 Good morning everybody and thank you for coming apologize for The delay but Washington at this time of the year starts growing things and the potholes and we've been potholes all over town DC stands for developing country by the way I just would like you to know so we're still working on getting our potholes fixed and unfortunately tied up The foreign minister, but we're delighted that you were saying and we're delighted to welcome you foreign minister I've always been amazed at how Germany Takes its very most senior people and asks them to be foreign minister if you just think about it just think about the Landmark personalities Over the years the foreign ministry in Germany has been that foundation I think it's because it was so important for Germany after the war to establish the right framework And I think we see that today, of course Dr. Steinmeier is a famous and well-known public personality and he's been asked now to be the foreign minister and it's a Remarkably complicated time You are going to get many questions today Foreign minister about and all of the controversial issues are right now back in Europe You've been in the middle of it a lot of us are on the edge Watching history being made and you are in the room in mince you were involved in these negotiations So I think that's why you sense are such strong interest today in your presence And so could I ask all of you with your applause to please welcome foreign minister Steinmeier? We look forward to his Well, thank you John for your kind words of welcome Ladies and gentlemen these are traveling times The violence in the Middle East Syria Libya Iraq the terror of Boko Haram in Africa They had lines that you saw in the morning newspapers Are just the same That people back home in Germany woke up to Well, perhaps with the exception of the news that spring has finally arrived in DC And that you no longer have to wade through piles of snow to even get to the newspaper kiosk We are facing ladies and gentlemen We are facing a multitude of crises around the globe which to somebody from my generation Seem unprecedented in their Density and in their shocking violence We have joined hands across the Atlantic to address these conflicts I was struggled to reign in the raging terror of Isis in the Middle East And our efforts to strike a deal on Iran's nuclear program These are the two key challenges We are facing together and I hope we will discuss them in depth During the debate afterwards But I would like to focus on A different conflict now it is a conflict That I believe is of great importance to both of us across the Atlantic Not only because it has caused thousands of lives over the past months, but also Because it undermines the very essence of the international order that we the United States in Europe Have been carefully constructing at as transatlantic partners over the past decades I'm of course Talking about the conflict in Ukraine Russia's annexation of Crimea and The separatism in eastern Ukraine that is stoked by Russian military support Mark really a dangerous escalation It is an escalation that openly calls into question our European security architecture our peaceful order and Order based on international law multilateral institution peaceful mechanisms peaceful mechanisms for conflict resolution and Underneath all that the sovereignty of states The United States has underwritten this international architecture for many decades and my country as Reunified Germany has profited immensely from it What Russia is setting against this concept now? However, our old receipts of power politics and bullying instruments of politics We have been working to overcome for decades It is a challenge to our international order and to our joint values that we cannot and We will not accept We have reacted with determination solidarity and Resolution and we have done so using a large range of tools from political pressure and economic sanctions to persistent engagement Germany in France have engaged in a resolute diplomatic effort to bring about De-escalation and to pave the way for a political process We are basing our efforts on a closing coordinated European and transatlantic strategy our focus Ladies and gentlemen is on four pillars first It is clear that this is about Ukraine Only a strong and internally stable Ukraine Will be able to overcome this conflict. That's why it is crucial to us To help stabilize the country. We are doing this through political Financial and economic measures Ranging from humanitarian aid to mediation projects involving civil society and bilateral financial support Yesterday's decision by the IMF executive board is an important step providing immediate relief to Ukraine But let me be clear When it comes to long-term economic stabilization, we all