 I am delighted to welcome you to our campus and I acknowledge and celebrate through traditional owners on whose lands we meet today, the Nambri-Nanawal people and pay respect to elders past and present. Prime Minister Anwai Ibrahim and Dr Ismail, we are absolutely delighted to have you with us today with your distinguished ministry and members of the Malaysian delegation. We are delighted to also welcome the High Commissioner to Australia, Dr Abdullah, the Australian High Commissioner to Kuala Lumpur, many diplomats and high commissioners and ambassadors. I am thrilled to welcome a predecessor and a successor in Professor the Honourable Gareth Evans, formerly a Chancellor of this University, of course, formerly a Foreign Minister and in whose honour we have established this annual oration. So please welcome Gareth Evans. I'm thrilled to have a successor here and in Senator the Honourable Penny Wong, the Foreign Minister of Australia, more about Minister Wong in a moment and Minister Tim Watts who is here, the Secretary of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, Jan Adams and so many distinguished visitors, ANU staff and alumni, our students, friends of the Australian National University. Prime Minister, your visit to Australia to coincide with the 50th anniversary of ASEAN Australian relations is also an opportunity to reflect on the very deep ties between our two nations. At a government level it is termed a comprehensive strategic partnership but your visit here to the Australian National University reminds us of the very deep personal and human ties between our two peoples for educational exchange has been a feature of the Australian-Malaysian relationship for many decades. In fact, I believe that about 300,000 Malaysians can claim an educational experience in Australia and indeed on our campus last year there were over 100 Malaysian students in undergraduate and postgraduate studies and of course Australian students love visiting Malaysia particularly under the new Colombo Plan. I understand that Malaysia is a favoured destination and as it's a matter very close to my heart I do want to thank Minister Wong and the Albanese government for continuing this government-backed scheme that enables Australian students to undertake studies in universities and higher education institutions in the ASEAN region and beyond and particularly in Malaysia. We also have a deep research collaboration and our publications between Malaysian institutions and ANU are particularly in the sciences of physics, chemistry, material and environmental sciences. On the humanity side ANU established the ANU Malaysian Institute in 2016 which has already carried out significant research into Malaysian history, sociology, politics, economics and law and we have just witnessed the signing of an MOU between our university and the Malaysian Institute for Strategic and International Studies. Minister Wong, I am really delighted to have you here at ANU today and it is my pleasure to introduce the Minister who will then introduce the Malaysian Prime Minister. As you will know Minister Wong was born in Malaysia. She began her education in Malaysia and emigrated to Australia at the tender age of eight. Her father had been an original Colombo Plan scholar studying at the University of Adelaide. Minister Wong continued her education in South Australia. She graduated with an arts law degree from the University of Adelaide and then practiced as a lawyer in Adelaide and might I say what a very fine pedigree that is for a future foreign minister. Penny was then elected to the Senate in 2001 and this year today she is the longest serving female cabinet minister in Australia's history. She has had responsibility for the significant portfolios of climate change, finance and now foreign affairs. And while we were in different political parties in fact we were in different parliamentary chambers. Our paths crossed often in the field of foreign affairs. I found her to be a thoroughly decent committed and fair colleague. She is a formidable politician with a sharp intellect and wit but she is unrelenting in her focus on better outcomes for our nation and in the national interest. Minister Wong as our chief diplomat faces a very challenging often unpredictable and highly contested environment and it requires a deep understanding of the historic and current events that shape this environment and the need for an ability to deftly navigate the environment regionally and internationally. In minister Wong we have a diplomat who is able to do that with much ability. A child of Malaysia Australia's foreign minister please welcome minister Penny Wong. Thank you very much and I also begin by acknowledging the traditional owners of this land and paying my respect to elders past and present and acknowledging and welcoming any other Aboriginal or Australian people attending here today. I also acknowledge the many distinguished guests including members of the diplomatic call. I acknowledge and thank our minister Anwar and Dr Wanaziza for being here. I acknowledge my counterpart the Malaysian minister for foreign affairs, Takmar. Thank you for being here and the Malaysian minister for youth and sport, Hanayel. It's wonderful to have you here as well. It's a very great pleasure to be here at the Gareth Evans Oration. I'll acknowledge the man himself as well as his successor and my predecessor Julie Bishop and if I can thank Julie very much for her generous introduction and for her service to this country. I think on the list of longer serving women in a cabinet she was second and I think is now third. So myself, Amanda Vanstone and Julie Bishop it's a it's a group of which I'm very proud to be part alongside you. I have to say having a couple of esteemed foreign ministers here did feel a little bit like coming back to university for a lecture but presenting to professors but luckily the Prime Minister of Malaysia is the one who is presenting and he is more than equipped for this task. I thank you Prime Minister for being here for this oration and I thank you again publicly for being here in Australia for the ASEAN Australia special summit which concluded in Melbourne. We are most grateful for your presence. You honour us with your presence in our country. I'll introduce the Prime Minister in just a moment but if I may first say something briefly about Gareth Evans. Gareth has never seen any inherent limit in the potential for Australian influence in our region or the world. You see we're not one of the great powers. We're not a country that has to be listened to or worked with because it's the sheer size of population, economy, military or industrial weight but like our Southeast Asian neighbours our size does not reflect how much we have to offer our region and the world. But it does mean we have to be more clever about how we advance our interests in peace, in stability and in prosperity. We have to be more strategic in how we ensure our region enjoys a strategic balance where countries which are small or medium-sized are not dominated by the major powers. A region in which we can all decide our own destinies. Gareth Evans was never limited by the assumption of a small Australia and his capacity for influence is perhaps no more evident than in his work to bring together the 1991 Paris peace agreements that helped bring peace to Cambodia and our creative role in those talks and our support for the UN transitional authority in Cambodia is still spoken of in the highest terms by the Cambodian government, by opposition groups, by citizens and civil