 The President of the United States and Mrs. Reagan. Mr. President, Mr. Reagan, dear guests, Mr. President, Mrs. Reagan, dear guests. Greetings to me in this house of guests who have sacrificed so much in the struggle for the basic human rights. The rights that we Americans often take in the order of things. Many of you have sacrificed your professions. Many of you have sacrificed your years of life in labor camps, prisons, and connections. We can learn a lot from all of you. Today, in the short time we are in, we will hear the remarks of three people. Sergei Kovalev, Yulia Kosharovskaya, and Gleb Yakunin's father. It is an honor to welcome to Spasso House so many people who have sacrificed so much in their struggle for basic human rights. Rights that we Americans so often take for granted. Many, most of you, have sacrificed your professions and your personal comfort. Many of you have sacrificed years of your lives in labor camps, prisons, and internal exile. Today, in the short time that we have, we will hear from three persons. Sergei Kovalev, Yulia Kosharovskaya, and father, Gleb Yakunin. Mr. Kovalev, you are a biologist. He was killed in his own duty in the MGU in 1969 after his protests against the Soviet invasion of the Czechoslovakia. In the 1970's he was a editor of the independent newspaper Khronikot Yakushtik. During this time, he was sentenced to seven years of labor camps and three years of exile. Our first speaker is Mr. Sergei Kovalev, a distinguished biologist. He was removed from his position at the University of Moscow in 1969 after his protest of the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia. Dear Mr. President, dear Mr. Reigen, ladies and gentlemen, we are participants of the high-ranking law enforcement movement, that in negotiations with Secretary General Gorbachev, you, Mr. President, put the issue of human rights in the first place, giving it the most appropriate importance. And indeed, the chain reaction of human rights is no less dangerous than the nuclear reaction of hydrogen bombs. Dear Mr. President, dear Mrs. Reigen, ladies and gentlemen, we, the participants of the human rights movement, deeply appreciate the fact that in your talks with Secretary General Gorbachev, you, Mr. President, put the human rights issue first, and in so doing, you are giving it the importance it deserves. It is certainly true that the chain reaction resulting from human rights violations is no less dangerous than the thermonuclear reaction of an H-bomb. Dear Mr. President, many of us, having the honor of being invited to this reception last year, have gained freedom, and in this, many of the members of the Soviet Union are still fighting in prisons, camps, links and mental hospitals, including due to their religious activities. And we hope that you, Mr. President, will do everything in your power to help them more quickly. And now, dear guests, I would like to present to you President of the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, the President of the United States. Well, thank you all, and welcome to Spazzo House. After the discussions we've just had, I thought it might be appropriate for me to begin by letting you know why I so wanted this meeting to take place. You see, I wanted to convey to you that you have the prayers and support of the American people, indeed, people throughout the world. I wanted to convey to you that you have the prayers and support of the Americans and the United States of I wanted to convey this support to you that you might in turn convey it to others so that all those working for human rights throughout this vast land, from the Urals to Kamchatka, from the Laptav Sea to the Caspian, might be encouraged and take heart. I wanted to convey to you that you might in turn convey this support to you that you might in turn convey it to others so that all those working for human rights throughout this vast land, from the Urals to Kamchatka, from the Laptav Sea to the Caspian, might be encouraged and take heart. In one capacity, of course, I speak as a head of government. The United States views human rights as fundamental, absolutely fundamental to our relationship with the Soviet Union and all nations. From the outset of our administration, we've stressed that an essential element in improving relations between the United States and the Soviet Union is human rights and Soviet compliance with international covenants on human rights. The United States views human rights as fundamental, absolutely fundamental to our relationship with the Soviet Union and all nations. From the outset of our administration, we've stressed that an essential element in improving relations between the United States and the Soviet Union is human rights and Soviet compliance with international covenants on human rights. There have been hopeful signs. Indeed, I believe this a hopeful time for your nation. Over the past three years, more than 300 political and religious prisoners have been released from labor camps. Fewer dissidents and believers have been put in prisons and mental hospitals. And in recent months, more people have been permitted to emigrate or reunite with their families. There have been hopeful signs. And indeed, I believe this a hopeful time for your nation. Over the past three years, more than 300 political and religious prisoners have been released from labor camps. Fewer dissidents and believers have been put in prisons and mental hospitals. And in recent months, more people have been allowed to emigrate or reunite with their families. Here with you the main aims of our human rights agenda during this summit meeting here in Moscow. Freedom of religion. In the words of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. I am hopeful the Soviet government will permit all the peoples of the Soviet Union to worship their creator as they themselves see fit in liberty. Freedom of speech. Again, in the words of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. I sincerely hope that the Soviet government will allow all the peoples of the Soviet Union to worship their creator as they themselves see fit in liberty. Freedom of speech. Again, in the words of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression. It is my fervent hope for you and your country that there will soon come a day when no one need fear prison for offenses