 Thank you very much. It's a honor to be speaking here and what is very important to note that this is the longest stretch of democracy in Nigeria has actually experienced in over 61 years of its existence. We are talking about six electorates who with the forthcoming elections during less than 14 months. It's both currently it's not just about the failure of democracy to deliver development to the people, but more about the raging conflict and insecurity pervading different parts of the entity called Nigeria. And importantly, there are lots of structural issues responsible for this. First and foremost is that of marginalization, both real and passive. So we are talking about people feeling marginalized economically, politically, ethnically, socially on different bases in the country itself. And this has led to lots of non-state actors to all of a sudden evolve, taking up arms against the state. Another very important factor closely linked to that will be the uneven handed of the Nigerian government. So one minute Boko Haram people are said to get amnesty for the Eastern security network in the which is the secessionist movements, the arms part of the secessionist movements IPO view in the southeast do not even get a seat at the table to dialogue. So this is very difficult for people to believe. Then you are talking about a high level of poverty and exclusion in a country where more than 50% are young people and they feel and they see on daily basis that the political class are plundering the common words itself. This has allowed grievances to grow and translate into rebellion in the country. Now elections are important. And like I said earlier, we've had six elections. These elections have also been a source of conflict, especially when results are disputed. And a very important one that comes here, of course, is the win attitude. And in reaction to it, protest movements is now becoming a very important thing in Nigeria. When you see the young people frequently going onto the streets to protest as a means of civil disobedience. But while you talk about this protest, what we should note is that with each protest, it becomes more brutal, with more lives lost, successively. But all these violence we are talking about in Nigeria is not new. They can actually be classified as repeat violence. So when you talk about the conflicts or cessationist agitation, which is leading to a lot of deaths in the Southeast part of the country, it evolves. It evolves from the rested civil war between 1967 and 1970, and the refusal of any successive governments to bring closure to this in such a way that justice is seen to be done. The same for the banditry, which is now in the news more than Boko Haram. This is a repeat violence with the last one being in 1972. The only thing that has actually changed is the scale and the numbers of actors involved in this violent conflict. And put together everything. You now have insecurity. You have more state actors all fighting. So Nigeria is not fighting one group like Boko Haram, all the Islamic states in the West African province, because it's up enhanced against the ESN, the bandits, just every group kidnappers in the country. And when you zero everything, it goes back to the lack of justice. The heavy-handed security approach towards the violent conflict itself. Perceived marginalization, a broken justice system where citizens only see corruption and believe that justice delays is already justice denied, or there is even an impossibility to actually experience justice in this entity called Nigeria. Now immediately to the ask and deal with it, I think three things are very, very important that the US government can actually do for Nigeria at this point in time. One, of course, is ensuring that there is civilian oversight over security forces. How do we get more people involved in that in such a way that we we prevent reciprocal radicalization where more people will then keep picking up hands against the Nigerian state? The second issue is looking at the youth board, the poverty in the country, and sending the children not even youth now who are out of school and who lack health care system and jobs. Any response that the US will be having in its plan is one that targets this set of people to prevent violent conflict from becoming more aggravated in the future. And thirdly, and lastly, actually, our focus should not just be supporting elections work. It should actually be looking at the quality of democracy itself and looking at the quality of democracy as a peace-building strategy and conflict prevention one. We have to put all our conflict prevention framework into that one that makes democracy more enjoyment and deliver to the people to prevent a breakdown into Hanaki in the future. Thank you very much.