know we still have a momentous task ahead of us second We agreed with our NATO partners in Wales last September We agreed with our NATO partners to strengthen the transatlantic Alliance To increase our resilience and to reassure our most exposed allies in Eastern Europe militarily that is What we are doing right now? third We have joined hands to apply a calibrated set of sanctions to convey to the Russian side That we will not give in To their aggression and to urge them to join us at the negotiation table. I believe This is having an effect and lastly We realize that we must look beyond this conflict To our future relationship with Moscow that means We must not cease to engage Russia using the last existing channels of communication to explore a potential of ramp and For the further future to explore path to a more cooperative relationship. This is Maybe and for sure the most delicate task Envisioning the prospect of cooperation while not giving up our determination to hold our ground in the actual Confrontation I strongly believe That the Minsk package provides Not more but an opportunity for calming the situation as fragile as it might be Minsk outlines the difficult path Towards a political Negotiated solution which is still expected. What is most urgently needed now is First of all readiness and willingness of the conflict parties, especially of Russia To implement what was agreed in Minsk What is needed next? Is an OSCE mission? That is substantially bolstered Being really able to monitor and to verify what is happening on the ground in the eastern Ukraine these days highlight How invaluable the OSCE tours are in times of crisis? By assuming the OSCE chairmanship next year We want to continue to strengthen collective Security in Europe, but we also need To redouble our efforts to help care focus on the most pressing Reform needs We are not there yet We experienced still some violations of the agreed ceasefire But we do see some signs of progress both parties The violence is significantly reduced both parties the Ukrainian army and the separatists have finally With some delay Started there with the role of heavy weapons The OSCE has access to a bigger number of Places in the eastern Ukraine, but be sure much more needs to be done. We must continue To work in this direction Ladies and gentlemen the confrontation at our doorstep is Really a very very dangerous challenge To Europe's peace order that we need to answer And this development is all the more Disconcerting because it is happening at midst an erosion of international order on a much larger scale Across the globe I see two major forces at play first a diversion of power Away from governments and a challenge posed by non-state actors the violent extremism of ISIS terror groups in the Middle East and The Boko Haram in Africa both be a terrible witness to this development They are the most extreme But not the only examples of Growing fragility of states and its impact on the world as we know it secondly The rise of newly emerging players who are not just economic power houses that Change patterns of productions trade and consumptions worldwide They also want a greater political say and question the rules of the game This is illustrated by the remarkable rise of China for instance Both developments pose a new challenge to our world order and to our transatlantic unity We are facing a dual challenge crises and a changing world order And what is our answer to these? tectonic global shifts It is a question My country has a particular interest and responsibility in addressing Germany is linked to the rest of the world like few other countries a recent study showed That we are in fact The most interconnected country on the globe connected not just through trade the flow of goods and capital but also by the flow of data and Through increasing migration of people. This is the reason why more than most other countries we Germans depend on the rules based and peaceful international order for our prosperity and Our security so in turn We Germans from my point of view Have not only an interest but also an obligation to contribute to Maintaining the structures of international order and to building new elements of it How do we go about this? Let me sketch out Four answers first We need to use the full spectrum of the instrument in our diplomatic toolbox One mistaken assumption. I have come across both here in the States and at home is That foreign policy is caught between two extreme options either idle diplomatic soft talk or Full-fledged military action But be sure there is so much more in between take the example of the Ukraine crisis The choice is not between meaningless talk between Russia on the one hand and Fueling of military escalation by delivering weapons on the other