that involve nothing more than the spoken or written word. Freedom of speech. Again, in the text of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, everyone has the right to freedom of thought and expression. It is my fervent hope for you and your country that there will soon come a day when no one need fear prison for offenses that involve nothing more than the spoken word. Freedom of travel. I've told the General Secretary how heartened we are that during the past year the number of those permitted to emigrate has risen. We're encouraged as well that the number of those permitted to leave for short trips, often family visits, has gone up. Freedom of travel. Again, in the text of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, everyone has the right to freedom of thought and expression. It is my fervent hope for you and your country that there will soon come a day when no one need fear prison for offenses that involve nothing more than the spoken word. And yet, the words of the Universal Declaration go beyond these steps. Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his own country. It is our hope that soon there will be complete freedom of travel. In my particular, in particular, I've noted in my talks here that many who have been denied the right to emigrate on the grounds that they held secret knowledge, even though their secret work had ended years before, and their so-called secrets had long since become either public or private. Such cases must be rationally reviewed. In particular, in my talks here, I've indicated to many who have been denied the right to emigrate on the grounds that they had secret information, even though their secret work had long since ended, and that their so-called secrets had long since become public or private. Such cases must be rationally reviewed. And finally, institutional changes have been made. In particular, I've indicated to many who have been denied the right to emigrate on the grounds that they had secret information, and finally, institutional changes to make progress permanent. I've come to Moscow with this human rights agenda because, as I suggested, it is our belief that this is a moment of hope. The new Soviet leaders appear to grasp the connection between certain freedoms and economic growth. The freedom to keep the fruits of one's own labor, for example, is a freedom that the present reforms seem to be enlarging. And finally, the changes within the organizations themselves to make progress irreversible. I've come to Moscow with the human rights agenda because, as I suggested, we believe that there is hope in this. The new Soviet leadership, as we are presented, acknowledges the connection between certain freedoms and economic growth. For example, the freedom to keep the fruits of one's own labor, for example, is a freedom that the present reforms seem to be enlarging. I understand that it is the individual who is always the source of economic creativity, the inquiring mind that produces a technical breakthrough, the imagination that conceives of new products and markets, and that in order for the individual to create, he must have a sense of just that, his own individuality, his own self-worth. He must sense that others respect him, and yes, that his nation respects him, respects him enough to grant him all his human rights. We hope that one freedom will attract another and another, that the Soviet government will understand that the source of economic creativity is a person, his inquiring mind that produces a technical breakthrough, his imagination that conceives of new products and markets, and in order for the individual to create, he must have a sense of just that, his own individuality, his own self-worth. A person must respect others, and yes, that his nation respects him, and respect him enough to grant him all his human rights. Yet whatever the future may bring, the commitment of the United States will nevertheless remain unshakable. On human rights, on the fundamental dignity of the human person, there can be no relenting. For now, we must work for more, always more. This is, as I have said, what we set up hopes for. Nevertheless, I want you to know that if this hope is not justified, the commitment of the United States will remain unshakable. On human rights, on the fundamental dignity of the human person, there can be no relenting. For now, we must work for more, always more. And here, I would like to speak to you not as a head of government, but as a man, a fellow human being. I came here hoping to do what I could to give you strength. Yet I already know it is you who have strengthened me, you who have given me a message to carry back. While we press for human rights through diplomatic channels, you press with your very lives, day in, day out, year after year, risking your jobs, your homes, your all. On human rights, on the fundamental dignity of the human person, there can be no relenting. For now, we must work for more, always more. Yet I already know that it is you who have strengthened me, you who have given me a message to carry back to my country. While we press for human rights through diplomatic channels, you press with your very lives, day in, day out, year after year, risking your jobs, your all. And that freedom will truly come to all. For what injustice can withstand your strength? And what can conquer your prayers? If I may, I would like to tell you one thought from the pure heart. Coming here, being here with you and looking into your eyes, I must believe that the history of this ancient century will indeed be gathered in the eyes of God and human beings. And that freedom will truly come to all. For what injustice can withstand your strength? And what can conquer your prayers? And so I say with Pushkin, it's time, my friend, it's time. The heart begs for peace, the days fly past, it's time, my friend, it's time. Could I play a little trick on you and say something that isn't written here? Yes, sir. Sometimes when I'm faced with an unbeliever, an atheist, I am tempted to invite him to the greatest gourmet dinner that one could ever serve. And when we've finished eating that magnificent dinner, to ask him if he believes there's a cook. Thank you all, thank you all, and God bless you. Nancy and I have to leave you. We're going to have a little talk with the General Secretary. Thank you.