society and so many others across our region and the world. It was and it remains one of Australia's greatest diplomatic achievements. And it is a template for doing what I describe as taking the world as it is and shaping it for the better. And I hope you in this room be part of this legacy of shaping the next stage or steps in this legacy in the years to come. And of course we have another great statesman here with us today, Malaysians Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim. And I begin by recognizing you join us on the eve of the 10th anniversary of the disappearance of MH370. And while the searches have not been successful and families continue to do endure heartache, the effort to find MH370 demonstrates the close cooperation between our countries through difficult times. Mr Prime Minister, I'm a proud Sabahana Australian and it is a singular honour to have the opportunity to introduce the Malaysian Prime Minister here today. And it is an honour to introduce you. And I want to in doing so recognise the profound influence you have had not only on Malaysia but more broadly on the development of democracy across the region. You've survived your own particular political purgatory. But notwithstanding the political and personal difficulties you have faced, you have never lost your influence. Indeed, you have only become more influential and your ability to inspire has become even greater. So without detracting in any way from your past, present and future achievements in office, I would venture so far as to describe you as one of that vanishingly rare species of political leader who has been profoundly influential not only in office but in opposition. Not only when you've held the levers of national power but also most decidedly when you have not. Prime Minister has had the courage to live the life of a true Democrat. And he has shaped the character of the national and regional polity in profound ways. Malaysia, Australia, all the countries of our region have our own paths. Many nations shaped by powerful independence personalities whose lives will forever be tied to the struggle of their nations for freedom and self-rule. You, sir, though, have played a unique role in Malaysia's history. In the development of its democracy, its political practice and the way it defines its own path in Southeast Asia. You've been an advocate for respect and tolerance in troubling times, a message we should emphasise today. And we both live in countries that have communities deeply affected by the conflict in the Middle East. And while neither of our countries are in the Middle East, we both have voices which are respected there. So it is so important for us all to continue to use our voices to advocate for an immediate humanitarian ceasefire and humanitarian access, the release of hostages and the protection of civilians. To use our voices for a pathway out of this conflict and an enduring peace for an independent Palestinian state alongside the state of Israel. Just as we continue to promote peaceful and respectful dialogue at home. Regrettably, here in Australia, we see some who claim to champion human rights and justice behaving in ways that show little regard for either. Shocking attempts at intimidation and character assassination, blatant antisemitism and Islamophobia. There are some intent on reproducing hatred and social conflict here, pushing absolutist agendas ahead of respect for peaceful disagreement that healthy democracy demands. We are not a country where we are pushed to adopt an absolutist position of one side or another side. We are a pluralist country, allowing for many different viewpoints, where we are united by respect for each other's humanity and for each other's right to live in peace. Prime Minister, across the years, you have been a great friend to Australia and to Australians. And I am hopeful that this next stage in Australian-Malaysia relationships is one where we see further cooperation across so many areas, but not the least to support your own personal goal of strengthening Malaysia's democratic institutions. Democracy is always a work in progress, and progress comes with many setbacks, as all of us know, perhaps you more than most. But democracy's enduring wisdom lies in its ability to evolve, to tackle new challenges as human society itself continues to change. So we thank you, Prime Minister, for coming today, for returning to Australia. Please know the esteem with which you are held here, how welcome you are as a guest in our country, and how honoured we are to host you here today. As the Malaysian saying goes, kabuket sama didaki, kalura sama dituruni. So in that spirit of friendship and respect, Datot Sri, I invite you to the podium to deliver the 2024 Gareth Evans Oration. Salam alaikum and a very good afternoon. Thank you, Minister Penny Wong, for that brilliant introduction. I think if you don't mind, we seek permission from Albanisi to borrow you for a few weeks to help campaign in Malaysia. And thank you again. And thank you, Chancellor Dhulwisha, and my great friend Gareth Evans. Distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, allow me to begin by acknowledging the Nunnawal and Nambri people, traditional custodians of the land on which we gather today and pay my respects to the eldest, past and present. Extend that respect to the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples here today. I'm delighted to be back here at ANU. I've been here a couple of times. Instigating students and inspiring an institution of consequence to this country and the broader region. When the ANU was established in 1946, its pioneers naturally envisaged that it would serve to advance higher education. More than that, the Australian government vested the ANU with a vital mission of broadening and deepening this country's understanding of what we now call the Asia Pacific, thereby helping to define Australia's place in global affairs. In introducing the bill established in the university, the Australian Minister for post-war reconstruction at the time said that Australia's relations with its neighbors and partners, quote, must be carefully studied in order that they may become friendly and fruitful as they must be if our future is to be safeguarded and if we are to make our full contribution in the councils of the nations. Almost eight decades later, the study of Australia's external strategic environment is evidently being spearheaded on this campus as we witness the extensive Asian collections of the Menzies Library and the tremendous scholarly output across the board, leaving no one in doubt as to why this university remains a leading centre for Pacific and Asian studies. It is indeed a great honour to deliver this oration named after a great difficult friend, Gareth Evans. As foreign minister of Australia from 1998 to 1996, Gareth was one on the front lines of diplomacy at a pivotal moment for this region and the world. The end of the Cold War led to political and economic shifts that swept away all certainties. It presented new risks and opportunities for countries like Australia and Gareth was there to make sure that Australia strategically adapted to that new world, including through the creation of EPIC. I have very little choice when he instructed me to come and attend this lecture. He assumed they're still foreign minister instructing one of his members of the staff and this is known as the generation by the way. We have a lot of stories together. We were in New York together some years back and then with the permanent rep, an Australian permanent