 Just a follow-up question to something you said, you actually made a point and which is I think is interesting that people shouldn't rely on the results from the experiences in legal state, Abuja FCT, maybe river state and other states to make a conclusion on the results of 774 local government areas. But you are a lawyer and you know the electoral act, you know the constitution. If there are irregularities in any part of the country, if Nigerians are disenfranchised in any part of the country, if any of the parties are involved in any actions or activities or their supporters to subvert the process, shouldn't this be looked into? Yeah, can you hear me please? Okay, I'm saying before you went on, we lost you, you made a point. You said that Nigerians should not rely on the experiences of voters and the reports of irregularities in Lagos, river state and maybe even FCT to draw a conclusion on what has happened around the country or to the conjecture on what has happened around the country because we have 774 local government areas in Nigeria. But I'm asking if there is any evidence that results were manipulated that the law was broken in terms of disenfranchising in voters and rigging in any part of the country that the election was subverted in any part of the country, shouldn't that be looked into? Before we went on that story, I was saying that we should not just read what we see in the state capitals and the local government capitals to rationalize the situation and defend whatever the outcome of this election was. In the country, the government is one for the million people, so they're going to defend the local government. And more than 75,000 people in Lovate play. What I would not say is that, thank God, even when people are unable to cover, to observe the elections and not to find out that this is so possible to generalize them, that it's not prevalent in Lovate play. That is everybody or most people having their cell phone in their hands that can recall whatever things are taking place in different places and all that. And then saying that our program on the social media has given us an insight into what happened in Lovate. And that's what we're going to talk a bit about. In most cases, after the observer and a few of our reporters might not have been able to get into. The bottom line is sometimes when you look at the report of the observer, when you look at what the media may not have reported and what the citizen is going to be. Also, later in the day, we're going to continue to improve on every four, four years or wherever, or whenever you have this action. But this is not our case. We are hypocrisy. And we are hypocrisy not because we don't have the expertise to do it properly. We are hypocrisy because the Nigerian political elite are not comfortable with the fear and fear elections. Don't mind whatever political parties they all belong to, whether they are in the BGP, the party, the ADC and all that. All the Nigerian political elite, as they say, in their different areas of strength, wherever they are thrown in, they are the opponent at will. Most of them will try to entrain the outcome of the election. They have to get some position. Yes. Let's just quickly look at this, you know, clip where there was protest by the opposition party, especially in River State. And when we return, we'll talk some more. Please stay with us. I can hear you. We're taking a, we want to look at this video and then when we come back, we'll talk some more. I mean, prior to this time, I was asking about what you think of the opposition parties protesting the election and calling for the cancellation of it. The former president has also done that. On air now, when we come back after that video, we'll just go back. We can't hear any audio from this video. Your plane is just visual. You have the agents of passing. I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I by a phone. But by way of narration, that is the Labor Party's agent at the state collation center in Pohakot. What happened was that they could not recognize the results that we read out for the final remaining local government area, which it took three days. I already said that on this program already. It took three days for them to collate the results and send it to the state, the state collision center, which is just an hour or 30 minutes drive from where they were supposed to collate the results. And the chairman or the collision officer, sorry, a certain professor was nowhere to be found for three days. Nobody knew his whereabouts. And he emerged last night with results that was different from what they had on the result sheet to the Kuala Walei. Even from what we hear, a reporter tells us that even the everyone in that hall, including the state collision chairman himself, they had to laugh when they were told that PDP had only 368 votes in the entire OBIAC for local government area. So now, I have in my possession copies of the result sheet signed by the party agents, that if you add the number of what I have, it makes it a joke. And this therefore amounts to what they like robbery. Now, how can a presidential election be called with such irregularities to the Kuala Walei? And what should Nigerians do in reaction to this? I know you're talking about the entire country. Let me talk about the question that was asked with regard to the Postal Party saying they were pulling out of the collision center and also the elections and so they were not going to accept this. So if you look at our political history as the nation and Nora, boycott of the election, abandoning the collision center to your political opponents has never had any political parties or any group of people at any period of time. It's usually a different thing to reflect it. If you want to have in the