 Behold, God is my salvation, I will trust and not be afraid, for the Lord Jehovah is my strength and my song, he has also become my salvation, and in that shall ye say, praise the Lord, call upon his name, declare his doings among the people. Isaiah 12 verses 2 to 4, London, printed for and sold by the author, number 10 Union Street, Middlesex Hospital. To the Lord's spiritual and temporal, and the commons of the Parliament of Great Britain, my lords and gentlemen, permit me, with the greatest deference and respect, to lay at your feet the following genuine narrative, the chief design of which is to excite in your august assemblies a sense of compassion for the miseries which the slave trade has entailed on my unfortunate countrymen. By the horrors of that trade was I first torn away from all the tender connections that were naturally dear to my heart, but these, through the mysterious ways of providence, I ought to regard as infinitely more than compensated by the introduction I have thence obtained to the knowledge of the Christian religion, and of a nation which, by its liberal sentiments, its humanity, the glorious freedom of its government, and its proficiency in arts and sciences, has exalted the dignity of human nature. I am sensible, I ought to entreat your pardon for addressing to you a work so wholly devoid of literary merit, but as the production of an unlettered African, who is actuated by the hope of becoming an instrument towards the relief of his suffering countrymen, I trust that such a man, pleading in such a cause, will be acquitted of boldness and presumption. May the God of Heaven inspire your hearts with particular benevolence on that important day when the question of abolition is to be discussed, when thousands in consequence of your determination are to look for happiness or misery. I am, my lords and gentlemen, your most obedient and devoted humble servant, Bolauda Equiano, Augustavis Vassa, Union Street, Marleybone, March the 24th, 1789. End of introduction. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, visit LibriVox.org. This reading by Cal Manchester, 2007. The interesting narrative of the life of Bolauda Equiano, Augustavis Vassa, the African, written by himself. Chapter one. The author's account of his country and their manners and customs, administration of justice, on-branch, marriage ceremony and public entertainment, mode of living, dress, manufactures, buildings, commerce, agriculture, war and religion, superstition of the natives, funeral ceremonies of the priests or magicians, curious mode of discovering poison, some hints concerning the origin of the author's countrymen with the opinions of different writers on that subject. I believe it is difficult for those who publish their own memoirs to escape the imputation of vanity, nor is this the only disadvantage under which they labour. It is also their misfortune that what is uncommon is rarely if ever believed, and what is obvious we are apt to turn from with disgust and to charge the writer with impertinence. People generally think those memoirs only worthy to be read or remembered, which are bound in great or striking events, those in short, which in a high degree excite either admiration or pity, all others they consign to contempt and oblivion. It is therefore, I confess, not a little hazardous in a private and obscure individual and a stranger too, thus to solicit the indulgent attention of the public, especially when I own I offer here the history of neither a saint, a hero, nor a tyrant. I believe there are few events in my life which have not happened to many. It is true the incidents of it are numerous, and did I consider myself an European, I might say my sufferings were great, but when I compare my lot with that of most of my countrymen, I regard myself as a particular favourite of heaven, and acknowledge the mercies of providence in every occurrence of my life. If, then, the following narrative does not appear sufficiently interesting to engage general attention, let my motive be some excuse for its publication. I am not so foolishly vain as to expect from it either immortality or literary reputation. If it affords any satisfaction to my numerous friends at whose request it has been written, or in the smallest degree promotes the interests of humanity, the ends for which it was undertaken will be fully attained, and every wish of my heart gratified. Let it therefore be remembered that, in wishing to avoid censure, I do not aspire to praise. That part of Africa, known by the name of Guinea, to which the trade for slaves is carried on, extends along the coast above 3,400 miles, from the Senegal to Angola, and includes a variety of kingdoms. Of these, the most considerable is the kingdom of Benin. Both as to extent and wealth, the richness and cultivation of the soil, the power of its king, and the number and war-like disposition of the inhabitants. It is situated nearly under the line, and extends along the coast about 170 miles, but runs back into the interior part of Africa, to a distance hitherto, I believe, unexplored by any traveller, and it seems only terminated at length by the Empire of Abyssinia, near 1,500 miles from its beginning. This kingdom is divided into many provinces or districts, in one of the most remote and fertile of which, called Iboa, I was born, in the year 1745, in a charming, fruitful veil named Isaka. The distance of this province from the capital of Benin and the sea coast must be very considerable, for I had never heard of white men or Europeans, nor of the sea, and our subjection to the king of Benin was little more than nominal, for every transaction of the government, as far as my slender observation extended, was conducted by the chiefs or elders of the place. The manners and government of a people who have little commerce with other countries are generally very simple, and the history of what passes in one family or village may serve as a specimen of a nation. My father was one of those elders or chiefs I have spoken of, and was styled m-branch, a term, as I remember, importing the highest distinction, and signifying in our language a mark of grandeur. This mark is conferred on the person entitled to it, by cutting the skin across at the top of the forehead, and drawing it down to the eyebrows, and while it is in this situation, applying a warm hand and rubbing it until it shrinks up into a thick wheel across the lower part of the forehead. Most of the judges and senators were thus marked. My father had long borne it. I had seen it conferred on one of my brothers, and I was also destined to receive it by my parents. Those enbranches, or chief men, decide disputes and punish crimes, for which purpose they always assembled together. The proceedings were generally short, and in most cases the law of retaliation prevailed. I remember a man was brought before my father and the other judges for kidnapping a boy, and although he was the son of the chief or senator, he was condemned to make recompense by a man or woman slave. Adultery, however, was sometimes punished with slavery or death. A punishment which I believe is inflicted on it throughout most of the nations of Africa. So sacred among them is the honour of the marriage bed, and so jealous are they of the fidelity of their wives. Of this I recollect an instance. A woman was convicted before the judges of adultery, and delivered over, as the custom was, to her husband to be punished. Accordingly he determined to put her to death, but it being found just before her execution that she had an infant at her breast, and no woman being prevailed upon to perform the part of a nurse, she was spared on account of the child. The men, however, do not preserve the same constancy to their wives, which they expect from them, for they indulge in a plurality, though seldom in more than two. Their mode of marriage is thus. Both parties are usually betrothed when young by their parents, though I have known the males to betroth themselves. On this occasion a feast is prepared, and the bride and bridegroom stand up in the midst of all their friends, who are assembled for the purpose. While he declares she is thenceforth to be looked upon as his wife, and that no other person is to pay any addresses to her, this is also immediately proclaimed in the vicinity, on which the bride retires from the assembly. Some time after she is brought home to her husband, and then another feast is made, to which the relations of both parties are invited. Her parents then deliver her to the bridegroom, accompanied with a number of blessings, and at the same time they tie round her waist a cotton string of the thickness of a goose quill, which none but married women are permitted to wear. She is now considered as completely his wife, and at this time the dowry is given to the new married pair, which generally consists of portions of land, slaves and cattle, household goods, and implements of husbandry. These are offered by the friends of both parties, besides which the parents of the bridegroom present gifts to those of the bride, whose property she is looked upon before marriage. But after it she is esteemed the sole property of her husband. The ceremony being now ended, the festival begins, which is celebrated with bonfires and loud exclamations of joy, accompanied with music and dancing. We are almost a nation of dancers, musicians and poets. Thus every great event, such as a triumphant return from battle or other cause of public rejoicing, is celebrated in public dances, which are accompanied with songs and music suited to the occasion. The assembly is separated into four divisions, which dance either apart or in succession, and each with a character peculiar to itself. The first division contains the married men, who in their dances frequently exhibit feats of arms and the representation of a battle. To these succeed the married women, who dance in the second division. The young men occupy the third and the maidens the fourth. Each represents some interesting scene of real life, such as a great achievement, domestic employment, a pathetic story or some rural sport. And as the subject is generally founded on some recent event, it is therefore ever new. This gives our dances a spirit and variety, which I have scarcely seen elsewhere. Footnote. When I was in Smyrna I have frequently seen the Greeks dance after this manner. End footnote. We have many musical instruments, particularly drums of different kinds, a piece of music which resembles a guitar and another much like a sticcardo. These last are chiefly used by betrothed virgins, who play on them on all grand festivals. As our manners are simple, our luxuries are few. The dress of both sexes is nearly the same. It generally consists of a long piece of calico or mudlin wrapped loosely around the body, somewhat in the form of a highland plaid. This is usually dyed blue, which is our favourite colour. It is extracted from a berry and is brighter and richer than any I have seen in Europe. Besides this, our women of distinction wear golden ornaments, which they dispose with some profusion on their arms and legs. When our women are not employed with the men in tillage, their usual occupation is spinning and weaving cotton, which they afterwards dye and make it into garments. They also manufacture earthen vessels, of which we have many kinds. Amongst the rest, tobacco pipes made after the same fashion are used in the same manner as those in Turkey. Footnote. The bowl is earthen, curiously figured, to which a long reed is fixed as a tube. This tube is sometimes so long as to be borne by one and frequently out of grandeur by two boys. End footnote. Our manner of living is entirely plain, for as yet the natives are unacquainted with those refinements in cookery which debauch the taste. Bullocks, goats and poultry supply the greatest part of their food. These constitute likewise the principal wealth of the country and the chief articles of its commerce. The flesh is usually stewed in a pan. To make its savoury, we sometimes use also pepper and other spices, and we have salt made of wood ashes. Our vegetables are mostly plantains, aedes, yams, beans and Indian corn. The head of the family usually eats alone. His wives and slaves have also their separate tables. Before we taste food, we always wash our hands. Indeed, our cleanliness on all occasions is extreme. But on this it is an indispensable ceremony. After washing, libation is made by pouring out a small portion of the food in a certain place for the spirits of departed relations, which the natives supposed to preside over their conduct and guard them from evil. They are totally unacquainted with strong or spiritous liquors, and their principal beverage is palm wine. This is gotten from a tree of that name by tapping it at the