 the ultimate solution of it, and if so, how and why? Well, I believe that the question of Trieste is a question which can be solved. Of course, speaking of Trieste, one is reminded of the various occasions in which the Trieste question has become an explosive matter and has been a cause for considerable excitement. But I believe that through diplomatic contacts it is possible to bring about a solution acceptable to both sides. And I can assure you that my government will do its utmost to bring about such a solution. We believe that a solution of that problem would not only benefit my country and Italy, but would be of considerable importance to the whole of Europe and the world. What about your relations with Italy? Are they still pretty tense, as they were at the time of the trouble? The relations with Italy, of Yugoslavia with Italy, have considerably improved since last fall. As it is well known, the troops that were at the border on both sides at that time have been withdrawn. The difficulties in trade which occurred on that occasion have been removed and trade is going on. And I can say that it is a rather important trade in its size and by the commodities exchanged and of considerable interest to both partners. So that the relations are now normal relations, there are no particular tensions at the border that would justify whatever concern. But of course, the question of triest is one that is pending. And as I said, is one which can be solved. And I believe that efforts which are being made may bring about. Mr. Mattius, may I ask you a specific question? How do you envisage, if any, a solution to the vital problem of triest? Well, as I said, the triest question is a matter of serious consideration by governments. And I don't believe that at this stage, I would do right if I would go into specific, possible specific solutions. There is, of course, not only one way in which it could be solved. And I think it might be perhaps best if I refrain my remarks from going into details. Are there some talks going on in London at the moment? Well, you have mentioned something which I read in the papers here. I could neither confirm nor deny it. Well, these secret talks which were reported in London out of Belgrade say that the Western powers, that is, Britain, France, and Yugoslavia are now in secret conference. And that they envisage bringing Italy into these conferences later. Now, do you know what they're discussing? Well, what was reported in the press was I think it was a slip on your side, was not Britain, France, it was Britain and the United States and Yugoslavia. That's what I read in the papers. And I said I would neither confirm nor deny it. Now, if such negotiations are taking place, I suppose the only object would be to explore the possibilities of a compromise solution between Italy and Yugoslavia. Well, on the subject, Mr. Matjes, the last thing that Mr. Molotov suggested at this four power conference in Berlin was that the situation or the case of Trieste be rediscussed in the Security Council of the United Nations. Now, what has happened to the case of Trieste there? The Russian government, as a matter of fact, the last fall in October has brought the question of Trieste to the Security Council. And the formal proposal by the Russians was that the Security Council appoint a governor of Trieste. In the Security Council, the debate on this question was postponed. It was postponed first two or three times for a certain period of time. And finally, it was postponed pending the results of efforts being made to solve the Trieste question. These discussions are the... Well, these efforts are being made. In what form, as I said, I could neither confirm nor deny. Well, to move further east, Mr. Ambassador, your country has recognized Communist China. Now, do you envisage Communist China splitting off with Moscow as you have? Our recognition of China was a declaratory act. I mean, a unilateral act on our side. And it was prompted by the belief that the present regime in Peking is the government on the continent mainland of China. Consideration similar to the consideration of several other governments. We do not have nor did we have any relations whatsoever with the government in Peking. I mean, no correspondence or ambassadors exchanged. Now, as to the future attitude of China in their relationship with Russia, I think it is rather safe to say that China is not likely to become or to remain a satellite of Moscow. I suppose that China being a great nation will probably strive to find her place in the world. And this, I think, in association with the present Russia would be impossible. I think it would be very difficult to imagine that the present regime in Russia could maintain so close relations on the basis of equality. And that's what I think the Chinese will ultimately seek. Now, in what way this cause of friction in general will develop in the relations between the two countries is very difficult to predict that the friction there is beneath the surface and will increase in the future, I am firmly convinced. Mr. Ambassador, in Europe, do you see any signs in the satellite powers that surround Russia? Any signs of their breaking away a little or perhaps taking more of the independent standard of Yugoslavia while at the same time remaining communist? Well, of course, the position of the Russian satellites in Europe is considerably different from the position of China, not only because of the size of the nations, but the whole background and many other considerations and geographical position, at least. I don't believe that we should expect any dramatic changes in the next days or very next future. But it would be, of course, extremely depressing if we would come to the conclusion, and I cannot come to it, that the present state of affairs has to be perpetual. I think that the whole experience of history gives sufficient proof that such kind of relationship as the Russians have imposed on the countries which are under their domination will not last. There is some hope. Well, of course, I think on my side, I would say more than hope, it's a conviction. Mr. Ambassador, I may ask you the final question. Has there been any government-inspired anti-Americanism in Yugoslavia? In other words, what do the Yugoslavia people actually think about Americans right now? Well, I'd like to point out, first of all, on the first part of the question, I think you'll believe me if I simply deny it and say there is nothing like that, but I'd rather stick to the later part of it and say that you can hardly open a paper in Yugoslavia. You can hardly have a statement by a government representative or a political figure who would not mention in the statement as our president in his message to our National Assembly after the elections did in expressing our firm belief in the increase of friendly relations with the United States and the recognition to the assistance Yugoslavia has received in the economic, finance, and military field from the United States and is still receiving. Thank you very much, Mr. Ambassador. Thank you. I'm privileged to have you here tonight. Thank you. The opinions that you've heard our speakers express tonight have been entirely their own. The editorial board for this edition of the Laun Jean Chronoscope was Larry Lusser and Ned Kalmer. Our distinguished guest was his Excellency Leo Mattes, permanent representative to the United Nations for Yugoslavia. 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