night, it would have been better for those political parties to stay put and stay true for the coalition and society right from the local government, but from the different polling booths. So the National Coalition Center in Africa, because five, two minutes could be a long time in the issue of the political parties and that of the collision of elections and what and when you say put in there, you have the same people giving you false information or testimony in court that you were there when this was in there. So that if you were not there and then you now go to court and they are challenging the result and Nora, and then you are a question is thrown as to whether you were there when this was in there. And then you say no, it was just you were told. Then it becomes the idea that the court will not accept. Furthermore, you have asked me why the local government that are very close to the coalition center, they didn't arrive in most of those places on time. Your guess is as good as mine. Remember, I think when the last election was in the 2015 election, the voting exercise has been completed in the state and the state and Nora, but they did the play. The returning of each other and the rest of the commissioners in those places were made to with all the elections on the elections from places like Kano, Cardinal and Karsina came in. So that why was it the decision? My submission was that the delivery man would give the mission to know what those people might be returning from places like Karduna, from Sokoto and then from Karsina and then from Kano. And based on that, they might top up whatever they have in Bajesan and then whatever they have in Reba state and then use that to kind of surpass whatever they have in those places. There are also policies in coalition exercises and Nora. Sometimes they want to see and wait to see what the opponents might be bringing from their strongholds and if the opponents bring the very strong people from their strongholds, then whatever they already have to use that kind of to counteract or to counterbalance or to nullify or to kind of outlander, whatever their political opponents are bringing from some of these places. The peak of the matter is that anybody who is a guy or making noise or who is a voucher for any of these political parties, for any of these political allies or politicians, is just wasting time and not even against the war. All of them are, these all of them are in fact, in good state, they just try to at least reach out to them when it comes to this you know, in different places. We are here with the people that have been shot and people that have been roasted alive in places like in like this Kano in the 34th century. I'm very good in what they like. How we weren't upset because of those here election voting for people are not voting for them. If it was all about studies, why would we not begin to behave like amnobas, behave like kids in a party, but the fact of my knowledge, I don't see any difference between a general politician and then the amnobas and the kids in a party and the so-called ask me to be married in all over the country. They all are just out there and have and have caught people, as you might think, as you might say, in our own world of freedom. The truth of the matter is that the Nigerian people should for now take care of their election and then begin to plan for the future. My group of people who are committed by injecting more technology to some of these people and also by a kind of sort of overwhelming of the security factors of these communities and also what I will call the re-digging of the Nigerian constitution. We also have to re-digging the issue of the federal events. If we truly have a fuller schedule, a system of governance, some of these problems are likely to be in this election would have been minimal. It is a centralized stage of everything that we do that is also partly responsible for some of these electoral frauds and challenges and the difficult problems that we encounter. Too many times when elections are conducted in Nigeria. At this point, what do you think should actually happen? The former president has called that the elections be cancelled and we have, you know, fresh elections conducted the opposition party as well and order well meaning Nigerians. No, no, no, no, no. I don't subscribe to that. That is likely to lead to anarchy. It's likely to lead to anarchy. In my book, you know, when two amulets are fighting, the Adler coups are kind of subject and test to the division of the cost. It's not allowed in law. If you come to the election, what is the guarantee that the run that you might do all this between the whole letter is going to be better than the people on the attitude. I have said and I continue to return to that number. If you conduct a election in thousand times in Nigeria with a structure as it is today and with the mindsets of the different politicians that we have and the different political parties and others, there is also the main detail, all of you get to work in order for us to avoid a breakdown of law and order, in order that we should deal with the life of the people who obey, who submit themselves to the rule of law. I would advise the agree political parties to submit themselves to the division of the cost and let the better of the smarter truth is what's before the election president Saibuna and then the Supreme Court and the Court of Justice as the case may be. A case in which the court is calling the case to black for in which he wrote the Pente Anastasia finger to another Rook. In my humble opinion, it's not a thing I would want to support. But these are sure of themselves but the legends were heard and they have the detail let them submit themselves to the division of the cost instead of judging to