 Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. It gives me great pleasure to introduce to you two gentlemen with whom you are very familiar in Davos. President Peres, I think we should nominate you senior citizen of the annual meeting because your first participation dates back over 20 years ago. Prime Minister Fayat, I think since over 10 years we had the pleasure to welcome you here. And of course it's very significant that those two leaders are sitting together this afternoon. If I introduce, which in principle is not necessary, President Peres, you know he was the longest serving member of the Israeli Knesset. His efforts in the peace process have earned him the Nobel Prize, the respect of his nation and the respect of the world. And I, as a personal experience, I had the pleasure to sit with you yesterday and I never, and you will be surprised, I never have learned so much in my life about brain research through this discussion with you. Prime Minister Fayat, you are of course the Prime Minister of the Palestinian Authority. Your courage and conviction have created a new legacy for the Palestinian people and you are very much recognized for your enduring commitment, and I repeat your enduring commitment to building strong Palestinian institutions as well as for your efforts to secure a peaceful future for both Palestinians and Israelis. We have this special conversation today and I would like to ask immediately, after all what we hear and with the impressions that people are just annoyed, if I may say so, the world population still to listen to what's happening and to see a lack of progress. So let me ask you, is there still reason for hope that we will have a reconciliation in this very crucial question for the world, for world peace? President Peres. Thank you very much Professor Schwab. First of all let me commend as a senior citizen of Davos that this conference is different from all the other conferences I did participate. Usually the conferences in Davos was in search of answers to known questions. This time the questions are unknown. It's a conference to decide what are the questions of our time, for the first time. You cannot cure an illness if you don't know the nature of it. And we are in a situation of uncertainty all over the world, not only the Middle East, but as usual the Middle East is more in a question than all others. Now to answer your question. I am convinced there will be peace between the Palestinians and us based on a two-state solution. I don't have the slightest doubt. I wouldn't give it up. I'm not in desperation and I want to give several reasons why. First of all I believe things were not standing still as people are thinking. I do believe the Palestinians did a good job, both President Abbas and Prime Minister Fayad in two ways. In addition to the diplomatic negotiations they started to build with the agreement of Israel a state. So the time wasn't wasted. We have to distinguish between building a state and running a negotiations. You can build even if you don't have negotiations, so negotiations are necessary. And the fact is that the situation on the ground for the first time has changed and people can feel the real taste of peace. When you come to Ramallah the lights are open like in Tel Aviv and people are more hopeful. And all the Palestinians are constructing a totally modern city next to Ramallah. They don't sit idle. And I want really to compliment my friend Fayad for doing an excellent job on it with the full support of Israel. On that there is no division. We may have some arguments here and there, but basically. And the second thing is in addition to building a state they have built a force for their own security. There are 15,000 young Palestinians that were trained in Jordan under the guidance of the United States of America and they can provide for the first time in the Palestinian history a security force of their own that is fairly loyal to the Palestinian leadership, to President Abbas and Prime Minister Fayad. Those are two developments that I suggest not to ignore. I don't want to create an impression that instead of negotiations you have to build. It's not instead, it's in addition to. Now we have to negotiate. I think even on the negotiations the gap was seriously narrowed. And neither the Palestinians nor the Israelis have any serious alternative but to make peace. The uprising or whatever you call it in the spring in the Arab midst is not about the conflict. It's not about Israel. It has nothing to do with it. What is happening in Syria, what happened in other countries in Egypt is not part of the conflict. Yet the extreme people are using the conflict as a justification for their own search of power. We don't want to serve anymore as an excuse. The best thing we can do to enable the Arab people to go their way is really to take out this conflict from the contest and to take it out by having an agreement between the two of us. So we shall not serve as an excuse. Now let me say about Israel. I have to say it very clearly. For us to make peace with the Palestinians is not just a strategy. It is a historic commitment. We are trying to make peace not to achieve a political or strategic comfort but to be true to our tradition. The Jewish tradition does not permit us to rule other people. We are against slaves and we are against rulers. And we have to remain true to our history and to our tradition. So we are committed in the depths to make peace. Now after a long time how to translate the peace into realities, finally most of the world has agreed that there is just one solution, no other. And that is to have a solution of two states, a Palestinian state, a Israeli state. The Arabs will have a Palestinian state. The Jews will have a Israeli state living side by side with peace. In the negotiations there were some achievements. There remain some problems. And people are extremely nervous a little bit by the quartet putting dates which shortens the time of negotiations. I mean I think the date of the 26th of this month is arbitrary. Supposed to take some more dates. And I'm afraid that