rep and he was giving instructions as if that permanent rep was his former PA and remained so. So you can appreciate my predicament. It is therefore fitting for me to take this opportunity to speak about how Malaysia and Australia can work together and navigate yet another pivotal moment in our region's history. For despite the tyranny of distance, the destinies of our two countries have long been intertwined right from the beginnings of Malaysia itself. Malaysia won't forget the heroism of the Anzac breed as Prime Minister John Curtin said in March 1942, our men stormed Gallipoli. They swept through the Libyan desert. They were the rats of Tobruk. They were the men who fought under the bitter, sarcastic, pugnacious Gordon Bennett down Malaya and were still fighting when the surrender of Singapore came. From the tragedy of the Sandakan death marches to the defense of Malaysia against threats of the Cold War, foreign and domestic, all existential, Malaysia will remember that Australia was there for us. Thank you. Economic relations between Malaysia and Australia have grown from strength to strength in recent years, based on mutual geoeconomic interests and the pursuit of regional prosperity. Last year our trade was valued at about 27 billion Australian dollars, cementing Malaysia's position as Australia's second largest ASEAN trading partner. Globally, we are Australia's 10th largest trading partner. Beyond that, Malaysia and Australia are parties to four economic framework including the world's largest FDA, namely the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework. These signals will join interest in facilitating trade and investment across this dynamic region. We are also heartened by the fact, by the trade-focused components of Australia's recent Southeast Asia Economic Strategy, which recognises the need to deepen such collaboration between Australia and ASEAN amid growing geopolitical uncertainty. Nationally, Malaysia is on track with its new Industrial Master Plan and Madani Economic Framework outlining similar priority areas alongside CES, S-E-A-S. In the years to come, new opportunities will emerge for Australian investors in digitalisation, renewable energy and energy transition. Agro-processing and the downstream of chemical and mineral products coinciding with Malaysia's push towards becoming a complex advanced economy. Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, a recent hallmark in our relationship formally categorised as a strategic partnership, its elevation to a comprehensive strategic partnership, which reaffirms our strong bilateral ties with cooperation cutting across multiple spheres, often stretching beyond the traditional economic, diplomatic, security and cultural ties. More importantly, it also emphasises shared regional aspirations and the intent to co-operate strategically on a multilateral level. It has become an understatement to say that we now live in unsettled times. A sense of abhorring has seeped into discourse on the future of our region. This stands in stark contrast to how we spoke about the Asian Pacific at the turn of this century. At the time, there was a clear consensus that the principal challenge emanated from non-traditional threats. This was an era where terrorism repeatedly reared its ugly head with the tragedies of 9-11 and the 2002 Bali bombings. On the economic front, there was a broad agreement that cross-border trade and investment would help build interdependence and moderate rivalries. Our pet peeves were relatively benign quarrels over market access, tariffs and quotas. Yet, I recount that juncture in recent history to underline how fundamental assumptions about preserving peace and prosperity in our region have altered. Globalisation is decidedly under assault. Economic interdependence is now seen as indicative of duress or worse of parking under the weight of coercion. For some countries, the preservation of stability warrants nothing less than a more muscular approach towards international affairs. Our responses to the rise of China will be a critical determinant of whether our region will be characterized by the taunt or discord. To tailor our strategies effectively, we need to adopt measures of empathy to put ourselves in their shoes to see how others see us. For the leaders of China, it is only natural for them to be more forthright in assessing their interests. A growing economy naturally leads to greater diplomatic influence and a more formidable military. In their eyes, the adverse reactions to China's rise, militarily, economically and technologically, represent nothing less than an attempt to deny their legitimate place in history. The obstacles being placed against China's economic and technological advancement will only further accentuate such grievances. Nevertheless, we are confronted with the situation of contending perceptions. I do not for one moment suggest that we may turn a blind eye to a behavior or action that is not in consonance with international law and norms. It is also crucial to understand the profound changes that have taken place in the United States. The past 30 years have been a period in which key parts of the American industrial base have been thoroughly hollowed out. The collapse of the working class in the United States is one of the most consequential societal shifts in our era. Globalization has not worked for them in the way it has for workers of Asia. The long wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have exacted an immense toll on the psyche of the people. The upshot is a preference for leaders who are more transactional with the rest of the world, those who profess to put America first. We are also going through fundamental shifts in global assumptions, but what society should aspire to be for over 150 years, at least in the major restoration of 1868, it became the immutable truth that the that to be modern or even civilized was to become western. Today chasm in developing between what we now call the global north and the global south, we therefore need to start accepting that the global south now see multiple pathways for advancing their societies and not just those prescribed or endorsed by the global north. Accordingly we should not take for granted that western perspectives on the future world order would be embraced universally. There is growing impatience with how global institutions are failing to reform themselves. Designed in the aftermath of the Second World War, United Nations Security Council and the Bretton Woods institutions reflect a world that is now long gone. The Washington consensus is gradually eroding if not altogether disappeared. We should therefore not be surprised when forums such as BRICS start to gain purchase. If one avenue for asserting new realities is impeded others will take its place. But we should be wary when these take the form of mini-lateralism because it could have the unintended consequence of fermenting suspicions rather than bridging differences. It is therefore crucial that we look at ways to enhance the resiliency enhance, right? The medical say enhance. Enhance multilateral institutions and other arrangements that are inclusive by design. There can be no easy and straightforward response to our present circumstances or they are immensely complex. They are rooted in vexed questions about the rightful place of societies in the world and in history their dignity and their livelihoods. It boils down to fundamental questions of values and identity. For many countries a natural response to these changes is to build their defences and