga urban poor, mga captutubo natin, sa anggang sa kasalupon na nasalailayan pa rin at hindi binibigang pansin ng kanilang mga inanayin. Yung kailangan tugunan, wala pa ako nakikita sa mga malabaseng ng mga kandidato ako kuno. At sa palagay ko kung ito lang mga mga pitpog titili natin hindi hindi makakaroon ang pagbago, hindi makakaroon ang isang programa na nakuhugat dun sa pinakaugat ng problema ng ating bayan. Araming salamat po Dr. Eduardo. Dr. Dr. Takeban, mag-sapugo tayo. Sinusupotan ko po yung mga palala at Hamon niya Dr. Teresa at Puff Eduardo. Malaking Hamon siya lalo na dahil ang panakon natin ngayon ay post-truth. Akala ko truth is truth pero meron bako siyang post-truth. It's one of those things it's perfect as it is truth and yet nakakakabat. So yung parating natin paulit-ulit na rin maging critical maging mapagdiskurso mapagmila'y meron ako nabasa sa chat kanina medyo nakakalung ko at sabi nga bilang isang college student yung reality down ng ating diponal ay parang it's honestly making her reject serving our country. Wag wag wag magpapatalo gaya nga nang sabi ni protesa organize mobilize yung you have the energy ano ba yung what's that famous song na yung naging item nga nakabataan yung rage-rage against the dying of the life na dila na ginawan and the jerks nata din so humugot tayo doon maging critical but reach into your passion also this is a project of hope and we should stick to the course yun lang po salamat thank you maraming salamat po and lastly po prof. yung parting words po you're muted po marami po salamat sa organizers kasama kung panelists of course we can always come up with a checklist nang daba gawin pero nais ko lang hi-highlight ang isang katutohanan na sabi ingit po ng malaking kapahamakan ang ating bansa sa ngayon kasi yung pag nagarolo din ng search or series of search sa covid sa kukawa ng pera ang gobierno at ready ba ay nakikita natin yung bayan ng hantri hindi man lang nila may pasa sa pagkat maliwanag naman kay mr. Dominguez na wala ng pera ang gobierno ikalwa tayo po ay na harap sa isang kondition na big land lumubo ang utang ano po ba nyo yung utang na natin ngayon kino-combut ko in dollars parang $260 billion and $130 billion parang C-230 lang ang nag-accumulate and the previous one sama-sama na yung ba-tibang administration but it is not so much the size of the debt pero yung kakaihan natin na ikpawa niyan is it sustainable is our physical situations sustainable ay you can have a situation that is similar to sa binangit kanina na Tesla yung D-WD moment ano po yung tumaka sa D-WD parang domino nagbaksaka niyang ilang mga banko at ilang industries nakaropa ng white paper yung Chinese community pero doon na asimula ng delubyo economic delubyo ni Marcos nandumatang mamatay si Ninoy doon sa Tarmac so we can have a full blown debt crisis so it is a debt bomb waiting to explode at pagsang so at tapos you have on top of that yung the issue ng KLEMA na talaga lang nang nararandaman natin and then the issue of inequality ito po nga pandemic na ito issue ng KUN ng survival at sustainability so sa masang Filipino at pila kamalaga lalo na yung wala nang trabaho ngayon mga nagdaraho pano magsusurbibe so that's why dapat po lahat ng mga tatakbo yung meron maliwanan na programa pano magsusurbibe yung kalilang constituency hindi ka anong sila maging mga Batman and Superman and then ang kawgna ni ito yung ating mga nakikining dito ng mga teachers sana simulan nila ang pag-didiscount sa mga classy nila mga elementary, high school, college and even Tesla at iba pa mga area anong abang survival ng ating community at and then kasi itong mga crisis na ito nangangailangan po ng whole of society approach hindi hupedi yung ilang taula nang magagaling dyan sa tok tok ng gobyano ang nag-didiscount at sila ang parang marurunong hindi hupedi we need a whole of society approach at dapat magalo ng widespread consultation on agenda na binabagin ni Ed ay agenda setting na makataho agenda setting na inclusive agenda setting kung pwano mag-sustainable and development so yung mga detali po nyan sa masama po nating Himayin tayo Sambayanan Salamat Okay, maraming salamat po Sir Rene and of course mo di po tayo nang papasalamat sa mga kasama natin dito sa panel si Mampesa Sir Ed Professor Rene and Mamay so maraming salamat po na sa isang produktivo at makagulohang pagpalakay patong kog doon sada ng ekonomiya ng ating bansa sa ilaleng ng batasmiditan ng Dictador na si Fredinand Marcos So ngayon naman po upang formal na isara ang ating programa at upang magbigayin ng Maipling Lagong na rito po si Professor Brian C. Ventura ang tagapangulong ng Division of Social Sciences na University of the Philippines Visayas Sir Brian, please unmute your mic Okay, sorry ang