from the onset of this crisis we have thought out Many all means of de-escalation and political Resolution and pressure from the OSEE observer mission to national reform dialogue in Ukraine from a multilateral regime of sanctions to political mitigation from Acute more humanitarian relief To longer term economic stabilization efforts have we solved this crisis Certainly not Can weapons solve it You know my doubts I understand that many of you perhaps are calling for a more Rapid therefore determined therefore military based solutions Knowing the structure of the conflict well, let's say the genesis and the structure of the conflict the status of the conflict parties and their capacity it is from my point of view obvious that the discussed alternatives to our approach Have the potential to increase the number of victims extending the conflict zone and Transport the conflict in the next phase of escalation perhaps To a point of no return We have Not any guarantee That our approach the Normandy approach Will lead to success But I'm sure there is not any guarantee for the success of Discussed alternatives. I'm afraid the country is the case what we need is something like Strategic patience Henry Kissinger wrote something very insightful in his latest book if We insist on achieving the end result immediately We risk setbacks he was writing and I think he's right our foreign policy context is Hardly ever black and white and We need to spend much time and effort on sorting out The many shades of gray by the way when I say many shades of gray I don't say 50 my experience my experience ladies and gentlemen after Some years as John was saying after some years in foreign politics It might only take to spark a crisis To spark a crisis out it could well take years It might only take a few days to start a crisis But it needs years or decades to resolve it in diplomacy That is our experience like in real life Tennessee Tennessee is a virtue Again take the current tensions with Russia as an example Their context is highly complex Russia raises long and Various historical memories in every individual country of Europe, especially In our Eastern European neighborhood. We need to be sensitive to these histories and To the future to us in Europe Russia will always be our biggest neighbor. It can't be just be friend or foe Therefore, I'm saying Against some suspicions. We are not naive. It is no secret that as regards Russia trust is at its lowest point But we need to find a new basis for an engagement Even if it takes years or decades third German foreign policy can only work in and through Europe. Germany will thus seek to be Europe's CFO With a with an understanding which is different from that what is your usually described in European newspapers We are and we shouldn't be a CFO in the sense of unions chief financial operator Also, some of the media comments on the Greek financial crisis might give you this very wrong idea Now if CFO I see Germany as a chief facilitating officer already Convener a responsible broker forging an ambitious and unified response to the challenges We are facing and talking about Again, take the Ukrainian crisis and as an example It is now easy task to maintain and leverage European unity over a conflict which Every European state sees through the lands of its own in individual history and interest That's why a careful analysis of these diverse interests is a precondition for a unified response and It is exactly this unified European response that continues to be critical for all That chancellor Merkel or I are doing Only in and through Europe. We have the strength to respond to crisis Effectively only in and through Europe. We will be able to shape the rules and norms of Globalization and only in a strong united Europe with the United States Find its most important partner when it comes to the pursuit of a just peaceful and resilient international order That brings me to my final point Our transatlantic partnership is key for addressing today's challenges and this is true beyond the current international political crisis That is also why concluding a mutually beneficial TTIP agreement is Crucial to all of us both sides of the Atlantic If we find an agreement living up to the high standards that we both have Then the US and Europe together Can set the tone for the future paths of globalization in doing so We will not always Agree on tactics, maybe not even always on strategies But that doesn't worry me. We have had disagreements across the Atlantic in the past Some of minor some of major importance and not all of them like our views on surveillance and privacy protection rules for example Have been resolved But the past decades have proven that we are strongest when we stand together bound By our joint values a