strengthen their network of strategic relationship. For Australia, this has principally manifested itself in building a more potent naval capacity. We will also chart new path for expanding bilateral relations, bilateral ties in areas such as artificial intelligence and cyber security. At the same time, I believe that Malaysia and Australia have a duty to try the utmost to encourage the United States, China and other major players in the Asia Pacific to conduct themselves in a manner that is conducive to the enhancement of regional cooperation and economic integration. For hard-headed realists, it has become fashionable to assert that major power rivalry has become a structural feature for regional affairs and nothing can be done to moderate it. I do not accept this fatalistic view of the world. Working on our respective strength and unique relationship with the major countries in this region, we can achieve something of profound consequence for the Asia Pacific. I therefore invite Malaysia's key partners including Australia of course to work closely with us on revitalizing regional cooperation and integration. As chair of ASEAN in 2025, Malaysia will attempt to breathe new life into ASEAN-led forums such as East Asia Summit, the ASEAN Regional Forum and the ADMM+. The path ahead will not be easy. A degree of inertia has unfortunately set in. There's a deep-seated conservatism and assumption that little can be done, but this is not the moment to be faint-hearted. I believe that with enough will and support from our partners, we will be able to achieve something of consequence. There is bound to be cynicism about the value of ASEAN in a more divided region, but it is precisely when chasms are growing that we need to double down on ASEAN. Without it, the region will be principally dictated by the calculations and designs of the major powers, unfettered by the need to account for a more diverse range of interests and viewpoints. For Malaysia, ASEAN acts as a multiplier and indispensable platform for the countries of Southeast Asia to exercise their agency. Irrelevance, decay or reversal are not acceptable options. ASEAN's advancement is at the core of our strategic interests. Finally, Malaysia and Australia have an advantage. We have a foreign minister and two former foreign ministers having to listen attentively. Thank you. Malaysia and Australia have high stakes in upholding the sanctity of international law. It is only by adhering to universally recognized sources of international law, whether it is the United Nations trustee or the UN clause, that we will be able to keep the sharp edges of interstate interactions with certain limits, nor should we be selective in our application of international law. Unfortunately, the gut-wrenching tragedy that continues to unfold in the Gaza Strip has laid bare the self-serving nature of much-voted rules-based order. The differing responses by the West to human suffering defy reasoning. Why, for example, has the West been so vociferous, vehement and unequivocal in the condemnation of the Russian invasion of Ukraine while remaining utterly silent on the relentless bloodletting inflicted on the innocent men, women and children of Gaza? Sure, there are exceptions, but there are few and far between. The fact is, much of the Western world has given the Israeli occupation forces for more than six decades a carte blanche in their murderous rampage on the Palestinians. When South Africa took Israel to the International Court of Justice under genocide convention, some countries decried it as counterproductive. But what could be more consistent with any reasonable conception of a rule-based order than an appeal to those very rules before a panel of 17 judges? Ladies and gentlemen, as we strive to build a more peaceful and economically vibrant region, I believe it's a fool's errand to think that the liberal international order and the inconsistencies in the application of principles, rules, and norms will go unnoticed. No should we descend into cynicism and declare that no country can ever be fully consistent in international affairs. Consistency matters. International law matters. So does a commitment to fair play and mutual respect among nations. It is imperative that Malaysia and Australia pull our political and diplomatic resources to these aims. Our respective capabilities and attitudes present numerous possibilities. Malaysia and Australia may not see the region and the world in identical terms, but our ultimate aims are the same. The specifics of our strategies may diverge, but we can still pursue parallel policies in promoting regional cooperation and integration. Ultimately our shared objective should be to foster a region that is resilient to power shifts while preserving every country's autonomy regardless of size. We must invest in institutions that will enable us to adapt to change peacefully without denying any nation of their rightful place in the global community. Allow me to end this oration with a message of hope, and in this regard I can do no better than to share the first stanza, a song of hope by the individual, activist, poet, and educator Udrego Udgiru Non Nongal, health worker. Look up, my people. The dawn is breaking. The world is waking to a bright new day. When none defame us, no restrictions tame us, no color shame us, no sneer dismay. Well what a huge honor and privilege it's been to listen to this wonderful oration by my old colleague and friend Anwar Ibrahim. Particularly for me, normally one has to wait until one's past life's final checkout before you get anything named after you. So I'm deeply grateful to ANU for giving me this opportunity to enjoy while I'm still alive just a small taste of the obituaries that we'll hopefully follow. Well I do have to say I hope that some of my obituaries when they when the real one comes are a little bit more hagiographical than the one you manage today. It's been a particular privilege for all of us to have had Foreign Minister Penny Wong with us today as Chancellor Julie Bishop so well said. She has to leave us now for another commitment but as she goes please join me in just a moment in thanking her warmly not only for her presence and what she's headed here today, not only for the wonderful mentoring role she's played over the years as now as you've just heard longer serving Australian female Foreign Minister, Cabinet Minister, but to thank her also for the brilliant job she does continue to do as Australia's face and voice internationally. Thank you so much Penny. We won't allow Anwar himself to escape without taking a few questions from the floor and if you can perhaps now start thinking about what you might want to ask him and moving down eventually to the microphones that are on either side of the hall when you'll have that opportunity. But I do want to say first a few more words of thanks of my own to our honoured guest. Back in those days long ago when I was Foreign Minister and you were Malaysia's Prime Minister, Finance Minister and Deputy Prime Minister and I was back in the days when I was still on speaking terms with Rupert Murdoch, I do remember telling Rupert at a function we both pretending in Davos or somewhere that you were the smartest thing on two legs in Asia and seeing Rupert immediately rush off to buttonhole you accordingly. I've never had cause to regret that description and Anwar you've certainly shown today that you haven't lost your touch. Intellectual political leaders are a pretty rare breed and the story of how you overcame the barriers to high office posed both by