under tense and pressure we shall commit mistakes. Because in the meantime the Middle East has changed already. It's a different Middle East. Egypt is no longer the same Egypt it used to be. It's an entirely new country. I don't want neither to criticize nor analyze. But the position of Egypt inside the conflict is not the same it used to be. I believe that with a little bit of patience, and by the way the remaining problems in my judgment are more psychological than realistic, than real. I don't say that if it's psychological it is easier to solve. Nothing whatsoever. But we can solve it. We can solve it. And from my experience I know that when you come to the end of the road and you think this is the end it may be the last day of the crisis. There is enough ground on both sides and understanding on both sides. And I have the highest respect for Abbas and for Fayat. I think it's the best thing that could have happened for the Palestinians. The best thing that could have happened for peace. The best thing that could have happened for us. We respect them. We want to talk with them. Each of us has its domestic problems. You know peace is a very serious problem domestically, not only outwardly. Because you have to convince your people to make concessions. Now the people say we are for peace. We are ready to pay the price. But why are you paying so much? You don't know how to negotiate. Now what can you answer? My only answer is that peace is like love. Unless you close a little bit your eyes you will never achieve it either of the two. You must be a little bit forgiving and a little bit elegant and constructive and even ambiguous. Because negotiations is a very hard experience but not a lost one. So to answer your question I do believe that it will happen. I hope it will happen soon. I think postponing is damaging. And I think we have to continue and do the two, to work on the two legs. On the constructive one, building and the diplomatic one negotiating. And if we shall do it, in spite of all the disappointments, we shall finally come out with a peace between the two of us and let the Arab world deal with its own real problems. Dr Fayat, do you feel we are close? Can we do it? Thank you very much Professor Ashwab. I will try to take advantage of the introduction made by President Perez and answer the question posed in a direct way. But not before I thank you for giving the opportunity to us again be here in Davos and also President Perez for a statement of goodwill. The answer that I can give to the question unfortunately cannot but be normative. It may not be satisfactory in the sense of providing an objective reason or reasoning leading to the conclusion that there is hope. The answer I will give is that there must be hope. We have to maintain hope and if you are Palestinian as I have maintained on a number of occasions, hope is something that has to be product of conscious decision making. Question is can we really do what is necessary in order to provide an objective underpinning for this commitment to continue to be hopeful until we indeed are able to bring this conflict resolution? And here is where I would like to take advantage of the outline of the introduction just given by President Perez when he said there are two tracks building a state and negotiating peace. They are interrelated obviously. Both are necessary. Both are equally necessary. And both reinforce each other when they are working well and would work to the detriment of the outcome that we are all pursuing if either is not working well. Both have to work well. Right now I think one would have to really work hard to be hopeful at this stage and so far as where the political process is concerned. In my own assessment, the political process since inception, if we take inception to mean since beginning of Oslo process has never been disliking in focus in my own assessment. That's an objective assessment. Where we have a process that's driven by the quartets strong desire and the standable desire to get something to go and I actually refer here to what has been happening since September 23rd, the latest statement, and putting the parties in a position of having to respond to that desire when I do not believe the conditions are actually right or right for a meaningful resumption of political process. Some might argue that this is at worst harmless. Let's not try. That will be okay if in fact concomitantly while pursuing the attempt to get the political process to move again, the quartet was making adequate effort to really watch over this other track mentioned by President Perez, building the state. Building state has a lot of requirements. First and foremost and so far as we Palestinians are concerned to do that which is necessary to really ensure that we have all of the elements necessary for that state to emerge in the form of strong and competent institutions of the state. But also that requires a lot of attention and to detail by international community and the form of adequate support to sustain this effort. It also requires a lot of cooperation by the State of Israel in order to project to make it possible for us Palestinians, the Palestinian Authority, to begin to be effectively able to project that which we have been doing over the past few years on the path of getting ready for a statehood as a state in the making. This is political and that's where you begin to have that interface between the building track and the political process track. What would argue must happen in order for us to really beginning to find an objective reason and to be convinced in fact that there is hope that this process is going to really take us somewhere politically. I believe these other, these issues on the state building track require a lot more attention than they have been getting. Palestinian Authority which is a key instrument of this whole process given that a key outcome that we're looking for, key deliverable of this political process. The most important one is the emergence of that independent sovereign state of Palestine or the territory occupied in 1967. That being the case, the