top and fastening a large gourd to it, and sometimes one tree will yield three or four gallons in a night. When just drawn it is of a most delicious sweetness, but in a few days it acquires a tarnish and more spiritous flavour, though I never saw anyone intoxicated by it. The same tree also produces nuts and oil. Our principal luxury is in perfumes. One sort of these is an odoriferous wood of delicious fragrance. The other a kind of earth, a small portion of which thrown into the fire diffuses a most powerful odor. Footnote. When I was in Smyrna I saw the same kind of earth and brought some of it with me to England. It resembles musk in strength, but is more delicious in scent, and is not unlike the smell of a rose. End footnote. We beat this wood into powder and mix it with palm oil, with which both men and women perfume themselves. In our buildings we study convenience rather than ornament. Each master of a family has a large square piece of ground, surrounded with a moat or fence, or enclosed with a wall made of red earth tempered, which, when dry, is as hard as brick. Within this are his houses to accommodate his family and slaves, which, if numerous, frequently present the appearance of a village. In the middle stands the principal building, appropriated to the sole use of the master, and consisting of two apartments, in one of which, he sits in the day with his family, the other is left apart for the reception of his friends. He has, besides these, a distinct apartment in which he sleeps, together with his male children. On each side are the apartments of his wives, who have also their separate day and night houses. The habitations of the slaves and their families are distributed throughout the rest of the enclosure. These houses never exceed one's story in height. They are always built of wood, or stakes driven into the ground, crossed with wattles, and neatly plastered within and without. The roof is thatched with reeds. Our day houses are left open at the sides, but those in which we sleep are always covered and plastered in the inside with a composition mixed with cow dung to keep off the different insects which annoy us during the night. The walls and floors also of these are generally covered with mats. Our beds consist of a platform raised three or four feet from the ground, on which are laid skins and different parts of a spongy tree called plantain. Our covering is calico or muslin, the same as our dress. The usual seats are a few logs of wood, but we have benches which are generally perfumed to accommodate strangers. These compose the greater part of our household furniture. Houses so constructed and furnished require but little skill to erect them. Every man is sufficient architect for the purpose. The whole neighborhood afford their unanimous assistance in building them, and in turn receive and expect no other recompense than a feast. As we live in a country where nature is prodigal of her favours, are once a few and easily supplied. Of course, we have few manufacturers. They consist for the most part of calicoes, earthenware, ornaments, and instruments of war and husbandry. But these make no part of our commerce, the principal articles of which, as I have observed, are provisions. In such a state money is of little use, however, we have some small pieces of coin, if I may call them such. They are made something like an anchor, but I do not remember either their value or denomination. We have also markets at which I have been frequently with my mother. These are sometimes visited by stout mahogany-coloured men from the south-west of us. We call them oi iboa, which term signifies red men living at a distance. They generally bring us firearms, gunpowder, hats, beads, and dried fish. The last we esteemed a great rarity, as our waters were only brooks and springs. These articles they barter with us for odour for us woods and earth, and our salt of wood-ashes. They always carry slaves through our land, but the strictest account is exacted of their manner of procuring them before they are suffered to pass. Sometimes, indeed, we sold slaves to them, but they were only prisoners of war, or such among us as had been convicted of kidnapping or adultery and some other crimes which we esteemed heinous. This practice of kidnapping induces me to think that notwithstanding all our strictness, their principal business among us was to trepon our people. I remember too they carried great sacks along with them, which not long after I had an opportunity of fatally seeing applied to that infamous purpose. Our land is uncommonly rich and fruitful and produces all kinds of vegetables in great abundance. We have plenty of Indian corn and vast quantities of cotton and tobacco. Our pineapples grow without culture. They are about the size of the largest sugar loaf and finely flavoured. We have also spices of different kinds, particularly pepper, and a variety of delicious fruits which I have never seen in Europe, together with gums of various kind and honey in abundance. All our industry is exerted to improve those blessings of nature. Agriculture is our chief employment, and everyone, even the children and women, are engaged in it. Thus we are all habituated to labour from our earliest years. Everyone contributes something to the common stock, and as we are unacquainted with idleness we have no beggars. The benefits of such a mode of living are obvious. The West India planters prefer the slaves of Benin or Iboa to those of any other part of Guinea, for their hardiness, intelligence, integrity and zeal. Those benefits are felt by us in the general healthiness of the people, and in their vigour and activity. I might have added two in their comeliness. Deformity is indeed unknown amongst us. I mean that of shape. Numbers of the natives of Iboa now in London might be brought in support of this assertion, for in regard to complexion ideas of beauty are wholly relative. I remember while in Africa to have seen three negro children who were tawny and another quite white, who were universally regarded by myself and the natives in general, as far as related to their complexions as deformed. Our women too were in my eyes at least, uncommonly graceful, alert and modest to a degree of bashfulness, nor do I remember to have ever heard of an instance of incontinence amongst them before marriage. They are also remarkably cheerful. Indeed, cheerfulness and affability are two of the leading characteristics of our nation. Artilage is exercised in a large plain or common, some hours walk from our dwellings, and all the neighbors resort thither in a body. They use no beasts of husbandry, and their only instruments are hoes, axes, shovels and beaks, or pointed iron to dig with. Sometimes we are visited by locusts, which come in large clouds, so as to darken the air and destroy our harvest. This, however, happens rarely, but when it does, a famine is produced by it. I remember an instance or two wherein this happened. This common is often the theatre of war, and therefore when our people go out to till their land they go not only in a body, but generally take their arms with them for fear of a surprise, and when they apprehend an invasion they guard the avenues to their dwellings by driving sticks into the ground which are so sharp at one end as to pierce the foot, and are generally dipped in poison. From what I can recollect of these battles they appear to have been interruptions of one little state or district on the other to obtain prisoners or booty. Perhaps they were incited to this by those traders who brought the European goods I mentioned among us. Such a mode of obtaining slaves in Africa is common, and I believe more are procured this way, and by kidnapping than any other. When a trader wants slaves he applies to a chief for them, and tempts him with his wares. It is not extraordinary if on this occasion he yields to the temptation with his little firmness, and accepts the price of his fellow-creatures' liberty with as little reluctance as the enlightened merchants. Accordingly he falls on his neighbours and a desperate battle in shoes. If he prevails and takes prisoners he gratifies his avarice by selling them, but if his party be vanquished and he falls into the hands of the enemy he is put to death, for as he has been known to forment their quarrels it is thought dangerous to let him survive, and no ransom can save him, though all other prisoners may be redeemed. We have firearms, bows and arrows, broad two-edge swords, and javelins. We have shields also which cover a man from head to foot. All are taught the use of these weapons. Even our women are warriors, and march boldly out to fight along with the men. Our whole district is a kind of militia. On a certain signal given, such as the firing of a gun at night, they all rise in arms and rush upon their enemy. It is perhaps something remarkable that when our people march to the field a red flag or banner is born before them. I was once a witness to a battle in our common. We had been all at work in it, one day as usual, when our people were suddenly attacked. I climbed a tree at some distance from which I beheld the fight. There were many women as well as men on both sides. Among others my mother was there, and armed with a broad sword. After fighting for a considerable time with great fury and after many had been killed our people obtained the victory, and took their enemy's chief prisoner. He was carried off in great triumph, and though he offered a large ransom for his life he was put to death. A virgin of note among our enemies had been slain in the battle, and her arm was exposed in our marketplace where our trophies were always exhibited. The spoils were divided according to the merits of the warriors. Those prisoners which were not sold or redeemed we kept as slaves, but how different was their condition from that of the slaves of the West Indies. With us they do no more work than other members of the community, and their masters. Their food, clothing, and lodging were nearly the same as theirs, except that they were not permitted to eat with those who were free-born. And there was scarce any other difference between them than a superior degree of importance which the head of a family possesses in our state, and that authority which, as such, he exercises over every part of his household. Some of these slaves have even slaves under them as their own property and for their property. As to religion, the natives believe that there is one creator of all things, and that he lives in the sun, and is girded round with a belt that he may never eat or drink, but according to some he smokes a pipe, which is our own favourite luxury. They believe he governs events, especially our deaths or captivity, but as for the doctrine of eternity I do not remember to have heard of it. Some, however, believe in the devils in a certain degree, though spirits which are not transmigrated such as our dear friends or relations they believe always attend them and guard them from the bad spirits of their foes. For this reason they always before eating, as I have observed, put some small portion of the meat and pour some of their drink on the ground before them, and they often make oblations of the blood of beasts or fowls at their graves. I was very fond of my mother and almost constantly with her. When she went to make these oblations at her mother's tomb, which was a kind of small solitary thatched house, I sometimes attended her. There she made her libations and spent most of the night in cries and lamentations. I have been extremely terrified on these occasions. The loneliness of the place, the darkness of the night, and the ceremony of libation, naturally awful and gloomy, were heightened by my mother's lamentations, and these, concurring with the cries of doleful birds by which these places were frequented, gave an inexpressible terror to the scene. We compute the year from the day on which the sun crosses the line, and on its setting that evening there is a general shout throughout the land, at least I can speak from my own knowledge throughout our vicinity. The people at the same time make a great noise with rattles, not basket rattles, used by children here, though much larger, and hold up their hands to heaven for a blessing. It is then the greatest offerings are made, and those children whom our wise men foretell will be fortunate, are then presented to different people. I remember many used to come to see me, and I was carried about to others for that purpose. They have many offerings, particularly at full moons, generally too at harvest before the fruits are taken out of the ground, and when any young animals are killed sometimes they offer up part of them as a sacrifice. These offerings, when made by one of the heads of a family, serve for the whole. I