anarchy and self-heir. And then we learn of these legends. Look at the huge amount of money, the figure that we pump into this election. If we have put that money into the educational sector, into the health sector, into some more into infrastructure, this country will have been better off. We will organize an election that is going to be bad cheaper, that is going to be smoother, that is going to be more clear and free if we are running a truly failure system of government. Look at the US for example and Nora. The different states in the US almost have what I would call a kind of control and the measure of autonomy on what are from the geographical perspective of the different states. Those are also some of the things that are lacking. We also might have to look at the issue of police, local government police, and there is totally no total overhauling of the measure of police as it was today. The measure of police as it was today is the colonial police which mentality is the key to us portraying the power of government in power. Any government that is in power of police is here saying that I am in favor of the government in power. So that is the measure of people as a whole. If the security people begin to see that are the mindsets that are the measure of the culture of the state of the public office, and to the measure of people as a whole, some of the mindsets that we saw in the different police groups and others will then be here. And they will be here. They will arrest you. They will arrest you. They will try as much as possible to minimize this because an injury to one is an injury to all of us. The police man, the PSS, the army, they also go to the same market as you and I go to. They know what inflation is all about. When as you shot down the university and others, their own children will see in school. I mean, their children were not in school. They were also at home. When they also travel to one place to the other, they know the quality of the infrastructure of the roads are not that good. They do not allow the infrastructure to be seen as they all get. So we are all in this together. The truth of the matter is that we must, as Nigerians, put our heads together. This democracy is not so simple as it is today. It is too extensive. Our allies are not prepared to let it work. And the youth are pushing for exchange. And we are in this case now. In case you are speaking, if the political allies don't accept their military and other, they may push these young people to the wall. And when they push them to the wall, the revolution might be inevitable. Kola Wale, I'd like to ask you, I think that this, the 2023 elections, especially the presidential and national assembly elections, were conducted in accordance with the Electoral Act of 2020. It was amended. Amended. Yes, I'd like to ask you that. Do you also think that, you know, we followed that up until the constitution, where you talk about 25% including the FCT? You know, I, yeah, that is true. I think what the posterior says that you must have 25% in my C-24 local government. I'm not too sure 24 states. I'm not too sure. 25% I think, in 24 states of the FCT I think, I think that's what the constitution says and what I know. I'm not too sure that it is compulsory for me to win the federal capital. Because when you look at it critically, on that the law, the federal capital which is a capital of the FCT file has to take that way. And for me to define it as the FCT. But I like you to take me through that part because the shadow of, you know, the constitution, part one of the constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria, 1999 as amended. Lista won the states in Nigeria and their local government areas. However, the FCT was not mentioned as that by, you know, if you look at the literal implication or interpretation, the status of the FCT is provided for in part one of that constitution. And also if you look at part two as the federal capital territory in Abuja. So the constitution is very explicit as to whether, you know, the FCT is a state. It spelt out the state and local government in that part of it. And you can attest to that. It also mentioned that the FCT is like, should be treated like, but it's not a state. And you know that that's a figure of speech. You call it simile, because it's in comparison. You're saying it's like, but it's not. So based on all of this, would you say that these elections were conducted in accordance with the constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria and in accordance with the Electoral Act of 2022 as amended? And you're exactly in a place in the world that you get the only compliance when you're talking about conducting an election in the country that it has reached as a Nigerian. And then with regards to the arguments about Abuja and Nauda, I see it seems that Abuja comes in the way, treated as a state. The minister of the federal capital territory could be like it, for example. And you also know that it is national assembly that makes law for the federal capital. Even though they don't have their own assembly, but they have a senator representing them. And I think they also have a House of Representatives. I don't know whether they see as a member of the House of Representatives, but on that constitution, it is a national assembly that makes law for Abuja and then the minister of the federal capital in the way treated like a governor. So it is typical for Abuja to be treated as the capital of the state of the tradition. And with regards to whether we require to win in Abuja or not, I don't think so. Because if you don't win in Washington DC, the capital of America and war has lost. It doesn't mean that you as a political party or as a presidential candidate cannot assume a leadership in a state