Palestinian Authority itself cannot but be viewed as the key instrument of that. But the Palestinian Authority finds itself right now in a very difficult position of having to manage with very little by way of resources for example. Is there enough attention being paid to this issue? Is the Palestinian Authority in this kind of condition because of its own failures? Or is it because of something that's completely exogenous in the form of A, not enough assistance being given to the Palestinian Authority relative to commitments? And B, Palestinian Authority not being enabled adequately to operate in the entire economic space that would represent an integral part of the territory on which that state of Palestine is going to emerge. I'm here talking about nearly 60% of the landmass of the West Bank where the Palestinian Authority labeled area C under Rosloh code where the Palestinian Authority cannot pursue development in orderly fashion without getting permits. The situation also requires close attention with this issue still being there although not to the extent it was before. And there is finally the issue of what do we do in order to be able to put our country back together because that too is a requirement in order for us to be able to have a state. So there's a lot of work that needs to happen in order to validate our shared commitment to continuing to be hopeful. Something which I believe we should continue to work on. Thank you, Dr. Al-Fayyat. President Peres, would you be ready to make some comments to react to what Dr. Al-Fayyat said? I think right now the major diplomatic effort should be done directly between the two of us because the Quartet has its own split because there are elections both in America and Europe. And I think we are mature to conduct the negotiations. We need the help of Europe, we need the help of the United States, we need the support of all other people. I don't underrate it. But there is a danger that if things will be done under pressure we shall have an absurd situation. If you'll ask me what is the greatest problem to make peace in the Middle East? My answer is Iran. Iran has two agencies that don't permit to make peace. One agency is Hamas. We left Gaza willingly, Hamas took it over, made it a base of shooting of rockets to Israel. Now Iran is financing it, sending arms that endanger Israel, smuggling, training, passing, that they will be more extreme than they are. And the second agency is in Lebanon, Hezbollah. They almost put an end to Lebanon as an independent, integrated country. They are now in troubles because of the situation in the Middle East. What we would like very much is the international community will take upon itself to bring an end to the intervention of the Iranians in the situation of the Middle East. What do they want, the Iranians? They want to be the hegemony. They don't want peace. Since they are not Arabs, they want to have a religious, not a national hegemony. I believe they will lose. And also the problem is not just the nuclear issue. Iran today is the only country in the world which took more corruption as a way of governing. The Hank people without trial, they encourage every terroristic act. They don't have any expression, respect for human rights. That's the only country, mind you. The only country that threatens openly to destroy another member of the Middle East, the Israel. And I think the steps that we are taking now by Europe and America are promising. They are not enough. And I believe that we have to put the pressure on the human rights. I believe that values are as strong as economics. And I believe that we have to make the people in Iran hopeful that they can get rid of this government that suggests nothing to the Iranians, nothing to the rest of the world. It's the first force that I can think of that doesn't have a message of any positive approaches. And I'm glad that steps were taken. And if we shall be free, Hamas wouldn't exist as they do without the Iranians' support. It wouldn't split the Palestinians. If the Palestinians would be united, it would be easier for them and for us to make peace. We shall continue in spite of the split. It will relieve Lebanon for being under pressure. So I believe if there is an international support, it should be expressed in two ways, to support the peace process, including the construction of the Palestinian state as Dr Fayad has mentioned, and relieve the conflict between the two of us to let us settle the problems. There is nothing concerning the Arab future hanging upon the conflict within the Palestinians and us. But it is being used as an excuse. The body is small. The shadow is large. It's overshadows, un-proportionally, the value of the conflict. We would like to get out of that. We wouldn't like to be an excuse for the extremists to say that the conflict between the Palestinians and Israel is the major issue. It is not. It's a major issue between the two of us. But it shouldn't disturb the young generation of the Arabs to go ahead. The real problem in the Middle East is poverty, not politics. The real problem in the Middle East is the social and economic situation. There is unemployment. There is a terrible level of, a line of poverty of one dollar or two dollars a day. The young people are unemployed. There is a great deal of corruption. Nobody can save the situation in the Middle East, but the people themselves. There is not enough money to solve it. So I think we can help the Palestinians entering the New Age, because we live in the New Age. To the old governments in the world became weak, because the most important instrument to govern was taken away from them. Usually governments were governing by controlling the economy. Since economy is no longer national, but global, it affects every country, every country can run it. And the economy is unpredictable. You can see it as much as you want. But all of a sudden, a young boy of 27 years old that doesn't have an army, doesn't have a party, doesn't have a police, introduces a Facebook and changes the world. They didn't cheat. They didn't kill. He didn't kill. And look