remember we often had them at my fathers and my uncles, and their families have been present. Some of our offerings are eaten with bitter herbs. We have a saying among us to any one of across temper, that if we should be eaten with bitter herbs. We practice circumcision like the Jews, and made offerings and feasts on that occasion in the same manner as they did. Like them also, our children were named from some event, some circumstance, or fancied for boding at the time of their birth. I was named Olauda, which, in our language, signifies vicissitude, or fortune also, one favoured, and having a loud voice, and well spoken. I remember we never polluted the name of the object of our adoration, on the contrary, it was always mentioned with the greatest reverence, and we were totally unacquainted with swearing, and all those terms of abuse and reproach which find their way so readily and copiously into the languages of more civilised people. The only expressions of that kind I remember were, may you rot, or may you swell, or may a beast I have before remarked that the natives of this part of Africa are extremely cleanly. This necessary habit of decency was with us a part of religion, and therefore we had many purifications and washings, indeed almost as many, and used on the same occasions if my recollection does not fail me as the Jews. Those that touched the dead at any time were obliged to wash and purify themselves before they could enter a dwelling-house. Every woman, too, at certain times was forbidden to come into a dwelling- house or touch any person or anything we ate. I was so fond of my mother I could not keep from her, or avoid touching her at some of those periods, in consequence of which I was obliged to be kept out with her in a little house made for that purpose till offering was made, and then we were purified. Though we had no places of public worship, we had priests and magicians, or wise men. I do not remember whether they had different offices, or whether they were united in the same persons, but they were held in great reverence by the people. They calculated our time and foretold events, as their name imported, for we called them Ar-Afo-Awe-Kah, which signifies calculators or yearly men, our year being called Ar-Afo-Awe. They wore their beards, and when they died they were succeeded by their sons. Most of their implements and things of value were interred along with them. Pipes and tobacco were also put into the grave with the corpse, which was always perfumed and ornamented, and animals were offered in sacrifice to them. None accompanied their funerals but those of the same profession or tribe. These buried them after sunset and always returned from the grave, by a different way from that which they went. These magicians were also our doctors or physicians. They practised bleeding by cupping and were very successful in healing wounds and expelling poisons. They had likewise some extraordinary method of discovering jealousy, theft and poisoning, the success of which no doubt they derived from their unbounded influence over the credulity and superstition of the people. I do not remember what those methods were, except that as to poisoning I recollect an instance or two which I hope it will not be deemed impertinent here to insert as it may serve as a kind of specimen of the rest and is still used by the Negroes of the West Indies. A virgin had been poisoned, but it was not known by whom. The doctors ordered the corpse to be taken up by some persons and carried to the grave. As soon as the bearers had raised it on their knees with some sudden impulse and ran to and fro unable to stop themselves. After having passed through a number of thorns and prickly bushes unhurt, the corpse fell from them close to a house and defaced it in the fall and the owner being taken up, he immediately confessed the poisoning. Footnote An instance of this kind happened at Montserrat in the West Indies in the year 1763. I then belonged to the charming Sally, Captain Doran. The chief mate Mr Mansfield and some of the crew being one day on shore were present at the burying of a poisoned Negro girl. Though they had often heard of the circumstances of the running of such cases and had even seen it, they imagined it to be a trick of the corpse bearers. The mate therefore desired two of the sailors to take up the coffin and carry it to the grave. The sailors, who were all of the same opinion, readily obeyed, but scarcely raised it to their shoulders before they began to run furiously about, quite unable to direct themselves, till at last without intention they came to the hut of him who had poisoned the girl. The coffin then immediately fell from their shoulders against the hut and damaged part of the wall. The owner of the hut was taken into custody on this and confessed to the poisoning. I give this story as it was related by the mate and crew on their return the credit which is due to it I leave with the reader. End Footnote The natives are extremely cautious about poison. When they buy any eatable the seller kisses it all round before the buyer to show him it is not poisoned and the same is done when any meat or drink is presented, particularly to a stranger. We have serpents of different kinds some of which are esteemed ominous when they appear in our houses and these we never molest. I remember two of those ominous snakes each of which was as thick as the calf of a man's leg and in color resembling a dolphin in the water crept at different times into my mother's night-house where I always lay with her and coiled themselves into folds and each time they crowed like a cock I was desired by some of our wise men to touch these that I might be interested in the good omens which I did and were quite harmless and would tamely suffer themselves to be handled and then they were put into a large open earthen pan and set on one side of the highway some of our snakes however were poisonous one of them crossed the road one day when I was standing on it and passed between my feet without offering to touch me to the great surprise of many who saw it and these incidents were accounted by the wise men and therefore by my mother as remarkable omens in my favor such is the imperfect sketch my memory has furnished me with of the manners and customs of a people among whom I first drew my breath and here I cannot forbear suggesting what has long struck me very forcibly namely the strong analogy which even by this sketch in perfect as it is appears to prevail in the manners and customs of my countrymen and those of the Jews of promise and particularly the patriarchs while they were yet in that pastoral state which is described in Genesis an analogy which alone would induce me to think that the one people had sprung from the other. Indeed this is the opinion of Dr. Gill who in his commentary on Genesis very abry deduces the pedigree of the Africans from Afra and Afra the descendants of Abraham by Katora his wife and concubine for both these titles are applied to her it is also comfortable to the sentiments of Dr. John Clark formerly Dean of Sarum in his truth of the Christian religion both these authors concur in ascribing to us this original the reasonings of these gentlemen are still further confirmed by the scripture chronology and if any further corroboration were required this resemblance in so many respects is a strong evidence in support of the opinion like the Israelites in their primitive state our government was conducted by our chiefs or judges our wise men and elders and the head of the family with us enjoyed a similar authority over his household with that which is ascribed to Abraham and the other patriarchs the law of retaliation obtained almost universally with us as with them and even their religion appeared to have shed upon us a ray of its glory though broken and spent in its passage or eclipsed by the cloud with which time and tradition and ignorance might have enveloped it for we had our circumcision a rule I believe peculiar to that people we had also our sacrifices and burnt offerings our washings and purifications on the same occasions as they had as to the difference of colour between the Iboan Africans and the modern Jews I shall not presume to account for it it is a subject which is engaged the pens of men of both genius and learning and is far above my strength the most able and reverent Mr. T. Clarkson however in his much admired essay on the slavery and commerce of the human species has ascertained the cause in a manner that at once solves every objection on that account and on my mind at least has produced the fullest conviction I shall therefore refer to that performance for the theory contenting myself with extracting a fact as related by Dr. Mitchell the Spaniards who have inhabited America under the torrid zone for any time are become as dark coloured as our native Indians of Virginia of which I myself have been a witness there is also another instance of a Portuguese settlement at Mitomba a river in Sierra Leone where the inhabitants are bred from a mixture of the first Portuguese discoverers with the natives who have become in their complexion and in the woolly quality of their hair perfect negroes retaining however a smattering of the Portuguese language these instances and a great many more which might be added while they show how the complexions of the same persons vary in different climates it is hope may tend also to remove the prejudice that some conceive against the natives of Africa on account of their colour surely the minds of the Spaniards did not change with their complexions are they not causes enough to which the apparent inferiority of an African may be ascribed without limiting the goodness of God and supposing he forebore to stamp understanding on certainly his own image because carved in ebony might it not naturally be ascribed to their situation when they come among Europeans they are ignorant of their language religion, manners and customs are any pains taken to teach them these are they treated as men does not slavery itself depress the mind and extinguish all its fire and every noble sentiment but above all what advantages do not a refined people possess over those who are rude and uncultivated let the polished and haughty European recollect that his ancestors were once like the Africans uncivilized and even barbarous did nature make them inferior to their sons and should they too have been made slaves every rational mind answers no let such reflections as these melt the pride of their superiority into sympathy for the wants and miseries of their sable brethren and compel them to acknowledge that understanding is not confined to feature or color if when they look round the world they feel exultation let it be tempered with benevolence to others and gratitude to God who has made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on the face of the earth acts chapter 17 verse 26 and those whose wisdom is not our wisdom neither are our ways his ways end of chapter 1 chapter 2 of the interesting narrative of Olauda Equiano this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org chapter 2 of the interesting narrative of the life of Olauda Equiano by Olauda Equiano chapter 2 the author's birth and parentage his being kidnapped with his sister their separation surprise at meeting again are finally separated account of the different places and incidents the author met with till his arrival on the coast the effect the sight of a slave ship had on him he sails for the West Indies horrors of a slave ship Barbados where the cargo is sold and dispersed I hope the reader will not think I have trespassed on his patients and introducing myself to him with some account of the manners and customs of my country they had been implanted in me with great care and made an impression on my mind which time could not erase and which all the adversity and variety of fortune I have since experienced served only to rivet and record for whether the love of one's country be real or imaginary or a lesson of reason or an instinct of nature I still look back with pleasure on the first scenes of my life though that pleasure has been for the most part mingled with sorrow I've already acquainted the reader with the time and place of my birth my father, besides many slaves, had a numerous family of which seven lived to grow up including myself and a sister who was the only daughter as I was the youngest of the sons I became of course the great favorite with my mother and was always with her and she used to take particular pains to form my mind I was trained up for my earliest years in the art of war my daily exercise was shooting and throwing javelins and my mother adorned me with emblems after the manner of our greatest warriors in this way I grew up till I was turned the age of 