like America. If you be putting the law in there, rather than in streets, or in streets that you want to win in Abuja, then you cannot assume the office of president. I also say this as all the organs that they take up. Examinate these governorships. Make the House of Assembly water, bro. They have put down the federal capitality as in. They have councilors in there. They have minister of the federal capital which is like a governor. And then they also have what people you can describe as the military. As they are calling the money that they are giving for administration, for environment, for health, for all this and for all that, for security and water. But if you look at, I mean, I'd like to ask you, if you look at the characteristics of the 36 states, you have also mentioned that the National Assembly still makes, they don't have a state, I mean, assembly. So do you still say that the FCT should be treated as a state, like is a state? Because if you look at that, I mean, comparing the characteristics of 36 states and that of your description of the FCT, would you still say that the FCT is a state or should be treated like a state? I don't want to treat the FCT like a state. If you just say that if you not deal with the animal, I mean, they are the same people, I mean, that's what we present them in the National Assembly. And the National Assembly also makes laws for them. Laws that governs all the people in the federal capital. It does not apply to the people, you know, but it does not allow for the adjoining of the political and war-ravelling. They also have local governments, for example, they have their own budget, they have their own budget and for the apparatus of the state, they have them, even though they are not calling the state. If I have some years of state and I have a children, I can have them later without calling the state in Nigeria. The only reason why they are not calling the state, that's what you're saying? It is not yet, but in future, if the constitutional community have men there, so treat the FCT as a state and I suspect that if we don't treat it, the only reason we are not treating FCT as a state today is not to enter the sensitivity of father Nigeria. Immediately, the sensitivity of father Nigeria and not the people, I put a mediocre state in Nigeria. All right, tundekola, Wally. I'm still going to go back to the complaints of irregularities. You have said that you're not in support of calls for the cancellation of election. We have a situation on our heads where results have been rewritten in several parts of the country. We have a situation on our hands where the polling agents, for some parties, we chased away by hoodlums and political thugs and then the presiding officers and other NNEC officials, who is the way into a new Tundek's nations to rewrite results. We have a situation on our hands where the results she'd handed over to polling agents contain different figures from what is being announced as the results. Now, would it be apt to have a recount of all the votes, polling unit by polling unit? Is there nothing possible that is going to come back on? Come back on in the change that those who were writing the different results and what are they? What is the possibility that they will not have a candidate that is back in place? They can't make the order. And then the polling unit and then you have to make up all these ballots and make them up in terms of the groupings where the polling unit has to help you on those documents and what are they? The ballot papers, no sir. I'm talking about the results. No, no, no. We don't want, we want two other results that were stamped and signed and handed over to the party agents. That's what I'm talking about. We've seen a look at it and check out the ballot papers. People in that is also talking about. People in that is also talking about. Yes. All the polling units in the people polling booth are supposed to be there when the ballots are being conserved. And then when the ballots, I mean, when you are cutting the results and then you are entering the results into the, um, into the, um, the tone of the election results if I want to. So why a candidate to accept a different result sheet and then another one will take another different results if it's my imagination? Because it's not going to be done. To the color only, to the color only. To the color only, to the color only. To the color only, to the color only. You should be aware by now to the color way what is going on. I've said it repeatedly. I don't know if you're not hearing me, sir. That, that, that the, the, the officials of INEC, um, from some, in some instances that we are aware of went missing. And also I've said in some instances that we are aware of polling agents of some opposition parties in certain cities were, were chased away, were beaten, somewhere kidnapped. You know, so you're saying that where was the polling agents and why, why they should have, I'm telling you, they, they were not around. They, some of them had them where, were held at gunpoint, you know. So some of them, the, the, the polling officers, we, the present officers refused to, to, to allow them, um, see the upload. They didn't upload the results. So they were chased away, they've gone home. They have their result sheet and it's different, far different from, if, if some instances what you've been seeing uploaded online on the IRF portal is if, if you add it, it will be different from what Inaq rate. You know, that's what you have on the Inaq website. If, if you add it, it will be different from what Inaq rate. So, oh, can we, can we go home and say we are done with this huge amount of inconsistencies? Today, one plus one, one plus two. A one plus one now becomes three. Or someone takes a pen and then changes