your intelligence and your decency is a truly extraordinary one. Supported always along the way by your wonderful wife, Juan Aziza, who I'm also delighted to acknowledge her presence here today. You've careered over the years for the last 40 years from street protests to the center of power then back to street protests, legal persecution, custodial torture, repression then finally triumphantly grounds your way back to high politics and ultimately the apex of power. I'm in awe and I think we're all in awe of that achievement. No one who has any sense of the continuing complexities of Malaysian domestic politics will underestimate the degree of difficulty involved for you now in walking that tightrope in government and implementing all the reform strategies to which you remain manifestly so intellectually and emotionally committed and I certainly and I think we all certainly wish you well for the battles that lie ahead in that respect. But your your aeration today has of course been primarily about walking another tightrope, an international one, one with which all the rest of us in the region are acutely familiar, walking that tightrope between two neighborhood giants, China and the United States. Although what you've been saying in Melbourne early this week, what you've said again today, has been generating and no doubt will continue to generate some rather over excited commentary from various quarters, my own view for what it's worth is that you have the balance pretty well exactly right. We all have to recognize that China is a massive economic and military power wanting its own space and influence but it's not going away and that as much as we welcome the United States presence in the region, as much as we're deeply grateful for the continuing role of the U.S. Alliance here in Australia, the reality is the days of uncontested United States primacy in our region can no longer be sustained. What we all want as Penny Wong has put it is a region in which no country dominates and no country is dominated and I believe that's an aspiration around which all the rest of us in ASEAN and Australia and beyond, although each of us will as you've said articulate our national interests in different ways, that's an aspiration around which we can all genuinely unite. No one wants war, no one wants trade war, all of us want, none of us want to sacrifice rather, our sovereign independence as we wrestle with the competing pressures that we are all feeling. I think we can, following what you've said, I think we can and should unite in particular in calling insistently on China and the United States to enter into a new detente, a word you used in your own oration. A detente of the kind which did calm passions between the United States and the Soviet Union in the last decades of the Cold War. A detente in which both sides pledge to treat each other as mutually respectful equals, disagreeing with a must but cooperating with a can and above all pledging to resolve their differences peacefully. Both Malaysia and Australia as you've intimated as influential middle powers with a long record of working cooperatively together, we can both play important roles in that cause. What we've heard from you today Anwar is a voice of clarity, of principle and moderation and long may that voice be heard. So thank you for all that you've stood for and accomplished and we'll continue to. Thank you for visiting us here at ANU and thank you for doing me the honor of delivering this oration. Thank you Anwar and thank you now for submitting yourself to some interrogation from the floor. So if we have people coming down to mics or standing beside the mics we can take it from there. Yes you're the first question. Good afternoon Mr Prime Minister thank you so much for coming to ANU. It's a great honor to be able to hear you speak today. My question revolves around what you see as the greatest challenge confronting the continued success of the ASEAN forum as the region heads into a increasingly complex future. The greatest challenge is of course to me given the peace and stability in the region to focus on the economy because finally what is governance versus politics is the welfare of the common man and women and sometimes the rankless exchanges between leaders does not necessarily empathize with the actual problems confronted by the common man and women. So I think having said that we'll have close to deal with issues of as I said contending forces between the United States and China and the region. Things to my mind is quite contained. There is an attempt to over exaggerate or neither would I want to trivialize that is why I have called upon Australia and our colleagues in ASEAN to be more assertive in our message both to United States and China to ensure that this region remains peaceful and stable for what not for the leaders in our experience to squander but to ensure that there's good governance and have policies clarity policies that would verbally help the people of our countries. Thank you. Next question. Hello. Can I hear me all right? Thank you. Thank you Garrett. First for Prime Minister. My name is Sam Wong. I live in Canberra for over 50 years. I'm a Hong Kong Chinese Australian. I think you've touched my wife's hand, Qin Wong. She is a Sabahang Chinese Australian as well and also Diana Rahman. The reason I mentioned three of us or myself some years ago about maybe over 10 years ago you have a visit to Australia. We share a meal together in Canberra in a Turkish home and we heard your aspiration and you're at that time you're not looked too well but now you are looked about 20 years younger. Congratulations. And also I'd like to especially welcome to your wife's great story but we have a question. Okay I'm sorry I'm going on. The question is very simple. I really admire and your ethnicity about your independent view and Malaysians with your foreign affairs regarding to China and to America as Garrett similarly advocate for that. I just want to know from your point of view to continue this wonderful foreign policy which I really supported. I live in Australia. I hope the government will listen to me or anybody else. How would you can thinking long-term Malaysia and Asian will benefit for your thought and your continue your good work. Thank you. Now cumulatively United States remain the largest investor in Malaysia. No question about that and we continue to attract is either number one or number two as compared to China. So SA policy is not discriminatory. We welcome and we need the technology and the investors but at the same time you should not preclude particularly in our strong bond of friendship with China. China has not created problems for us. You may create problems some others okay fair we can discuss we can negotiate but the issue is for countries to either express their concern when they believe that we are tilting or shifting. No it's it is dealing with the stark reality. United States used to be the greatest largest investor into Malaysia. Now China's beginning to be more active in their investments into Malaysia. We decide the terms. So I believe if countries in the region take the common stance and treat both and very friendly terms it's not as easy because do both may want to exert some influence to insist that we do support some of the policies. I think this is where the cohesion of ASEAN the common stance in most issues would be of immense help and benefit to the region. Thanks next question. Hello Assalamualaikum and Salam Satu Malaysia. So basically my name is Wan I'm from Sydney so one question from you is that