11 when an inn was put to my happiness in the following manner generally when the grown people in the neighborhood were gone far in the fields to labor the children assembled together in some of the neighbors' premises to play and commonly some of us used to get up a tree to look out for any assailant or kidnapper that might come upon us for they sometimes took these opportunities of our parents' absence to attack and seize one day as I was watching at the top of the tree in our yard I saw one of those people come into the yard of our next neighbor but one to kidnap there being many stout young people in it immediately on this I gave the alarm of the rogue and he was surrounded by the stoutest of them who entangled him with cords so that he could not escape till some of the grown people came and secured him but alas it was my fate to be thus attacked and to be carried off when none of the grown people were nigh one day when all our people were gone out my dear sister were left to mine the house two men and a woman got over our walls and in a moment seized us both and without giving us time to cry out or make resistance they stopped our mouths and ran off with us into the nearest wood here they tied our hands and continued to carry us as far as they could till night came on when we reached a small house where the robbers halted for refreshment and spent the night we were then unbound but were unable to take any food and being quite overpowered by fatigue and grief our only relief was some sleep and fortune for a short time the next morning we left the house and continued traveling all the day for a long time we had kept the woods but at last we came into a road which I believed I knew I had now some hopes of being delivered for we had advanced but a little way before I discovered some people at a distance on which I began to cry out for their assistance but my cries had no other effect than to make them tie me faster and stop my mouth and then they put me into a large sack they also stopped my sister's mouth and tied her hands and proceeded till we were out of sight of these people when we went to rest the following night they offered us some victuals but we refused it and the only comfort we had was in being in one another's arms all that night and bathing each other with our tears but alas we were soon deprived of even the small comfort of weeping together the next day proved a greater sorrow than I had yet experienced for my sister and I were then separated while we lay clasped in each other's arms it was in vain that we besought them not to part us she was torn from me while I was left in a state of distraction not to be described I cried and grieved continually and for several days I did not eat anything but what they forced into my mouth at length after many days traveling during which I had often changed masters I got into the hands of a chieftain in a very pleasant country this man had two wives and some children and they all used me extremely well and did all they could to comfort me particularly the first wife who was something like my mother although I was a great many days journey I spoke exactly the same language with us this first master of mine as I may call him was a smith and my principal employment was working his bellows which were the same kind as I had seen in my vicinity they were in some respects not unlike the stoves here in gentlemen's kitchens and we were covered over with leather and in the middle of that leather a stick was fixed and a person stood up and worked it in the same manner as it's done to pump water out of a cask with a hand pump I believe it was gold he worked for it was of a lovely bright yellow color and a fleeting glistening wistful I was there I suppose about a month and they at last used to trust me some little distance from the house this liberty I used in embracing every opportunity to inquire the way to my own home and I also sometimes for the same purpose went with the maidens in the cool of the evenings to bring pictures of water from the springs for the use of the house I'd also remarked where the sun rose in the morning and set in the evenings as I had traveled along and I observed that my father's house was towards the rising of the sun escape, and to shape my course for that quarter, for I was quite oppressed and weighed down by grief after my mother and friends, and my love of liberty ever great was strengthened by the mortifying circumstance of not daring to eat with the freeborn children, although I was mostly their companion. While I was projecting my escape, one day an unlucky event happened which quite disconcerted my plan and put it into my hopes. I used to be sometimes employed in assisting an elderly woman slave to cook and take care of the poultry, and one morning while I was feeding some chickens, I happened to toss a small pebble at one of them, which hit it on the middle and directly killed it. The old slave, having soon after missed the chicken, inquired after it, and on my relating the accident, for I told her the truth, because my mother would never suffer me to tell a lie. She flew into a violent passion, threatened that I should suffer for it, and my master being out, she immediately went and told her mistress what I had done. This alarmed me very much, and I expected an instant flogging, which to me was uncommonly dreadful, for I had seldom been beat at home. I therefore resolved to fly, and accordingly I ran into a thicket that was hard by, and hid myself in the bushes. Soon afterwards my mistress and the slave returned, and not seeing me, they searched all the house, but not finding me, and I had not making answer when they called to me. They thought I had run away, and the whole neighborhood was raised in the pursuit of me. In that part of the country, as in ours, the houses and villages were skirted with woods, or shrubberies, and the bushes were so thick that a man could readily conceal himself in them, so as to lewd the strictest search. The neighbors continued the whole day looking for me, and several times many of them came within a few yards of the place where I lay hid. I then gave myself up for lost entirely, and expected every moment when I heard a wrestling among the trees to be found out, and punished by my master. But they never discovered me, though they were often so near that I even heard their conjectures as they were looking about for me. And I now learned from them that any attempt to return home would be hopeless. Most of them supposed that I fled towards home, but the distance was so great, and the way so intricate, that they thought I could never reach it, and that I should be lost in the woods. When I heard this, I was seized with a violent panic, and abandoned myself to despair. Night too began to approach, and I aggravated all my fears. I had before entertained hopes of getting home, and I had determined when it should be dark to make the attempt, but I was now convinced it was fruitless, and I began to consider that if possibly I could escape all other animals, I could not those of the humankind, and that not knowing the way I must perish in the woods. Thus was I like the hunted deer. Their leaf and every whispering breath conveyed a foe, and every foe a death. I heard frequent rustlings among the leaves, and being pretty sure they were snakes I expected every instant to be stung by them. This increased my anguish, and the horror of my situation became now quite insupportable. I at length quitted the thicket, very faint and hungry, for I had not eaten or drank anything all day, and crept to my master's kitchen from whence I set out at first, and which was an open shed, and laid myself down on the ashes with an ancient wish for death to relieve me from all my pains. I was scarcely awake in the morning when the old woman's slave, who was the first step, came to light the fire, and saw me in the fireplace. She was very much surprised to see me, and could scarcely believe her own eyes. She now promised to intercede for me, and went for her master, whose soon after came, and having slightly reprimanded me, ordered me to be taken care of, and not to be ill-treated. Soon after this my master's only daughter, and child by his first wife, sickened and died, which affected him so much that for some time he was almost frantic, and really would have killed himself, had he not been watched and prevented. However, in a small time afterwards he recovered, and I was again sold. I was out-carried to the left at the sun's rising, through many different countries, and a number of large woods. The people I was sold to used to carry me very often when I was tired, either on their shoulders or on their backs. I saw many convenient, well-built sheds along the roads, at proper distances, to accommodate the merchants and travelers, who lay in those buildings along with their wives, who often accompany them, and they always go well-armed. From the time I left my own nation, I always found somebody that understood me till I came to the sea coast. The languages of different nations did not totally differ, nor were they so copious as those of the Europeans, particularly the English. They were therefore easily learned, and while I was journeying thus through Africa, I acquired two or three different tongues. In this manner I had been travelling for a considerable time when one evening, to my great surprise, whom should I see brought to the house where I was but my dear sister. As soon as she saw me she gave a loud shriek and ran into my arms. I was quite overpowered. Neither of us could speak, but for a considerable time clung to each other in mutual embraces, unable to do anything but weep. Our meeting affected all who saw us, and indeed I must acknowledge, in honor of those sable destroyers of human rights, that I never met with any ill-treatment or saw any offer to their slaves, except tying them when necessary to keep them from running away. When these people knew we were brother and sister they indulged us together, and the man to whom I suppose we belonged lay with us, he in the middle, while she and I held one another by the hands across his breast all night. And thus for a while we forgot our misfortunes and the joy of being together. But even this small comfort was soon to have an end, for scarcely had the fatal morning appeared when she was again torn from me forever. I was now more miserable if possible than before. The small relief which her presence gave me from pain was gone, and the wretchedness of my situation was redoubled by my anxiety after her fate, and my apprehensions lest her suffering should be greater than mine, when I could not be with her to alleviate them. Yes, thou dear partner of all my childish sports, thou sharer of my joys and sorrows, happy should I have ever esteemed myself to encounter every misery for you, and to procure your freedom by the sacrifice of my own. Though you were early forced from my arms, your image has always been riveted in my heart, from which neither time nor fortune have been able to remove it. So that while the thoughts of your sufferings have dampened my prosperity, they have mingled with adversity and increased its bitterness. To that heaven which protects the weak from the strong I commit the care of your innocence and virtues if they have not already received their full award. And if your youth and delicacy have not long since fallen victims to the violence of the African traitor, the pestilential stench of a guinea-ship, the seasoning in the European colonies or the lash and lust of a brutal and unrelenting overseer. I did not long remain after my sister. I was again sold and carried through a number of places, till after traveling a considerable time I came to a town called Tinma, in the most beautiful country I have yet seen in Africa. It was extremely rich, and there were many rivulets which flowed through it, and supplied a large pond in the center of the town where the people washed. Here I first saw and tasted coconuts, which I thought superior to any nuts I had ever tasted before, and the trees which were loaded were also interspersed amongst the houses which had commodious shades adjoining, and were in the same manner as ours, the insides being neatly plastered and whitewashed. Here I also saw and tasted for the first time sugar cane. Their money consisted of little white shells, the size of the fingernail. I was sold here for one hundred and seventy-two of them by a merchant who lived and brought me there. I had been about two or three days at his house when a wealthy widow, a neighbor of his, came there one evening and brought with her an only son, a young gentleman about my own size and age. Here they saw me, and having taken a fancy to me, I was bought of the merchant and went home with them. Her house and premises were situated