something and is uploaded and you tell Nigerians to accept that. I think you're calling for anarchy. You're calling for anarchy. You should never answer the call only. So is it possible to take and say, let's look at the results of all the polling agents and count it again? Help me come in there please. Yes, yes. If I get your question properly, you're asking me, why is it, by evasion, whatever they call it, as not in kind of panic? No, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no. Sorry, no, that's not what I'm asking. I'm saying that the law stipulates, okay, the constitution, no, the electoral act says that when you count the results of the polling unit, you're supposed to announce them for everyone to hear. Then you're supposed to take your form EC8A and when you transfer the results onto the form, you stamp it, all the party agents sign. You now hand a form one, okay, to a polling agent. Must it take, okay? You take one to a polling agent, all the polling agents take another one even in the second party and then you give the last one to the police officer who is there. Now after you do that, they can go home. Now I'm saying that the results that the INEC returning officers or coalition officers reading out is different from what the parties have on their own result sheet if they add it up. So don't we need to do a recount to compare and see if there's any disparity, especially at the time when what we've seen on the INEC portal in some local governments and some others. It's different if you add it up from what INEC is reading out on their own website. On their website and can we conclude the process with such glaring irregularities to them? You're a lawyer. Yeah. Thank you. You see, I don't know whether you remember a very man too. I do. They come out and put his name in the president. Yeah, God rest his soul. He made exactly a revelation before he died. And we keep him but it's okay. My father and I was calling that he very man told you they arrested and prosecuted. He said he's telling the different political parties that he's telling for elections. They usually he amass certain money but it is very important to people. Now, they will be amassed money for INEC officials. They will be amassed money for the security people and what have you. And then I think he also said they will be amassed money to be used to buy voters in the different places and not. So if you are both INEC officials and you are both the security people and not the possibilities are that the kind of issue that you are raising now might be possible. The INEC official may have different national sheets and those sheets for different political parties in the respective places. If I ask how those political parties may have left, may have gone to certain corners to start writing those results or those results could even have been listed at the Collegial Centre which is different for what was added over to the different political parties at the different polling booths and what have you all over the countries. So this is the trick of the matter is that when you look at the number of days we think with this election, a particular month they have from day one to day one, the decision is going to be taken when the tribunal was announced, the party can order. They are too very short for you to be able to prove this kind of manipulation that we have been about 17,000 local and polling booths all over the country. There will not even be enough to be able to prove that because when you are proving the infraction of that nature which is current, in criminal cases you have to prove everything you are going to get to doubt. Cola Wale, I am trying to understand what exactly you are saying on national television as a legal practitioner. Are you saying that because... No, no, no, I am asking... People are getting... No, I think that you are getting the question, sir. No, we are not debate... People are getting the feeling of... No, it's not a debate. No, we are asking you... I am reforming. To the Cola Wale, we are listening to you very well and I know that you had us vividly... And we are making that kind of... And what am I asking? I am making that kind of comment on national TV. No, so because I am asking you... Cola Wale, I am asking you one question. Are you saying that because the time will... I mean, we are going to use 100 years to sort out all of this? Let's let that slide. Now, you also mentioned right here that and if you look at other countries, the countries where these things actually happen, I ask you if these elections were conducted in accordance with the law. And you say, no, but in most cases it's not all countries that these are conducted, others of the law. I mean, so in the United States for instance, you cited an example. But we are in Nigeria, we are in Africa and we are very peculiar and we understand the power of the South, you know, the South, you know, to the North. I know you know what that really means. But I want to take you back to the constitution because you are a lawyer and you're familiar with the term of null and void. It's not legal, you can't respect it. It's, there's always that phrase that legal practitioners use. So I'm putting it to you again. Making reference to the counting and recording and transmission of votes according to the electoral act, section 60 of the electoral act that states that presiding officers shall, after the counting of votes and the polling unit, enter the vote scored by each candidate in the form to be prescribed by the commission. Most of that section 60 also stated of the act that the presiding officer shall transfer the results including the total number of accredited voters and the result of the ballot in a manner as prescribed by the commission. Of course the beavers is that provision