what's happening. So it's a new world, and the only way to return to growth, to overcome poverty and hunger and starvation, is to adopt the modern means of growth, which is on one hand global, and on the other hand scientific and technological. Let me say as a person, I am convinced that if the Arab world will have a better conditions, Israel will have a better chance to live in peace. It is our interest to see them successful. It doesn't give us any pleasure to see anybody suffering. What for? And I think it's a great occasion for the world too. Because if there won't be peace in the Middle East, and there won't be enough growth in Africa, the whole global structure will suffer. So it comes together. And our small contribution, what we can do, we are not the greatest countries in the world, is to bring an end to the conflict and let's handle the real issues for the betterment of the Middle East, of its people, all people, Arabs and Jews and Christians, there is no reason, because the economy is no longer. And I would like to make one remark again. You know, people are criticizing globalization. Let's not forget that globalization brought some hope as well. I think globalization unintentionally became the greatest force against racism. Since economic global companies wants to sell all over the world, they cannot discriminate anybody because of his color or religion or anything else. In an undirect way, it's for the first time we have the strongest anti-racist economy in the world. The second point is it opened up the world. It's transparent. Nobody can control it. Don't envy any dictator anymore in the Middle East. The ones who remain alive. Because they cannot bluff, they cannot blind the people. It's opening up and it permits the young generation to become modern and save their lives and their future. So globalization is not only negative. And it's arrived in the Middle East and I think the youngsters will win. I think the extremists don't have a future because they don't have a message. Not for their people, not for other people. And I think if the new governments that will be elected, wherever they will be, they will not handle the religious issues which are economic and social. In a new age which is global and open, there won't be peace. I would like to come back to three points President Perez mentioned. The first one is the question can the Palestinians and the Israelis solve the issues of the negotiations. The second point is related to the external factors which have to be taken into consideration. President Perez mentioned Iran. And the third point is the impact of this. We call it here at the annual meetings the great transformation. I refer to the young generation. I refer to millennial the Arab Spring generation. How does it change the situation and possibly the cards in the Middle East? Thank you. The answer to the first question is yes. But in the context in which we have been talking about the need for those negotiations actually to be based on a set of principles that are agreed and that are consistent also with what is required under international law in order to bring this conflict to a resolution on a sustainable basis for the outcome to be not only viable but sustainable, sustainably viable. And that is why and that's the sense in which I said both tracks identified by President Perez were necessary. He said the political process of building the Palestinian state both are necessary in order to bring about an end to this conflict. But it seems to me that we and the idea has been there all along that we need some help with this. I mean the fact that direct negotiations are a requirement in order for us to be able to wrap things up it's almost a matter of definition so far as I'm concerned because if you look at the nature of the conflict and nature of the issues that the parties agreed to negotiate in the language actually of the agreement itself how else is this going to really be done? I mean obviously we need to sit down and negotiate but it's been recognized all along that we need a significant amount of international help in order for us to be able to do this and what I argue is needed in the light of nearly 18 years experience and what we need to do this is that it is really time to take a look at the factors of weakness and why is it that this process has not delivered to the fullest extent it could have and after all that state of Palestine should have happened by May 1999 here we are more than nearly 12 years later and still that goal eludes us I think it's time for that pendulum to swing back in the direction that is required by international law and international legitimacy as opposed to that international intervention continuing to be guided on the basis of that which is thought to be acceptable ex ante to the parties why because here we are 18 years later we're still struggling we're still struggling actually getting back together to sit around the table to negotiate to do that which is necessary by definition to come to an end I'm not really here suggesting that what is required is an imposed solution but I'm really suggesting strongly is that the process is in bad need of serious direction it cannot really be left alone time is the essence the fact that we believe it's inevitable for this conflict to come to an end does not mean that there is a sense of inevitability that by itself is going to happen it is time to recognize the failings of this process failed not for no reason the context is important that takes me to the second part of the question and I believe both elements the two questions you asked relate to the regional context although the international context is absolutely important and I agree with what the president said about the United States given where it is at now in the political cycle but also where the European Union is in terms of its understandable preoccupation with your own problems and that these considerations add to I believe reasons why I believe conditions are not exactly right for a meaningful effective workable resumption of talks between the sides regional context is most