close to one of those rivulets I have mentioned, and were the finest I ever saw in Africa. They were very extensive, and she had a number of slaves to attend her. The next day I was washed and perfumed, and when mealtime came I was led into the presence of my mistress, and ate and drank before her with her son. This filled me with astonishment, and I could scarce help expressing my surprise that the young gentleman should suffer me, who was bound to eat with him, who was free, and not only so, but that he would not at any time either eat or drink till I had taken first, because I was the eldest, which was agreeable to our custom. Indeed everything here, and all their treatment of me, made me forget that I was a slave. The language of these people resembled ours so nearly that we understood each other perfectly. They had also the very same customs as we. There were likewise slaves daily to attend us, while my young master and I, with other boys, sported with our darts and bows and arrows, as I had been used to do at home. In this resemblance to my former happy state I passed about two months, and I now began to think I was to be adopted into the family, and was beginning to be reconciled to my situation, and to forget by degrees my misfortunes, when all at once the delusion vanished, for without the least previous knowledge one morning early, while my dear master and companion was still sleep, I was awakened out of my reverie to fresh sorrow and hurried away even amongst the uncircumcised. Thus at the very moment I dreamed of the greatest happiness, I found myself most miserable, and it seemed as if fortune wished to give me this taste of joy only to render the reverse more poignant. The change I now experienced was as painful as it was sudden and unexpected. It was a change indeed from a state of bliss to a scene which is inexpressible by me, as it discovered to me an element I had never before beheld, until then had no idea of, and wherein such instances of hardship and cruelty continually occurred as I can never reflect on but with horror. All the nations and people I had hitherto passed through resembled our own in their manners, customs, and language, but I came at length to a country, the inhabitants of which differed from us in all those particulars. I was very much struck with this difference, especially when I came among a people who did not circumcise and ate without washing their hands. They cooked also in iron pots, and had European cutlasses and crossbows, which were unknown to me, and fought with their fists amongst themselves. Their women were not so modest as ours, for they ate and drank and slept with their men. But above all, I was amazed to see no sacrifices or offerings among them. In some of those places the people ornamented themselves with scars, and likewise filed their teeth very sharp. They wanted sometimes to ornament me in the same manner, but I would not suffer them, hoping that I might sometime be among a people who did not thus disfigure themselves as I thought they did. At last I came to the banks of a large river, which was covered with canoes, in which the people appeared to live with their household utensils and provisions of all kinds. I was beyond measure astonished at this, as I had never before seen any water larger than a pond or a rivulet, and my surprise was mingled with no small fear when I was put into one of these canoes, and we began to paddle and move along the river. We continued going on thus till night, and when we came to land and made fires on the banks, each family by themselves, some dried their canoes on shore, others stayed and cooked in theirs, and laid in them all night. Those on the land had mats, of which they had made tents, some in the shape of little houses. In these we slept, and after the morning meal we embarked again and proceeded as before. I was often very much astonished to see some of the women, as well as the men, jump into the water, dive to the bottom, come up again, and swim about. Thus I continued to travel, sometimes by land, sometimes by water, through different countries and various nations, till at the end of six or seven months after I had been kidnapped, I arrived at the sea coast. It would be tedious and uninteresting to relate all the incidents which befell me during this journey, and which I have not yet forgotten. Of the various hands I passed through, and the manners and customs of all the different people among whom I lived, I shall therefore only observe that in all the places where I was the soil was exceedingly rich, the pompkins, edus, plantains, yams, et cetera, et cetera, wearing great abundance, and of incredible size. There were also vast quantities of different gums, though not used for any purpose, and everywhere a great deal of tobacco. The cotton even grew wild, and there was plenty of redwood. I saw no mechanics whatever in all the way, except such as I have mentioned. The chief employment in all these countries was agriculture, and both the males and females, as with us, were brought up to it, and trained in the arts of war. The first object which saluted my eyes when I arrived on the coast was the sea, and a slave ship which was then riding at anchor and waiting for its cargo. These filled me with astonishment, which was soon converted into terror when I was carried on board. I was immediately handled and tossed up to see if I were sound by some of the crew, and I was now persuaded that I had gotten into a world of bad spirits and that they were going to kill me. Their complexions too differing so much from ours, their long hair and the language they spoke, which was very different from any I had ever heard, united to confirm in me this belief. Indeed, such were the horrors of my views and fears at the moment that if 10,000 worlds had been my own, I would have freely parted with them all to have exchanged my condition with that of the meanest slave of my own country. When I looked round the ship too and saw a large furnace or copper boiling and a multitude of black people of every description chained together, every one of their countenances expressing dejection and sorrow, I no longer doubted of my fate, and quite overpowered with horror and anguish I fell motionless on the deck and fainted. When I recovered a little I found some black people about me, who I believed were some of those who brought me on board, and had been receiving their pay. They talked to me in order to cheer me, but all in vain. I asked them if we were not to be eaten by those white men with horrible looks, red faces, and loose hair. They told me I was not, and one of the crew brought me a small portion of spiritous liquor and a wine glass, but being afraid of him I would not take it out of his hand. One of the blacks therefore took it from him and gave it to me, and I took a little down my pallet, which instead of reviving me as they thought it would, threw me into the greatest consternation that the strange feeling it produced, having never tasted any such liquor before. Soon after that the blacks who brought me on board went off, and left me abandoned to despair. I now saw myself deprived of all chance of returning to my native country, or even a least glimpse of hope of gaining the shore which I now considered as friendly, and I even wished for my former slavery and preference to my present situation, which was filled with horrors of every kind, still heightened by my ignorance of what I was to undergo. I was not long suffered to indulge my grief. I was soon put down under the decks, and there I received such a salutation in my nostrils as I had never experienced in my life, so that with the loathesomeness of the stench, and crying together, I became so sick and low that I was not able to eat, nor had I the least desire to taste anything. I now wished for the last friend death to relieve me, but soon to my grief two of the white men offered me eatables, and on my refusing to eat, one of them held me fast by the hands, and laid me across I think the windlass, and tied my feet, while the other flogged me severely. I had never experienced anything of this kind before, and although not being used to the water, I naturally feared that element the first time I saw it, yet nevertheless could I have got over the nettings? I would have jumped over the side, but I could not. And besides, the crew used to watch us very closely, who were not chained down to the decks, lest we should leap into the water. And I have seen some of those poor African prisoners most severely cut for attempting to do so, and hourly whipped for not eating. This indeed was often the case with myself. In a little time after amongst the poor chained men, I found some of my own nation, which in a small degree gave ease to my mind. I inquired of these what was to be done with us. They gave me to understand we were to be carried to these white people's country to work for them. I then was a little relieved, and thought, if it were no worse than working, my situation was not so desperate. But still I feared I should be put to death, the white people looked and acted as I thought, and so savaged a manner. For I had never seen among any people such instances of brutal cruelty, and this not only shewn towards us blacks, but also to some of the whites themselves. When white men in particular I saw, when we were permitted to be on decked, flogged so unmercifully with a large rope near the foremast, that he died in consequence of it, and they tossed him over the side as they would have done a brute. This made me fear these people the more, and I expected nothing less than to be treated in the same manner. I could not help expressing my fears and apprehensions to some of my countrymen. I asked them if these people had no country, but lived in this hollow place, the ship. They told me they did not, but came from a distant one. Then said I, how come sit in all our country, we never heard of them? They told me because they lived so very far off. I then asked where were their women? Had they any like themselves? I was told they had. And why, said I, do we not see them? They answered because they were left behind. I asked how does the vessel go? They told me they could not tell, but that there were claws put upon the mast by the help of the ropes I saw. And then the vessel went on, and the white men had some spell or magic they put in the water when they liked, in order to stop the vessel. I was exceedingly amazed at this count, and really thought they were spirits. I therefore wished much to be from amongst them, for I expected they would sacrifice me. But my wishes were vain, for we were so quartered that it was impossible for any of us to make our escape. While we stayed on the coast, I was mostly on deck, and one day, to my great astonishment, I saw one of these vessels coming in with the sails up. As soon as the whites saw it, they gave a great shout at which we were amazed. And the more so as the vessel appeared larger by approaching nearer. At last she came to an anchor in my sight, and when the anchor was let go, I and my countrymen who saw it were lost in astonishment to observe the vessel stop, and were not convinced it was done by magic. Soon after this the other ship got our boats out, and they came on board of us, and the people of both ships seemed very glad to see each other. Several of the strangers also shook hands with us black people, and made motions with their hands, signifying, I suppose, we were to go to their country, but we did not understand them. At last, when the ship we were in had gotten all her cargo, they made ready with many fearful noises, and we were all put under deck so that we could not see how they managed the vessel. But this disappointment was the least of my sorrow. The stench of the hold while we were on the coast was so intolerably loathsome that it was dangerous to remain there for any time, and some of us had been permitted to stay on the deck for the fresh air. But now that the whole ship's cargo were confined together it became absolutely pestilential. The closeness of the place and the heat of the climate adds to the number in the ship, which was so crowded that each had scarcely room to turn himself almost suffocated us. This produced copious perspiration so that the air soon became unfit for respiration, from a variety of loathsome smells, and brought on a sickness among the slaves of which many died, thus falling victims to the improvident avarice, as I may call it, of their purchasers. The wretched situation was again aggravated by the galling of the chains, now becoming insupportable, and the filth of the necessary tubs into which the children often fell and were almost suffocated. The shrieks of the women and the groans of the dying rendered the whole a scene of horror almost inconceivable. Happily perhaps