in the spirit of ASEAN especially when we're celebrating the 50th year anniversary and Malaysia being the chair in 2025 I just would like to resurface the idea of Zodfan which is zone of peace freedom and neutrality. How would you as a private investor spearhead the idea of Zodfan especially when Malaysia is one of the few countries that managed to hedge between the United States and China and how would you lead that into you know the idea of maintaining their zone especially for smaller states in the ASEAN region themselves? Well I do not spearhead this to be to give credit to our four partners who initiated the whole idea of ASEAN. Most of the countries of Asia actually adopted this of course they're shifting alliances pressures or national interests we do understand that but the general consensus in ASEAN is of course to retain this policy and we do it together and through ASEAN then in our engagement with the other countries you know ASEAN has become quite a strategic regional body is the most peaceful it is the most robust economically highest growth and huge potential in terms of investments that's unrivaled in any subregions. Number two although it's called ASEAN we have ASEAN Australia, ASEAN New Zealand, ASEAN China, East Asia and ASEAN United States and Europe and from last year and inshallah next year the Arab countries GCC have agreed to come to Malaysia with Malaysia's host and we have ASEAN for ASEAN GCC so it's extending beyond the traditional notion of ASEAN and our strength therefore because we are seen to be friendly to all parties whilst maintaining a rule I'm a Democrat I believe strongly in democracy and freedom but that's what we in Malaysia have to decide I do believe that we can impose on hector others when there's so much contradictions and hypocrisy about in the so-called hectoring about democracy and human rights and freedom. Thanks Arman. Next question. I would be remiss not to note that last month has been three years since the beginning of the Myanmar crisis. I would be interested to know what Malaysia is doing within and without ASEAN to help resolve this crisis as I understand last year during Indonesia's presidency there is some sort of troika between the current past and future president chair of ASEAN so I would like to know what is Malaysia doing vis-a-vis Myanmar within and outside of ASEAN thank you. Well this is the unfortunate situation in ASEAN I've taken very strong views not only because we have 200,000 refugees from Rangia Myanmar into Malaysia but because of the continued atrocities against citizens in Myanmar we take a very strong position but once stating this we will continue to engage not officially because we do not recognize the junta regime they are not invited to attend ASEAN meetings but we have recommended the countries neighboring countries like Thailand Laos Cambodia continue to engage the level and the troika Indonesia Laos and Malaysia has been entrusted by ASEAN to try and seek ways to get to engage with both parties in the main part two parties in Myanmar to secure an impeccable resolution which is not going to be easy but I think we have to be more assertive and make things very clear I don't see an immediate resolution but as you know in all my years of struggle and sufferings I've always been an optimist and therefore I see no reason why we can't secure peace and understanding in Myanmar I'm into that next question thank you mr sorry I'm mr prime minister for your oration my question is do you see there like any way for like middle powers in the Indo-Pacific to reverse like the trend of geoeconomic coercion the US and the Chinese are conducting you are dealing with two great nations with a great history great struggle and people sometimes tend to simplify the Australia the US fund policy because what's happening at present and the contradictions and so-called hypocrisy but they tend to forget that that United States was I mean initially set up or formed after independence as a very principled nation with clear policies on democracy and justice and you read for example Jeffersonian ideals of the pilgrim fathers clearly it is a firm belief in issues of human rights and honoring these high ideals I mean I used to quote I mean to my students to get them to read Tocqueville's democracy in America where he made clear reference to the issue the habits of the heart you know it's not just political bias platitudes but it is a thing that you believe in on the issue of human rights or democracy honor and dignity in the right values to then establish what is now known to be a democratic nation where it does not necessarily mean that it is now being practiced but I'm talking about the possibility of people the younger generation come going back to the higher ideals and values of integrity of compassion and democracy as was envisaged by the great leaders China for example went through hell lot of difficult history or struggles of sacrifice and intimidation atrocities committed by colonial powers they've emerged and and that's why to my mind to continue to engage we must of course we are a small nation it seems to be unsurmountable but but I still believe finally sanity has to prevail because otherwise it'd be disastrous consequences for our societies and countries you know we were in san francisco before the apex last a few months and there was a day after chingiping had this meeting with president biden you know general consensus was so people the leaders rejoice the whole idea that they at least prepare to meet and discuss issues not too successful not too great but at least you can see the general sentiment people want the settlement because we mean so much for our people for our economy for stability in our region so let's hope for the best next question thank you thank you prime minister for your aeration today as an international relations student here you speak up a bit please sorry as an international relations student here at ANU your speech will be very useful for my assessments my question consists of two parts both relating to the future of asian the first is what sort of reforms will be spearheading in asian to continue ensuring it's a partner of choice in the asia pacific region and my second question was what do you see the future of australian asian's relationship being and would that potentially include membership now asian has grown to be a strong cohesive regional body notwithstanding some limitations and i will name you the limitations but that in terms of relations to ensure peace and order and working together in many fields that is again as i said as compared to most regional sub-regional bodies is rather unprecedented we are now realizing the major limitation of flow intra asian trade there's collaboration in most fields but in investment and trade is somewhat to be lacking and this is what in one area which we need to explore and aggressively pursue now by the law championship and certainly next year when i chair so i think with that beyond the normal arrangements that we have heard the relations between neighbors has been extremely good say for example malaysia, singapore, philippines, indonesia in the south south of peninsular malaya we have now set up as the special economic zone with singapore which unheard of no possibility we talk about two nations agreeing one economic zone with prime minister set up thailand who's been pursuing aggressively this collaboration to advance economic investments and development in south thailand which is a bit you know tricky sometimes we have issues with the muslim majority there and