challenging obviously in the two senses that we described I myself have small country bias almost by definition I have to although some argue there are too many two small countries in the world as Palestinian trying desperately to see yet another small state added to an already long list of two small countries I believe given that disposition we cannot really be too enthralled by regional powers trying to throw their weight around regardless of who they are I think one of the consequences I hope anyway this is a hopeful statement of the Arab Spring you talked about transformation and your point of inquiry would be a reawakening of that sense of who we are as Arabs and to really actually begin to find our way on a basis of a much better understanding of what the role of government should be what good government is about out of much better understanding or deep understanding of what it is that actually belatedly caused the Arab Spring to happen Arab Spring happened as a direct consequence of decades of people in the region governed not in an effective or competent manner or in a fair or inadequate manner and so far as citizens' rights are concerned there's much better understanding of how important it is to have that kind of government responsible both responsible and responsive government how do we take advantage of that at some level it seems to me this movement should help us because at its core it's very much consistent fundamentally consistent of what the nature of what we Palestinians are looking for we're looking for being able to live as free people with dignity in a country of our own these are the higher meanings of the Arab Spring that's why from the very beginning going back to around the same last year I said that this movement should be respected and honored definitely not resisted here we are in the realm of the should of things the normative side of things the other side to this which is important and I close by that with this as a practical matter though and as it seems to me immediate consequence of the Arab Spring our cause while fundamentally consistent in a very much so with the cause of the Arab Spring broadly defined our cause has been marginalized by it in a very practical way indeed I do not recall that Palestinian cause has been marginalized to the extent it is to there pretty much for many decades I mean since the cause of Palestine actually came to being referred to as cause of Palestine there is obviously the understandable preoccupation in the region with the ramifications in the aftermath of Arab Spring and the natural consequences of it countries trying to find their way around economically speaking from governance point of view what do you do, how do you constitute yourselves elections and all adequacy of government there are very important questions and it may take quite a number of years before actually region settles down with a better state of equilibrium there is that and there is of course this other dimension of preoccupation international that we talked about in terms of where the United States is, where the European Union is and so therefore a key challenge facing us trying to translate the hope that we're looking for into something that can be invested in is to begin to answer the question how do we deal with this marginalization this is from our point of view of Palestine and this is the question I think President Prime Minister I'm going to an end and I just would like to mention for those who haven't followed the process since 94 since in the aftermath of Oslo the Madrid conference we were sitting practically every year on the stage I remember the great hope which people had in the Casablanca conference you definitely remember I recall when we were sitting together just after Taba there was such a great hope in 2001 and now we are sitting again together and I think the audience can only share my impression to such reasonable enlightened people full of goodwill so my question to each of you is what is the single most important factor now finally to translate this hope into reality and I don't want to hear what you will do and I want to hear what you suggest to first you to President Prime Minister what you would wish the most important factor so certainly can go one step finally forward and afterwards if you would conclude Prime Minister my dear friend I'm listening to you and I hear it time and again 20 years have passed and things didn't happen as we have hoped for let me make a philosophical remark 20 years is a long time for a person historically it's not a very long period usually those processes take time and we're a little impatient but in those 20 years we talk about the remaining disagreement forgetting the agreements that were achieved and let me mention the most important one first of all I agree with Dr. Fayat that we have to work on the two legs on the diplomatic and the building one without another will not make us walk as as we should talk too much and walk too little but what happened in those 20 years let's not forget we have a government today that has agreed to a two state solution it's a major ideological change in the annals of Israel don't forget it the president prime minister doesn't come from the left side which usually supported peace he comes from the right side but the government agreed to a two state solution which didn't exist before or never then again the government agreed to what you call the construction and maybe Mr. Enthiao would call it economic peace it doesn't matter but the construction is done in a agreed manner it takes time to build a country to build a land is not a simple proposition you know Israel is 64 years old and you know we are also in those 64 years we have to go through 7 wars imagine what a burden it is upon the young people upon the state upon the people it's hard to understand we never gave up hope and finally wars today were replaced by terror but there was also a problem we have agreed to a two state solution that wasn't 20 years ago and it wasn't 10 years ago that's a basic agreement very profound we have agreed that you will build a state and