for myself I was soon reduced so low here that it was thought necessary to keep me almost always on deck, and from my extreme youth I was not put in fetters. In this situation I expected every hour to share the fate of my companions, some of whom were almost daily brought upon deck at the point of death, which I began to hope with soon putting into my miseries. Often did I think many of the inhabitants of the deep much more happy than myself. I envied them the freedom they enjoyed, and as often wished I could change my condition for theirs. Every circumstance I met with served only to render my state more painful and heighten my apprehensions and my opinion of the cruelty of the whites. One day they had taken a number of fishes, and when they had killed and satisfied themselves with as many as they thought fit, to our astonishment who were on the deck rather than give any of them to us to eat as we expected, they tossed the remaining fish into the sea again, although we begged and prayed for some as well as we could, but in vain. And some of my countrymen, being pressed by hunger, took an opportunity when they thought no one saw them of trying to get a little privately, but they were discovered and the attempt procured them some very severe floggings. One day when we had a smooth sea and moderate wind, two of my weird countrymen who were chained together, I was near them at the time, preferring death to such a life of misery, somehow made through the nettings and jumped into the sea. Immediately another quite dejected fellow who, on account of his illness, was suffered to be out of irons, also followed their example, and I believe many more would very soon have done the same if they had not been prevented by the ship's crew, who were instantly alarmed. Those of us that were the most active were in a moment put down under the deck, and there was such a noise and confusion amongst the people of the ship as I had never heard before, to stop her and get the boat out to go after the slaves. However, two of the wretches were drowned, but they got the other, and afterwards flogged him immersively, for thus attempting to prefer death to slavery. In this manner we continued to undergo more hardships than I can now relate, hardships which are inseparable from this accursed trade. Many a time we were near suffocation from the want of fresh air, which we were often without for whole days together. This and the stench of the necessary tubs carried off many. During our passage I first saw flying fishes, which surprised me very much. They used frequently to fly across the ship, and many of them fell on the deck. I also now first saw the use of the quadrant. I had often with astonishment seen the mariners make observations with it, and I could not think what it meant. The elastic notice of my surprise, and one of them willing to increase it, as well as to gratify my curiosity, made me one day look through it. The clouds appeared to me to be land, which disappeared as they passed along. This heightened my wonder, and I was now more persuaded than ever that I was in another world, and that everything about me was magic. At last we came inside of the island of Barbados, at which the whites on board gave a great shout and made many signs of joy to us. We did not know what to think of this, but as the vessel drew nearer we plainly saw the harbor and other ships of different kinds and sizes, and we soon anchored amongst them off Bridgetown. Many merchants of planners now came on board through it, though it was in the evening. They put us in separate parcels and examined us attentively. They also made us jump and pointed to the land signifying we were to go there. We thought by this we should be eaten by these ugly men, as they appeared to us, and when soon after we were all put down on the deck again there was much dread and trembling among us, and nothing but bitter cries to be heard all the night from these apprehensions, in so much that at last the white people got some old slaves from the land to pacify us. They told us we were not to be eaten, but to work, and were soon to go on land, where we should see many of our country people. This report eased us much, and sure enough, soon after we were landed, there came to us Africans of all languages. We were conducted immediately to the merchants' yard, where we were all pinned up together like so many sheep in a fold, without regard to sex or age. As every object was new to me, everything I saw filled me with surprise. What struck me first was that the houses were built with stories, and in every other respect different from those in Africa, but I was still more astonished on seeing people on horseback. I did not know what this could mean, and indeed I thought these people were full of nothing but magical arts. While I was in this astonishment, one of my fellow prisoners spoke to a countryman of his about the horses, who said they were the same kind they had in their country. I understood them that they were from a distant part of Africa, and I thought it odd I had not seen any horses there, but afterwards, when I came to converse with different Africans, I found they had many horses amongst them, and much larger than those I then saw. We were not many days in the merchant's custody before we were sold after their usual manner, which is this. On a signal given, as the beat of a drum, the buyers rush it once into the yard where the slaves are confined, and make choice of that parcel they like best. The noise and clamor with which this is attended, and the eagerness visible in the countenances of the buyers, served not a little to increase the apprehensions of the terrified Africans, who may well be supposed to consider them as the ministers of that destruction to which they think themselves devoted. In this manner, without scruple, our relations and friends separated, most of them never to see each other again. I remember in the vessel in which I was brought over, in the men's apartment, there were several brothers who, in the sale, were sold in different lots, and it was very moving on this occasion to see and hear their cries at parting. O ye nominal Christians, might not an African ask you, learned you this from your God, who says unto you, Do unto all men, as you would men, should do unto you? Is it not enough that we are torn from our country and friends to toil for your luxury and lust of gain? Must every tender feeling be likewise sacrifice to your avarice? Are the dearest friends and relations now rendered more dear by their separation from their kindred, still to be parted from each other, and thus prevented from cheering the gloom of slavery with the small comfort of being together and mingling their sufferings and sorrows? Why are parents to lose their children, brothers their sisters, or husbands their wives? Surely this is a new refinement and cruelty, which, while it has no advantage to atone for it, thus aggravates distress, and adds fresh horrors even to the wretchedness of slavery. CHAPTER III The author is carried to Virginia. His distress, surprised at seeing a picture and a search, is brought by Captain Pascal and sets out for England. His terror during the voyage arrives in England. His wonder at a fall of snow is sent to Guernsey, and in some time goes on board a ship of war with his master. Some account of the expedition against Lewisburg under the command of Admiral Boscowan in 1758. I now totally lost the small remains of comfort I had enjoyed in conversing with my countrymen. The women, too, who used to wash and take care of me, were all gone different ways, and I never saw one of them afterwards. I stayed in this island for a few days. I believe it could not be above a fortnight, when I and some few more slaves that were not sailable amongst the rest from very much fretting were shipped off in a sloop for North America. On the passage we were better treated than when we were coming from Africa, and we had plenty of rice and fat pork. We were landed up a river a good way from the sea about Virginia country, where we saw few or none of our native Africans and not one soul who could talk to me. I was a few weeks weeding grass and gathering stones in a plantation, and at last all my companions were distributed different ways, and only myself was left. I was now exceedingly miserable, and thought myself worse off than any of the rest of my companions, for they could talk to each other, but I had no person to speak to that I could understand. In this state I was constantly grieving and pining, and wishing for death rather than anything else. While I was in this plantation, the gentleman to whom I suppose these state belonged being unwell, I was one day sent for to his dwelling-house to fan him. When I came into the room where he was, I was very much affrighted at some things I saw, and the more so as I had seen a black woman slave as I came through the house, who was cooking the dinner, and the poor creature was cruelly loaded with various kinds of iron machines, she had one particularly on her head, which locked her mouth so fast that she could scarcely speak, and could not eat nor drink. I was much astonished and shocked at this contrivance, which I afterwards learned was called the iron muzzle. Soon after I had a fan put into my hand to fan the gentleman while he slept, and so I did indeed with great fear. While he was fast asleep I indulged myself a great deal in looking about the room, which to me appeared very fine and curious. The first object that engaged my attention was a watch which hung on the chimney and was going. I was quite surprised at the noise it made, and was afraid it would tell the gentleman anything I might do amiss, and when I immediately after observed a picture hanging in the room which appeared constantly to look at me I was still more frightened, having never seen such things as these before. At one time I thought it was something relative to magic, and not seeing it move I thought it might be some way the whites had to keep their great men when they died, and offer them libation as we used to do to our friendly spirits. In this state of anxiety I remained till my master awoke, when I was dismissed out of the room to my no small satisfaction and relief, for I thought that these people were all made up of wonders. In this place I was called Jacob, but on board the African snow I was called Michael. I had been some time in this miserable, forlorn and much dejected state without having anyone to talk to which made my life a burden, when the kind and unknown hand of the creator who in very deed leads the blind in a way they know not now began to appear to my comfort. For one day the captain of a merchant ship, called the industrious Bee, came on some business to my master's house. This gentleman, whose name was Michael Henry Pascal, was a lieutenant in the Royal Navy, but now commanded this trading ship which was somewhere in the confines of the country many miles off. While he was at my master's house it happened that he saw me, and liked me so well that he made a purchase of me. I think I have often heard him say that he gave thirty or forty pounds sterling for me, but I do not now remember which. However, he meant me for a present to some of his friends in England, and I was sent accordingly from the house of my then master, one Mr. Campbell, to the place where the ship lay. I was conducted on horseback by an elderly black man, a mode of travelling which appeared very odd to me. When I arrived I was carried on board a fine, large ship, loaded with tobacco, etc., and just ready to sail for England. I now thought my condition much mended. I had sails to lie on, and plenty of good victuals to eat, and everybody on board used me very kindly, quite contrary to what I had seen of any white people before. I therefore began to think that they were not all of the same disposition. A few days after I was on board we sailed for England. I was still at a loss to conjecture my destiny, by this time however I could smatter a little imperfect English, and I wanted to know as well as I could where we were going. Some of the people of the ship used to tell me that they were going to carry me back to my own country, and this made me very happy. I was quite rejoiced at the sound of going back, and thought if I should get home what wonders I should have to tell. But I was reserved for another fate, and was soon undeceived when we came within sight of the English coast. While I was on board this ship my captain and master named me Gustavus Vassa. I at that time began to understand him a little, and refused to be called so and told him as well as I could that I would be called Jacob, but he said I should not, and still called me Gustavus. And when I refused to answer to my new name, which at first I did, it gave me many