that was made if you also look at the section of their electoral act 148. Can I ask again, where all of this, you know, electoral laws respected in the conduct of these elections? If you have been listening to what I say, I have told you that there are so many infractions and there are reasons that you can't complain because of the constitution, the electoral act, and even like regulation, when you look at the high-level regulation, you see that by far, shall by far be used to transmit the electoral results to the high-level voters in Abuja. But in most of the places where the by far is used, in fact, the high-level chairman in Abuja, the high-level attorney of the national chairman of high-level, have gone to the Collegiate Center to tell us they are challenging with the by far and not at, because of that they couldn't use it to upload some of the results and not at. And then maybe after they have done the mandatory regulation of the elections, they might go back to the by far and then try to get a close whatever they have onto their staffers and what are wrong. And I would advise you to listen and listen to me properly. I have said, go and check all the decisions of all the elected presidents in Nigeria. They have always relied on what we call a kind of social compliance, social compliance with the constitution, with the electoral act, with the high-level regulations. There has never been any decision in all the elected presidents in Nigeria where it has been said that there was the underprevent compliance with both the constitution, the electoral act, and then the high-level regulations. And I'm not even sure that if you go to a country like the U.S., you will have social compliance with the electoral act with the constitution and not with the regulations or another. You have seen a situation in a place like London, for example, in England, in which some people went and snatched ballot boxes. It's not possible here in Nigeria. In London, in the city of London, some young people wear and sometimes they go, went and snatched ballot boxes, snatched it and threw it out of the context, making it difficult for the, I say also, collinear, official. So, to control the proper elections that are effective in Poland, there is no way in the world to have underprevent compliance with the constitution, with the electoral act, and then whatever the legislator, the electoral body must take proper steps. Our problem is even more peculiar in the sense that most of the things that we use for this election were not within our control. Say for example, the Viva. The Viva show was not manufactured in Nigeria. The Viva show was not configured by Nigeria. The Viva show Nigeria engineers might not even know the ticket is also even with the pay or money for to operate those in properly. Look at the Viva, there's some of the I talk official who were supposed to upload those results and suffice to their service in Nigeria. It was their own pocket, their own pictures that they were sending me to the service in Nigeria because they didn't even know how to operate the Viva. Maybe they never got enough time to pitch a name for now to use the Viva. And technology is meant to pass me. I'm not meant to pass people. I'd like to understand you very clearly. Let me tell you, you know the property of what they want to pay and nothing more but the property of what they want to pay. I'd like to understand what you're saying. Maybe I'm not getting you. So are you saying that because in the world and all the parts, I mean, the United States, you have mentioned that there's no compliance. You were not guaranteed of full compliance with the law that you know, you should also be a norm. You should be accepted with the fact that there's been several irregularities with several evidence to prove. You have also attested to that. Are you saying that because it's a norm in other parts of the world that, you know, we should just, you know, let that slide, that it should also be accepted. I mean, it's what happens everywhere. So it should be accepted. Is that what you're saying? I'm not saying so. What I've only said is that, and I will take you back to 2019 when the PPP, I think also went to court and order. And then they were asked to bring some of those bad luck papers and mention sheet results and others. And they took it to the tribunal. You saw the maintain of a document that was dumped on the tribunal. And the mass index was joking and asking how many months or how many years or how many days did you take the old men who were in city and those in the city that had been there to patch you up and sheet you the maintain of document that has not been dumped on there. The reason for the matter is that I'm talking for me that it's not because, especially in an election of this magnitude, to prove, to prove, because you must prove that any point is proved that you are led that there's a capacity. You must prove that there's a public good that has a capacity. And you have about $3,000, what about $3,000 for the good in Nigeria. So if you are going to take it to $3,000 for the good in Nigeria, you must have a local government. We need to be able to prove it in the president and the mosaic that the president has been a mosaic. You have to have a look. And if you say you just want to give random proofs, prove that you are talking in legal, prove that you are talking in potako, prove that you are talking in kanok. What the president, what the mosaic project, I brought you to, can see the elections in those places you have been able to prove, and might not see some results of the person who benefited from it. And if they don't see a lot more votes than the president, who has been able to prove that there's been a leaking from the parties and all that, they know who did the