deep shared commitment to personal freedom the prosperity produced by open markets and the rule-based international order I believe That this is that in this shifting world order With all the new diverse players transatlantic unity is needed more than ever Why is that well? Sometimes you don't need to quote Henry Kissinger To make your crucial point But you can simply refer to the music of sister sledge Ladies and gentlemen, we are the family. Thank you Well, we were we were promised a very thoughtful Presentation, thank you. You've honored us by such an interesting Far-reaching presentation for minister. Let me ask The first question and again, I'm going to do this I'm just gonna ask a couple and I'm gonna turn to all of you But I want to set the tone for how we're going to properly ask questions We're not gonna take any little snotty questions. Okay, so There was one place that I was surprised you didn't speak to and that is Iran We have the peep five plus one that's in the middle of probably some very sensitive negotiations I don't expect you obviously to Be taking us into territory that can't be discussed publicly But obviously this is one of the great great issues in front of us right now Could you just offer a few thoughts about that? Yeah Are you able to listen when I'm my name answering in German? Yeah, okay If you need a headset we got them right outside Ich ich will mit der ich will mit der Anfang mit der Antwort nicht zu lang werden, aber ich glaube Plausibel wird die Anfang wird die Antwort nur wenn ich ein wenig zurückgreife dieser konflikt um die nuklear waffen im iran ist keiner dem letzten jahr entstanden ist Er ist Jahrzehnte alt und wir verhandeln mehr als ein Jahrzehnt und weil John vorhin auf meine unterschiedlichen Aufgaben in der deutschen politik hingewiesen hat ich war von 1998 bis 2005 damals kollege von John Podesta und anderen Chef der des kanzleramtes in berlin und war in unterschiedlichen funktionen während dieser zeit später in meiner ersten periode als außenminister mit den iran verhandlungen befasst was mich zu der gegenwärtigen haltung bringt ist dass Ich diese verhandlungen jetzt zehn tage zehn jahre verfolge oder daran beteiligt bin und zum ersten mal eigentlich in diesem letzten jahr 2014 den eindruck hatte Wir haben auf der iranischen seite einen verhandlungspartner der ernsthaft verhandelt und der möglicherweise auch eine lösung will Wenn das der fall ist dann kann man beginnen über die bedingungen zu verhandeln und das tun wir in den letzten 12 monaten sehr intensiv Häufig in der schweiz und auch mit einem zwischen ergebnis was zunächst einmal die weitere anreicherungs aktivität Im im iran suspendiert hat wenn ich das Rückblickend berichte dann heißt es nicht dass wir die hindernisse auf dem weg der vor uns liegt schon überwunden hätten ich sage nur mit blick auf diese letzten 12 monate lohnt es sich an der fortsetzung der verhandlungen jetzt in der verbleibenden zeit zu arbeiten und ein vorteil könnte sein Dass wir unter bedingungen verhandeln bei denen jeder weiß es wird keine Verlängerung der verhandlungen geben wir haben uns zeit gegeben bis Mitte des Jahres und es wird zu den 3 und 4 fachen Verlängerungen keine weitere hinzu kommen mit anderen worten Jetzt gilt es und jetzt muss ich jede seite entscheiden Und auch der iran muss den notwendigen mut haben Seine eigenen bevölkerung zu sagen wir verzichten dauerhaft und nach prüfer nach prüfbar durch die internationale Community verifizierbar auf den griff nach der bombe und wir beschränken uns auf die zivile nutzung Der kernkraft das alles muss nach prüfbar in einem abkommen Geregelt werden und deshalb sage ich immer auch noch mal mit blick auf die rede von den premierminister nettern jao hier diese Unterscheidung zwischen gut deal oder bad deal ist eigentlich nicht die entscheidung Mit mit der ich etwas anfangen kann mit der ich leben möchte sondern es kann und wird am ende nur ein agreement geben Das dauerhaft und nach prüfbar Den griff der iraner nach der atom bombe ausschließt wenn das der fall ist wenn wir das hinkriegen in den verhandlungen dann Kann man nicht nur ein agreement machen sondern dann glaube ich ist es sogar unser interesse dass ein agreement zustande kommt Und die verhandlungen sind schwierig genug das darf ich ihnen versichern Und deshalb brauchten wir eigentlich keine zusätzlichen irritationen dass der briefe der 47 nicht hilfreich ist das ahnen sie Nachdem er geschrieben ist und abgeschickt müssen wir mit der situation umgehen Aber ich bin mir sicher dass die gesprächs eröffnung Die wir am montagabend wenn wir mit dem iranischen ausminister in brüssel zusammensitzen dass wir die briefe die gesprächs eröffnung jetzt schon kennen wird anklagen die mangelnde glaubwürdigkeit des westens weil jetzt schon erkennbar wird