a cuff, so at length I submitted, and was obliged to bear the present name by which I have been known ever since. The ship had a very long passage, and on that account we had very short allowance of provisions. Towards the last we had only one pound and a half of bread per week, and about the same quantity of meat, and one quart of water a day. We spoke with only one vessel the whole time we were at sea, and but once we caught a few fishes. In our extremities the captain and people told me ingest they would kill me and eat me, but I thought them in earnest, and was depressed beyond measure, expecting every moment to be my last. While I was in this situation, one evening they caught, with a good deal of trouble, a large shark and got it on board. This gladdened my poor heart exceedingly as I thought it would serve the people to eat instead of their eating me, but very soon to my astonishment they cut off a small part of the tail, and tossed the rest over the side. This renewed my consternation, and I did not know what to think of these white people, though I very much feared they would kill and eat me. There was on board the ship a young lad who had never been at sea before, about four or five years older than myself, his name was Richard Barker. He was a native of America, had received an excellent education, and was of a most amiable temper. Soon after I went on board, he showed me a great deal of partiality and attention, and in return I grew extremely fond of him. We at length became inseparable, and for the space of two years he was a very great use to me, and was my constant companion and instructor. Although this dear youth had many own, yet he and I have gone through many sufferings together on ship-board, and we have many nights laying in each other's bosoms when we were in great distress. Thus such a friendship was cemented between us as we cherished till his death, which, to my very great sorrow, happened in the year 1759, when he was up the archipelago, on board his majesty's ship the Preston, an event which I have never ceased to regret, as I lost at once a kind interpreter and agreeable companion and a faithful friend who, at the age of 15, discovered a mind superior to prejudice, and who was not ashamed to notice to associate with, and to be the friend and instructor of one who was ignorant, a stranger, of a different complexion, and a slave. My master had lodged in his mother's house in America. He respected him very much, and made him always eat with him in the cabin. He used often to tell him jocularly that he would kill me sometimes he would say to me the black people were not good to eat, and would ask me if we did not eat people in my country. I said no. Then he said he would kill Dick, as he always called him thirst, and afterwards me. Though this hearing relieved my mind a little as to myself, I was alarmed for Dick, and whenever he was called I used to be very much afraid he was to be killed, and I would peep and watch to see if they were going to kill him. I agreed from this consternation till we made the land. One night we lost a man overboard, and the cries and noise were so great and confused in stopping the ship that I, who did not know what was the matter, began as usual to be very much afraid and to think they were going to make an offering with me, and perform some magic, which I still believed they dealt in. As the waves were very high, I thought the ruler of the seas was angry, and I expected to be offered up to this filled my mind with agony, and I could not any more that night close my eyes again to rest. However, when daylight appeared I was a little eased in my mind, but still every time I was called I used to think it was to be killed. Some time after this we saw some very large fish, which I afterwards found were called grampuses. They looked to me extremely terrible, and made their appearance just at dusk, and were so near as to blow the water on the ship's be the rulers of the sea, and as the white people did not make any offerings at any time, I thought they were angry with them, and at last what confirmed my belief was the wind just then died away, and a calm in shewed, and in consequence of it the ship stopped going. I suppose that the fish had performed this, and I hid myself in the four part of the ship through fear of being offered up to appease them, every minute peeping and quaking. I came shortly towards me, and I took an opportunity to ask him, as well as I could, what these fish were. Not being able to talk much English, I could but just make him understand my question, and not at all when I asked him if any offerings were to be made to them. However, he told me these fish would swallow anybody, which sufficiently alarmed me. Here he was called away by the captain, who was leaning over the quarter-deck railing, and looking at the fish, and busyed in getting a barrel of pitch to light, for them to play with. The captain now called me to him, having learned some of my apprehensions from Dick, and having diverted himself and others for some time with my fears, which appeared ludicrous enough in my crying and trembling, he dismissed me. The barrel of pitch was now lighted, and put over the side into the water. By this time it was just dark, and the fish went after it, and to my great joy I saw them no more. However, all my alarms began to subside, when we got sight of land, and at last the ship arrived at Falmouth, after a passage of thirteen weeks. Every heart on board seemed gladdened on our reaching the shore, and none more than mine. The captain immediately went on shore, and set on board some fresh provisions, which we wanted very much. We made good use of them, and our famine was soon turned into without ending. It was about the beginning of the spring, 1757, when I arrived in England, and I was near twelve years of age at that time. I was very much struck with the buildings, and the pavement of the streets in Falmouth, and indeed any object I saw filled me with new surprise. One morning, when I got upon deck, I saw it covered all over with the snow that fell overnight. As I had never seen anything of that kind before, I thought it was salt, so I immediately ran down to the mate, and desired him, as well as I could, to come and see how somebody in the night had thrown salt all over the deck. He, knowing what it was, desired me to bring some of it down to him. Accordingly, I took up a handful of it, which I found very cold indeed, and when I brought it to him, he desired me to taste it. I did so, and I was surprised beyond measure. I then asked him what it was. He told me it was salt, but I could not in any wise understand him. He asked me if we had no such thing in my country, and I told him no. I then asked him the use of it, and who made it. He told me a great man in the heavens called God, but here again I was to all intents and purposes at a loss to understand him, and the more so when a little after I saw the air filled with it, in a heavy shower which fell down on the same day. After this I went to church, and having never been at such a place before, I was again amazed at seeing and hearing the service. I asked all I could about it, and they gave me to understand it was worshiping God, who made us and all things. I was still at a great loss, and soon got into an endless field of inquiries, as well as I was able to speak and ask about things. However, my little friend Dick used to be my best interpreter, for I could make free with him, and he always instructed me with pleasure, and from what I could understand by him of this God, and in seeing these little white people did not sell one another as we did, I was much pleased, and in this I thought they were much happier than we Africans. I was astonished at the wisdom of the white people in all things I saw, but was amazed at their not sacrificing or making any offerings and eating with unwashed hands and touching the dead. I likewise could not help remarking the particular slenderness of their women, which I did not at first and I thought they were not so modest and shame-faced as the African women. I had often seen my master and Dick employed in reading, and I had a great curiosity to talk to the books as I thought they did, and so to learn how all things had a beginning, for that purpose I have often taken up a book, and have talked to it, and then put my ears to it when alone in hopes it would answer me, and I have been very much concerned when I found it remain silent. My master lodged at the house of a gentleman in Falmouth who had a fine little daughter about six or seven years of age and she grew prodigiously fond of me in so much that we used to eat together and had servants to wait on us. I was so much caressed by this family that it often reminded me of the treatment I had received from my little noble African master. After I had been here a few days I was sent on board of the ship but the child cried before again. It is ludicrous enough that I began to fear I should be betrothed to this young lady, and when my master asked me if I would stay there with her behind him as he was going away with the ship which he had taken in the tobacco again I cried immediately and said I would not leave her. At last by stealth one night I was sent on board the ship again and in a little time we sailed for Guernsey where she was in part owned by a merchant named me. As I was now amongst the people who had not their faces scarred like some of the African nations where I had been I was very glad I did not let them ornament me in that manner when I was with them. When we arrived at Guernsey my master placed me to board and lodge with one of his mates who had a wife and family there and some months afterwards he went to six years with whom I used to be much delighted. I had often observed that when her mother washed her face it looked very rosy but when she washed mine it did not look so. I therefore tried oftentimes myself if I could not by washing make my face of the same colour as my little playmate Mary. But it was all in vain and I now began to be mortified in the same manner as she did her own child and indeed in every respect treated me as such. I remained here till the summer of the year 1757 when my master being a pointed first lieutenant of his majesty's ship the row-book sent for Dick and me and his old mate on this we all left Guernsey and set out for England in a sloop bound for London as we were coming towards the ship we were ready to press our people on which each man ran to hide himself I was very much frightened at this though I did not know what it meant or what to think or do however I went and hid myself also under a hencoupe immediately afterwards the press gang came on board with their swords drawn and searched all about pulled the people out by force and put them into the boat while they all made their sport of me eye roaring and crying out all the time most lustily but at last the mate who was my conductor seeing this came to my assistance and did all he could to pacify me but all to very little purpose till I had seen the boat go off soon afterwards we came to the gnaw where the row-book lay and to our great joy my master came on board to us and brought us to the ship when I went on board this large ship I was amazed indeed to see the quantity of men and the guns however my surprise began to diminish as my knowledge increased and I ceased to feel those apprehensions and alarms which had taken such strong possession of me when I first came among the Europeans and for some time after I began now to pass to an opposite extreme I was so far from being afraid of any new thing which I saw that after I had been some time on the ship I even began my griefs too which in young minds are not perpetual were now wearing away and I soon enjoyed myself pretty well and felt tolerably easy in my present situation there was a number of boys on board which still made it more agreeable for we were always together and a great part of our time was spent in play I remained in this ship a considerable time during which we made several cruises and visited a variety of places among others we were twice in Holland and brought over several persons of distinction from it whose names I do not now remember on the passage one day for the diversion of those gentlemen all the boys were called on the quarter-deck and were paired proportionably and then made to fight after which the gentlemen gave the combatants from five to nine shillings each this was the first time I ever fought with a white boy and I never knew what it was to have a bloody nose before this made me fight I suppose considerably more than an hour and at last both of us being weary we were parted I had a great deal of this kind of sport afterwards in which the captain and the ship's company used very much to encourage me