leaking and from who's been both have been deducted. We still remain the winner at the end of the day. That is what we have seen or should say, isn't it? Somebody was said to have won the government's election. Somebody said, look, I won majority of the law who vote. And the election position, I mean, the judges in there, looked through the results and others and deducted where they were able to prove that there's been overvoting. And then the law was able to prove at the end of the day, became the winner of the election. For God's sake, proving the election by participating in about 70,000, more than 70,000 polling booths, and 70,000 local governments in Nigeria is a very, very open task. I'm not saying that you should not attempt to assume, I have said, I have advocated a rule of law that people should approach the cause and ventilate their anger. We should not embark on what we call SFX or allow law and order to play task because of this election. And like I said again, most of the political parties are guilty as the other parties. We are not sure any of them, their hands are clean. All of them have participated in one of the parties in the other. Especially the city needs a political party. Okay, today, thank you so much. Some people are playing the ethnic card saying that now is a time for Nigerians from the Southwest to come together and support their own. And saying that it's gonna be for the benefit of the Southwest. Do you think that, well-meaning Nigerians, especially those of the political class, should play the ethnic card and if they notice anything that needs to be called out, look the other way for the sake of ethnicity. Saying that, okay, Yoruba, Candid has been elected, let's come together and speaking one voice. Or do you think that people should say, okay, I'm from the same part of the country as a declared winner, but I will speak truth. You know, if I see anything that needs to be called out. I believe in equity. I believe in equity. I believe that what is good for the people that need more money for the outside man, what is good for the Yoruba man, is equally good for the people man, is good for the people man, is good for the people man and what I do. So we must also remember, there are more than 250 tribes in Nigeria. That's what people are saying we are about, there are about 350 tribes in Nigeria. So for some how, the outside man, the full animal, the Yoruba man and the Yoruba man have been able to allocate to themselves some kind of supportality and then to visit as well as the people that don't matter in this country, that they visit them or nobody else. And I disagree with what we said. If you have a child that is no more than 10,000 in Nigeria, they are on the same footing and new quality and title. So what the Nigeria tradition is they need to provide, just like the outside man, just like the people man, just like the full animal and what I do. No tribes whether because of the you make a sense to see your bigger or more important than the other. That is the one. The second issue is I'm not one of those who subscribe to this private issue that must be the same thing on the basis of the tribe. For most of the people in the villages of religion are war-nurse. The Yoruba Sanjora was the president for him and the war-nurse. What is this special? And they value the penetration of those in Yoruba. So this is a special in the Arab world. What is it that the tribes are going to benefit from? Do not ask the tribes in Nigeria to benefit. But I mean the people in the Nile for modern fellowship. What is it that we are going to to benefit from? We should be looking for the best men and women among those, so this is the context of prosperity, economic emancipation, to the quality of all times in which we are not going to have the discrimination. And of course, let me remember, this is the 21st century. Not too long ago, the Yoruba lady contested to become the Prime Minister of Brits, and I think she came forth or thought. So this is the Yoruba woman contested to be the Prime Minister of Brits. And then you also go to America, the Araipo, the Araipo Yoruba in the Congress. Obama is from Kenya. You go to Spain, the Alamangiri and the Araipo, who are in parliament in Spain, and Norah. We cannot leave this as it is happening in those places if you also begin to have an amango. Let us emphasize this issue of the vision. Let's emphasize the issue of the type. This is the best brain and the best men and men gone. That we must give the best job that is available in the man. It is not the job of the President of the Cabinet, Chancellor and Norah. It should be based on the value of the more, whatever the vision that you belong to. In fact, in my own view, the so-called Christian, the so-called Muslim are about the most, the worst disease of women in the country. They will worship others, not these people. Because we know that these are these people. But who will strike them back? The men who worship are so-called. That is not the chief of that people. Because we know that these people are that people. They turn down who strike them. But when you look at the other, the Muslim, you look at the other Christians. They have a very good hand. They have a plan in hand. And then they commit the most of the most. And they are not trying to combine all over the place. I am not for try. I am not for the vision. I am not for the most educated, the most liberalized, the most articulate, the most agile, the most charismatic. And the person who has the wishes, who has the care of God, and the family of whatever is watching. And the man who really is ready to deliver the vision of democracy to all men here, no matter what their try or the vision be. Those are the people who should come back in when they are both up and nothing else.