magandang tanghali upo sa lahat na di din na po ba ko Yes, sir kung overwhelming task na is synthesize ang napakarama yat napakapawarful na mga information at mga argumento na binigayin ng ating mga panelist at nakita ko kanina sa ating chat box pero nang sabi napat magtagalog para maiintindihan hindi ako taga mamila o tagaluson so hindi ako masyakamagali sa tagalog so kailang ko magpoomanin may dino ko utalutay sa tagalog pero I will try my best Okay, so ang tanawon ng ating panel ngayon is merong bang golden age sa ekonomya ang sabuto apat na beses resounding no, no, no, no sa ibad ibang sektor sa ibad ibang example na binigay na ating mga panelist wala po tayong evidencia na merong pang golden age sa ekonomya simulan po natin sa binigay na papel ng ang professor Pesatan ang systeman ng kronilismo ay nandoon at pang merong kronilismo ay pinapaburan naman ilang mga taon at nakita natin ito sa ibad ibang sektor so wala nang safe na sektor sa agricultura may mga sa plantation economy sa pine apple sa banana sa banking sector sa construction so halos na hatang aspeto na ekonomya na touch ng systeman ng kronilismo so ang mga taon na beneficial ay dahil malapit sila sa kapangyarihan hindi dahil magalin sila sa nengosyo hindi dahil magalin sila makipagrelasyon or magbuild ng connection o network sa mga kapangyarihan so malino po na ang systeman ng kronilismo ay parang pillar as mentioned na kanina ng professor Taden isa sa mga pillar ng systeman ng pamamakala ng mga marcos kasama ang technocratico at ang mga military so kung baga kung wala ng kronilismo ay naging mahina naging mahina ang systeman ng marcos pero dahil may kronilismo may concentration of wealth at the baby ang favor sa iba isa sa nagsustain ng systeman ng marcos so wala hong malino po na wala ng Golden Age sa kaso naman po na agricultura na binigay sa ating sa papel ng professor Ed Daden is hindi lang mga usaw wala ng Golden Age hindi lang mga sinang stagnate bagos nalugmuk pa lumapad ng kahirapan madami ang nagutom at ilang tao nakakawa na benefit sa mga lulong pamalaan sa ibang bansa so wala ng Golden Age sa agricultura dahil magana panggutom may displacement to rural area so nang sabot hudan sa ating tanong isre sound we know sa case naman po ng indigenous community na binigay sa ating sa papel ng professor Takeban is nakitaw natin experience ng indigenous community ngayon pwede o tayo magtanong bakit to ba importante ang indigenous community sa systeman na ekonomiya nakitaw natin sa papel ng professor Takeban na dahil hong meron silang alternatibong pananaw sa way of life hindi lang ng ekonomiya this is where you produce and consume is the everyday life for them at ito rin po ay importante dahil sa ito rin site of extraction ang mga indigenous groups natin ay sa mga bundok na sa mga gubat na naging site of extraction at ay di saan po doon ito is nakita natin sa parang I'm still overwhelmed by this story nang libo-libo iftariang lukain na pagaari ng mga katutubo sa isang iglaplang na parang magic under the control na siya ng disini nagiging under the palt and timber agreement na siya so a couple of years ago part siya ng daily life ng mga katutubo pero dahil sa regulation ng marcos ligan na lang parang magic under the control ng isang crony so nakita nyo nakatakapawful na instrumento ng estado kung paano din dis-possess ang mga katutubo at ngunta naman ko tayo sa papel ng professor of renao na yung mga issue ng FW na isaw itong stopgap measure pero dahil hindi naisustay na yubang aspect na economy naging yung main provider na sila ng corn exchange so kung baka binabati yung mga OFW kasi naging hero sila bagong bayang pero kaya po lang nangyari yun kasi nag-fail yung yubang aspect ng economy so they are heroes because they are taking the burden for the failure of other aspects of the economy which is product time so bilang closing po isa po sa important thing na sabi na ang speakers is yung issue ng call to arms na dapat mag-organisa and so on and yung po ang na-mentions sa ating last discussion at mula, dapat natin sa butin na kung mayang pa talagang golden age sa economy at ang sagut po natin sa iba-ibang datos years and years of research various sectors of examination at economy yung sa time yung mapos so maraming salamat po sa mga panigas sa mga nag-appendang ating formal thank you po maraming salamat po Sir Brian para sa lagom nang ating naging talakayan at muli maraming salamat po sa ating mga tagapagsalita at mga participants dito sa zoom sa facebook at sa youtube So bago po natin tuluyang isara ang session na ispo namin ibitahan ng lahat na makilakok 2021 nagaganapin bukas ika 24 ng sitiembre dearness sa ganap na ikastiam ng maga mali maraming salamat po sa inyong lahat never again never forget