some time afterwards the ship went to Leith in Scotland and from thence to the Orkneys where I was surprised in seeing scarcely any night and from thence we sailed with a great fleet full of soldiers for England all this time of engagement though we were frequently cruising off the coast of France during which we chased many vessels and took in all seventeen prizes I had been learning many of the manoeuvres of the ship during our cruise and I was several times made to fire the guns one evening off Avra de Grasse just as it was growing dark we were standing offshore and met with a fine large French built frigate we got all things ready and I now expected I should be gratified in seeing an engagement which I had so long wished for in vain but the very moment the word of command was given to fire we heard those on board the other ship cry haul down the jib and in that instant she hoisted English colours they was instantly with us an amazing cry of Avast or stop firing and I think one or two guns had been let off but happily they did no mischief hailed them several times but they not hearing we received no answer which was the cause of our firing the boat was then sent on board of her and she proved to be the ambuscade man of war to my no small disappointment we returned to Portsmouth without having been in any action just at the trial of Admiral Bing whom I saw several times during it and my master having left the ship and gone to London for promotion Dick and I were put on board the ship of war and we went in her to assist the bringing off of the St George man of war that had run ashore somewhere on the coast after staying a few weeks on board the savage Dick and I were sent on shore at deal where we remained some short time till my master sent for us to London the place I had long desired exceedingly to see we therefore both with great pleasure got into a wagon and came to London where we were received by a Mr. Gurin a relation of my master this gentleman had two sisters very amiable ladies who took much notice and great care of me though I had desired so much to see London when I arrived in it I was unfortunately unable to gratify my curiosity for I had at this time the chill-blanes to such a degree that I could not stand for several months and I was obliged to be sent to St. George's hospital there I grew so ill that the doctors wanted to cut my leg off at times apprehending a mortification but I always said I would rather die than suffer it and happily I thank God I recovered without the operation after being there several weeks and just as I had recovered the smallpox broke out on me so that I was again confined and I thought myself now particularly unfortunate however I soon recovered again and by this time my master having been promoted to be first Lieutenant of the Preston Man of War then knew at Detford Dick and I were sent on board her and soon after we went to Holland to bring over the late Duke of Blank to England while I was in this ship an incident happened which though trifling I beg leave to relate as I could not help taking particular notice of it and considering it then as a judgment of God one morning a young man was looking up to the fore-top and in a wicked tone common on ship-board damned his eyes about something just at that moment some small particles of dirt fell into his left eye and by that evening it was very much inflamed the next day it grew worse and within six or seven days he lost it from this ship my master was appointed a Lieutenant on board the Royal George when he was going he wished me to stay on board the Preston to learn the French horn but the ship being ordered for Turkey I could not think of leaving my master to whom I was very warmly attached and I told him if he left me behind it would break my heart this prevailed on him to take me with him but he left Dick on board the Preston whom I embraced at parting for the last time the Royal George was the largest ship I've ever seen so that when I came on board her I was surprised at the number of people men, women and children of every denomination and the largeness of the guns and many of them also of brass which I had never seen before here were also shops or stalls of every kind of goods and people crying their different commodities about the ship as in a town to me it appeared a little world into which I was again cast without a friend for I had no longer my dear companion Dick we did not stay long here my master was not many weeks on board before he got an appointment to be sixth Lieutenant of the Namur which was then at Spithead fitting up for a Vice Admiral John who was going with a large fleet on an expedition against Lewisburg the crew of the Royal George were turned over to her and the flag of that gallant admiral was hoisted on board the blue at the main top gallant Masthead there was a very great fleet of men of war of every description assembled together for this expedition and I was in hopes soon to have an opportunity of being gratified with a sea fight all things being now in readiness this mighty fleet so Admiral Cornish's fleet in company destined for the East Indies at last weighed anchor and sailed the two fleets continued in company for several days and then parted Admiral Cornish in the Lennox having first saluted our admiral in the Namur when he returned we then steered for America but by contrary wins we were driven to Tenerife where I was struck with its noted peak its prodigious height and its form resembling a sugarloaf filled me with wonder we remained in sight of this island some days and then proceeded for America which we soon made and got into a very commodious harbour called St George in Halifax where we had fish in great plenty and all other fresh provisions we were here joined by different men of war and transport ships with soldiers after which our fleet being increased to a prodigious number of ships of all kinds we sailed for Cape Breton and gathered and gallant general Wolf on board our ship whose affability made him highly esteemed and beloved by all the men he often honoured me as well as the other boys with marks of his notice and saved me once a flogging for fighting with a young gentleman we arrived at Cape Breton in the summer of 1758 and here the soldiers were to be landed in order to make an attack upon Lewisburg my master had some part in superintending the landing was in a small measure gratified in seeing an encounter between our men and the enemy the French were posted on the shore to receive us and disputed our landing for a long time but at last they were driven from their trenches and a complete landing was affected our troops pursued them as far as the town of Lewisburg in this action many were killed on both sides one thing remarkable I saw this day a lieutenant of the princess Amelia who as well as her master superintended the landing was giving the word of command and while his mouth was open a musket ball went through it and passed out at his cheek I had that day in my hand the scalp of an Indian king who was killed in the engagement the scalp had been taken off by a Highlander I saw this king's ornaments too which were very curious and made of feathers our land forces laid siege to the town of Lewisburg while the French men of war were blocked up in the harbour by the fleet the batteries at the same time playing upon them from the land this they did with such effect that one day I saw some of the ships set on fire by the shells from the batteries and I believe two or three of them were quite burnt at another time about fifty boats belonging to the English men of war commanded by Captain George Balfour of the Etna Fireship and another junior Captain Laforie attacked and boarded two remaining French men of war in the harbour they also set fire to a seventy gun ship but a sixty four called the Biais Faison they brought off during my stay here I had often an opportunity of being near Captain Balfour who was pleased to notice me and liked me so much that he often asked my master to let him have me but he would not part with me and no consideration could have induced me to leave him at last Lewisburg was taken and the English men of war came into the harbour before it to my very great joy for I had now more liberty of indulging myself and I went often on shore when the ships were in the harbour we had the most beautiful procession on the water I ever saw all the admirals and captains of the men of war full dressed and in their barges well ornamented with pendants came alongside of the Namur the Vice Admiral then went on shore in his barge followed by officers in order of seniority to take possession as I suppose of the town and fort some time after this the French Governor and his lady and other persons of note came on board our ship to Dine on this occasion our ships were dressed with colours of all kinds from the top gallant mast head to the deck and this with the firing of guns formed a most grand and magnificent spectacle as soon as everything here was settled Admiral Boskowin sailed with part of the fleet for England leaving some ships behind with the rear admirals Sir Charles Hardy and Durrell it was now winter and one evening during our passage home about dusk when we were in the channel or near soundings and were beginning to look for land we described seven sails of a large man of war which stood offshore several people on board our ship said as the two fleets were in forty minutes from the first sight a tale of each other that they were English men of war and some of our people even began to name some of the ships by this time both fleets began to mingle and our admiral ordered his flag to be hoisted at that instant the other fleet which were French hoisted their ensigns and gave us a broadside as they passed by nothing could create greater surprise and confusion among us than this the wind was high the sea rough and we had our lower and middle deck guns housed in so that not a single gun on board was ready to be fired at any of the French ships however the royal William and the Somerset being our sternmost ships became a little prepared and each gave the French ships a broadside as they passed by I afterwards heard this was a French squadron commanded by Monsieur Conflon and certainly had the Frenchmen known our condition and had a mind to fight us they might have done as great a mischief but we were not long before we were prepared for an engagement immediately many things were tossed overboard the ships were made ready for fighting as soon as possible and about ten at night we had bent a new mainsail the old one being split being now in readiness for fighting we wore ship and stood after the French fleet who were one or two ships in number more than we however we gave them chase and continued pursuing them all night and at daylight we saw six of them all large ships of the line and an English East Indieman a prize they had taken we chased them all day till between three and four o'clock in the evening when we came up with and passed within a musket shot of one seventy-four gunship and the Indieman also who now hoisted her colours but immediately hauled them down again on this we made a signal for the other ships to take possession of her and supposing the man of war would likewise strike we cheered but she did not though if we had fired into her from being so near we must have taken her to my utter surprise the Somerset who was the next ship a stern of the Namur made way likewise and thinking they were sure of this French ship they cheered in the same manner but still continued to follow us the French Commodore was about a gunshot ahead of all running from us with all speed and about four o'clock he carried his four-top mast overboard this caused another loud cheer with us and a little after the top mast came close by us but to our great surprise instead of coming up with her we found she went as fast as ever if not faster in the very same direction and so near that we heard people talk as she went by yet not a shot was fired on either side and about five or six o'clock just as it grew dark she joined her Commodore we chased all night but the next day they were out of sight so that we saw no more of them and we only had the old Indian man called Kanaavan I think for our trouble after this we stood in for the channel and soon made the land and about the close of the year 1758-9 we got saved to St. Helens here the Namur ran aground and also another large ship a stern of us but by starting our water and tossing many things overboard to lighten her we got the ships off without any damage we stayed for a short time at Spithead and then went into Portsmouth Harbour to refit from whence the Admiral went to London and my master and I soon followed with a press gang as we wanted some hands to complete our compliment End of Chapter 3