north malaya and we have agreed that the solution is not military solution but the economic development there's again sub regional arrangement between a part of sumatra to north malaya and south thailand so these things are moving on and i think these are practical areas where we need to within asian to foster and improve including as i say intra asian trade development programs together then with that strength we have a better sort of a force to be able to negotiate with our neighbors for example you know before at the initial stage of australia asian australian for example economy was probably doubled the size of our entire asian now asian in itself is the highest strength it doubled that of australia so the potential is huge and enormous thank you next question my name is jody i'm an ancient student from sumatran region throughout your life and career you have undoubtedly faced many challenges limitation and restriction i want to learn from your experience what kind of strategies do you have or philosophy in your life and how can you inspire us to be better person of ourself and finally your excellency will it be harder for me to take photo with you later thank you yes ten or seven dollars no no i'm not a good strategist if i'm a good strategist i wouldn't have ended up ten and a half years in solitary confinement in jail and and although all those years this man here was a committed reliable friend who worked so hard in defending me and campaigning for my release thank you so i would say this yes as i said the necessity of purpose you'd believe there's a strong conviction that you want to affect change the reform i believe that melissic can be a great country we were relatively more successful than 1990s but we're inflicted by the general moral decadence and corruption as we have seen from the theories of khaldun to toynbi's cyclical theory of civilization gibbons declined for the roman empire i mean it's great lesson of history but you know leaders tend to forget i'm not talking about political leaders alone any disastrous consequences this is a result of the elite the academic academia political leadership the business community have lost their idealism and zeal now i share the view that we have the capacity and we have it's a great nation we have you know majority malay muslims we have chinese we have indians we have saba sarawak and we can work together focus on well it's best for a country through good governance through strong passion for reform to champion the cause of our people we can do this and i'm grateful of course aziza and my family was with me and many many many many loyal cliques and now we are able to form this strong coalition with even desperate forces in the past but with a clear aim there yes we have differences in the past we fought at each other in the past but we all determined the fact change that we can use our majority in parliament our strength to try and alter the course of history and inshallah we'll be able to do that selfie as you can do it later next question daniel hurst from the guardian prime minister you set out quite a firm critique about selective application of international law when it comes to israel's operations in gaza are you including australia in that critique what specific levers would you like australia to pull and what's your message to australia and other donors as they consider whether to reinstate funding to unrah thank you um yeah this is timely because penny wong has left she has you can tell us what you think now no i did give a credit to australia new zealand and carter because they have somewhat shifted from the original stance and call for ceasefire and humanitarian existence and partly because of the events we knew it because it's not it's not as the narrative and the mantra of 7th of october the atrocities have happened from nakba in 1947 and you seem to be blinded to erase that part of history and so the whole issue is on from 7th of october but never mind we may have differences in that but at least stop for goodness sake stop the killings of children women and civilians and now i think australia is one born consistently calling for this and i have appealed to prime minister binesi to say that no western investigations can carry on we are not stopping but assist unrah because unrah is the most effective on the ground to help the beseech civilians and the food medical and housing you made fully the response yeah i did raise that directly to him when you met him the other day yeah he was very attentive very polite as most good politicians but it's for the australian government to decide ultimately but but to be to be fair to be fair right and sometimes forget that i'm not prime minister i'm speaking as an opposition leader to be fair in my exchanges with him he listened very attentively and allowed me to present my case very strongly on the issue of gaza and because we have been consistent even on the issue ukraine you know we are not selective it's not politics for ambivalence to me must be a consistent coherent message and hopefully he will he will respond thank you so hello prime minister thank you very much for your speech you've hit a rich vein of journalists now because i'm ben westcott from bloomberg um i wanted to ask you mentioned investment as a major factor in asian an important thing you'd like to see built under your chairmanship of asian um however some international investors have been a little subpointer but the speed of reforms under your government particularly on things like subsidies for instance um do you have any sort of update on the timelines for those reforms or any words for investors who might be feeling shaky confidence well positively the response by the captains of industry and has been quite positive um yesterday announced another 24 billion ringgit new investments into melasia from australia this morning i was at invest australia invest asian session with the captains of industry and they asked me some questions for clarification is of doing business clarity of policies that have been done on subsidy rationalization we have done it electricity water but you know it takes time you know this is the problem with countries was up yes it makes lots of economic sense to stop all subsidies you remember i am f prescriptions during the 98 crisis if you do it abruptly without having giving time to explain to get people to understand there will be political upheaval there must be this sort of understanding is there a commitment yes have we done it yes you know there is even financial responsibility act which means rendering the power of the minister of finance to the parliament to debate on policies and this to my mind is a major departure from a more semi-authoritarian settlement but there are a series of subsidies have been done the electricity subsidy of course we'll be careful 85 percent of our people should not be punished the richest i mean withdrawing subsidy we're not we're not increasing tariff just withdraw subsidy and of course they are foreigners too so i we have done it water rates have increased some provinces have not increased water rates for the last 40 years and we have done it so i think give us a break to do it but for sure subsidisation is a must i inherit 1.5 trillion debt for militia i inherit 5.6 percent deficit in one year we reduce to 5 percent we continue the reducing and that to my mind is a major commitment because to be a populist prime minister never mind why do i worry 1.5 we increase the 1.7 trillion the next generation is going to pay but i think it's an irresponsible irresponsible