we do it in full agreement we may have some arguments about here and that and then we also understand that we have to negotiate directly between the two of us I believe what we have to do now right now we cannot solve the remaining problems overnight they are complicated you know Jerusalem Jerusalem all told these 2 square kilometers this is the whole story that gave birth to 3 religions that were already in the last 2000 years 20 wars about these 2 kilometers there are 100 holy sites these 2 kilometers it's very complicated it's beneficial but it's also complicated now what we have to do is to move in 2 steps step number 1 is to open the negotiation we need a bouquet of agreements which won't cover all the issues to enable the Palestinians and Israel to reopen the negotiation this should be done soon once we shall reopen the negotiation the negotiation should be conducted discreetly because otherwise the press will take over and it will be an ongoing press conference and I believe if we shall reopen and we shall negotiate peace will come maybe sooner than we think but the years were not wasted it's not like it used to be I'm sorry it takes time it's costly to you, to us, to all of us but we are advancing I wish it could have been done quicker than it does and what I believe my hope is that the young Arab people will bring their peoples and nations to a modern economy to escape poverty only they can do it I believe in their sincerity I believe in their future I don't consider them neither strangers nor enemies it may take again year, two years I don't know we shall have a transitional period which will be extremely difficult to overcome but we have to handle it with restraint with wisdom with patience, with hope and not to become victims because something was disappointing or we had a setback here I don't know anything in life that you can achieve just by jumping I know that Teneche once says the sport I like is jumping jumping to conclusions don't jump to conclusions it takes time but we are nearer than most of us are thinking it's more complicated than we would like to have but we are at the final attempt to complete a very long war and complicated that carries with it you know, in Ireland it took hundreds of years hundreds Europe was for a thousand years a broken continent with civil wars with hatred, with mistrust but not and so I am hopeful, I don't think we have to wait hundreds of years I don't think we have to wait 20 years I think it will come sooner than we think we have now to negotiate the present crisis with elegance, with wisdom with restraint and put the moral judgement on top of everything my mentor was David Ben-Gurion I learned from him several things which are important I never cheat always there don't be afraid to there be careful, not to bluff and the second thing I learned from him that the highest level of wisdom the top of wisdom is the moral preference there is nothing wiser than to keep the moral call to respect values it's very powerful it's the best way to go and I am sure this piece will rest on more foundations not just on economic cooperation and not just on diplomatic understanding so let's have a sense of proportion and let's look with open eyes to what was achieved and not only with an angry mood to achieve everything as soon as we would like to thank you very much short reaction Prime Minister short reaction I'm looking at the clock too yeah at two levels what I'm looking for at the macro level first is an assurance as to what it is exactly that the Prime Minister of the government today means when he says two state solution what kind of state does he have in mind when he says Palestinian state if my arithmetic is right it was about two and a half years ago that Prime Minister Netanyahu for the first time signaled willingness in a formal way to accept two state solution I believe it took too long before we got to that point but we should not look backward looking forward what we really need at the macro level is an assurance as to what it is exactly that's meant by that and let me be clear in terms of what it is we Palestinians are looking for we're looking for an independent viable state Palestine on the territory occupied in 1967 that's our definition of it it would be reassuring if in fact we begin to know what it is exactly that's meant by it and not to just say two state solution 18 years after Oslo I think it's high time for that to be defined with much greater specificity than just basically subscription to the theme at the more micro level the list is long but all items there relate to the objective of building towards statehood it should not be a surprising list in terms of its composition as in for example allowing the Palestinian Authority the scope to work develop and indeed just live in that area where that state of Palestine is going to merge I made a reference in my earlier remarks to so called area C under Oslo where our capacity to develop is severely constrained Jordan Valley's value area is about 26% of the overall value area of the West Bank yet inhabited by only 50,000 Palestinians not an area that is hospitable to Palestinian presence what is it that could be done to make it so a stoppage of military incursions into area A in accordance with agreement measures like this actually would be suggestive of the state in the making which would be transformative to use your own phrase both to us Palestinians but also to Israelis to that majority to the validity of two state solution but to the very same majority that still does not think it can happen what is it that must begin to happen incredibly in order to begin that process of transformation I just gave you a list of few items and I think attention to those would be a very good beginning thank you thank you president thank you prime minister we all hope that the hope which was expressed here is soon followed by what you would call a just and peace which will last and brings finally the two people together so when we are here president Paris again and prime minister in the next years let's hope that we see progress that's my pray thank you