policy so we will have to gradually reduce but if it is too drastic you punish the common man or women in the in that i i can't accept you see um so we'll do it i mean there's no no turning back we have announced that and we've been hammered by the opposition fortunately opposition is getting smaller but the opposition happens to be from islamic party so it's not matter of economic rationalisation it is whether it's halal or haram or you go to hell or go to um heaven i have assured them i'm quite confident going to heaven we got just the right prescriptions of course got just five minutes left for questions so i'm afraid we're not going to get to all of you but next question olivia casely from sky news thank you very much for your speech former australian prime minister tony abbott says that in 2014 about a week or so after mh370 vanished he was informed at the highest levels of the malaysian government that authorities suspected that it was a mass murder suicide at the hands of the pilot captain zahari a political supporter and distant relative of yours why was this theory not canvass publicly by your predecessor and it's a malaysian government willing to fund a new search based on the deliberate crush theory which involved a different flight path that was not included in the original search zone decisions like this must be based on facts not the conjectures you know our minister of transport announced clearly that we have a compelling case to reopen the investigators we will and tomorrow morning we'll have a cabinet session and we'll hear his side of the story and i'm inclined to support reopening of the investigations of mh370 but the inference that the captain the pilot was a supporter of anwa and that was the day i was again convicted and sent to jail and therefore he must have been very depressed i mean this is the conjectures i tell you so many taxi drivers were also depressed that day thousands of them because one my base the strongest supporter taxi drivers in kuala lumpur and no accident after that so we might we might go back to the facts and probably conduct proper investigations and we are open i mean this is transparent investigations and australians have been very forthcoming very supportive that just a short qualification because i was joking about this hell and heaven i get into lots of trouble with this land party how do you know that you're going to heaven so i'm i was just joking about it uh jeo anwa i'm a big supporter of you and i really respect you but i just want to remind you that election is just around the corner you have promised us many reform rc and we have walked with you to the streets of with bursa it's very sad to see certain things like police being set up in bursa's office and things like that happening what kind of actual reform rc do you hope to see before the next general election because i am worried that you will lose support and these other oppositions who govern with i do not know what sense of education will come into power so what kind of reform rc do you promise us as malaysians because i want to go back to my country and i don't want to be here i want to look for jobs in malaysia and i want malaysia to be better than singapore at every single aspect thank you that's probably the last part but you know with singapore we don't have the phobia anymore we're now complementing each other we are working very well together that's why we have a common economic zone for malaysia singapore in johor we have a financial hub financial zone in johor and complementing the world of singapore so i think just to to to emphasize that point now the issue of reform we are because it takes time you know we we this is the first time in decades that you have a suddenly a new setup it's a multi-racial multi-religious coalition i mean there has been in the past but your point is your point is how can we then accelerate the pace of reform i agree we're trying all over the best but you know many substitute rationalization is one amending laws in fact this session we are amending a basic law the the term parent must include mother it is already father in the past i mean well it sounds simple but it's so um i should say um controversial and by some quarters but we are still doing it and then there are amending laws i mean my minister manasan and ana you was here we're we're doing it even separation of sg and ag i mean but we'll take time because we got to go through the parliamentary select committee and um and debate but let me show you this we are determined there's no turning back you know this country this government is a government committed to reform and it's not because what we promise to me if militia is to succeed as a great country again it has to affect major reforms that is tightly needed for our country but we have started for example we issue governance is it not is it not surprising that after one year and three months not one single scandal involving ministers in terms of amassing wealth or involving context is it not something new that every single procurement is through proper tender exercise well this may be something normal to you but it's not in our case hundreds of cases people say anwar has an extra grind going after some old leaders i mean i don't care whether you're old or young for whatever party you're corrupt you're corrupt you steal billions of dollars return back to the people it's not my money it's the people's money we must get that back but i'm proud to say that today after one year and three months not one case the opposition can talk about many issues they were not as islamic my beard is not long enough whatever but they cannot raise the issue of governance because i'm tough on that without exception and i think this is a measure that must i mean credit must be given to the entire team because they are all committed to this and it's not easy when people are easy you know political party is getting a loss of money to disperse and suddenly we're all stuck with a new reform agenda it's it's not easy from the distant observer it may look easy but it's just tough because people are familiar with a certain culture and suddenly you put a block to that but as i said we don't have a choice we have given our commitment we will do it but we have to do it wisely because if we tend to just submit to the pressures of one or two groups then we will fail ultimately thank you wow you've been wonderfully been wonderfully generous with your time i'm afraid that'll have to be the last question thanks so much again for being so generous and your responses to questions thanks so much for the quality and intensity and passion with which you delivered that aeration this is a relationship that we cherish with your country with you personally and your presence here today has done wonderful things to consolidate that relationship can i now call upon our chancellor julie bishop to wrap things up once and for all julie over to you thank you gareth ladies and gentlemen it has indeed been our honor to host the main Malaysian prime minister here today prime minister we are grateful for your presence we are privileged to have you here we thank you for your frank and honest assessment of the challenges facing our region and the globe we admire your tenacity and while the jury might be out on where gareth and i end up i'm pleased the path forward for you is clear and we wish you and your delegation a safe journey home ladies and gentlemen please thank professor gareth evans for his astute handling of the q and a and prime minister anwar ibrahim for the 2024 gareth evans oration