dass wir zu den möglicherweise getroffenen vereinbarungen nicht stehen wollen diese irritation Muss man jetzt ausräumen damit wir wieder ernsthaft und hoffentlich mit ergebnis über die substanze treten Very thoughtful response. Thank you so much Let me just a little bit. There's a big debate going on in washington There's a big debate going on in washington over whether or not we should supply Combat weapons lethal aid. Yeah, and there are three camps. I think in this Debate one camp argues that we shouldn't do it because it implies a Commitment that we don't intend to follow up a Second camp that feels we absolutely this is the crucial time the Ukrainians are most fragile This is the one thing we can do that might save the situation and the third camp believes that we should Threaten to offer it as a deterrence so that Russia would hold To the Minsk agreement. Can you if you were asked? Well, you're being asked. What do you think about this these three different positions? And what would you guide us? A two-part answer to the question give and say first You can't use all different strategies at the same time and therefore I advise us to do after we the way over political pressure economic pressure Who was set on it? Verhandlungen zu eröffnen die eine Reduzierung der Gewalt zur Folge haben sollen nachdem wir diesen Weg beschritten haben Tatsächlich auch mit ernsthaftigkeit diesen Weg zu gehen und nicht zu versuchen durch Begleitende andere oder gab widersprechende Strategien den eigenen ansatz den wir verfolgen Selbst zu durchkreuzen das war die Antwort eins die Antwort zwei ist Man muss glaube ich sehr genau hinschauen wie sich der konflikt in der ostukraine entwickelt hat das war ja unter militärischen gesichtspunkten kein konflikt auf Augenhöhe sondern wir haben auch aufgrund der russischen unterstützung eine sehr gut und vergleichsweise modern ausgewüstete Streitkraft der separatisten gehabt und da auf der anderen seite eine durch das letzte jahrzehnt mangelnde ausrüstung in der ukraine vergleichsweise schlecht ausgerüstete ukrainischer amé mit Soldaten von denen viele tausend erst in den wochen des konfliktes selbst rekrutiert worden sind und nach kurzer ausbildung in die ausländer setzungen in sand worden sind deshalb sage ich das war von anfang an kein konflikt auf augenhöhe und man muss jetzt so sehr ich nachvollziehen kann dass man einen solchen konflikt möglichst schnell beenden will so sehr muss man sehen in welche dynamik man durch falsche entscheidungen auch hineinkommen kann und die dynamik die man auslösen kann nachdem wir jetzt zu einer doch signifikanten reduzierung der gewalt gekommen sind dass man durch aufrüstungsmaßnahmen natürlich nicht nur eine seite aufrüstet sondern es kann natürlich dazu führen dass sozusagen mit dem mit der durchaus gut gemeinten Unterstützung auf der ukrainischen seite im nächsten zug die russische seite auf aus die separatistische seite von den russen unterstützt wird mit noch mehr waffen so dass wir den unterschied nicht aufheben aber das eskalationsniveau anheben und deshalb sage ich ich kann verstehen dass man eine schnelle beendigung dieses konfliktes will aber man muss auch manchmal zweifel haben ob das militärisch immer so geht wie wir uns das wünschen hier droht wirklich die gefahr dass wir den ganzen konflikt in eine nächste fase katapultieren wo wir irgendwann den punkt erreichen in dem uns der konflikt völlig außerkontrolle gerät und wir dann sozusagen in eine gefährliche dauer eskalation vielleicht sogar direkt zwischen ukrainischer amir und russischer amir kommen das kann in niemandes interesse sein und vor allen Dingen ist es nicht im ukrainischen interesse deshalb entgegen manchen zweifeln die es in den usa gibt die es auch in europa gibt sage ich immer solange die ukraine selbst und die ukrainische regierung und der präsidente ukraine poroshenko sagt dass das minsk agreement von der ukraine gewünscht und benötigt wird und wir an der umsetzung arbeiten solange ich spiele ich jedenfalls nicht mit alternativen herum sondern versuche mit den wenigen möglichkeiten die wir haben an der umsetzung der minsk vereinbarung zu arbeiten und ich sage noch mal selbst wenn wir jetzt ein paar signale haben dass wir zur reduzierung der gewalt gekommen sind selbst wenn wir jetzt weniger verletzungen des waffenstillstandes haben es sind die ersten meter eines kilometerlangen wegs den wir vor uns haben dazu gehört dann vor allen Dingen die ökonomische stabilisierung einer ukrainischen ökonomie die in einem bedauernswerten zustand ist und dazu gehört die vorbereitung einer politischen lösung die ebenfalls sehr anspruchsvoll ist bei der auch die ukraine schwierige entscheidungen zu treffen hat über das sonderstatus gesetzt bei der wir uns darauf vorbereiten müssen dass wir in der ostukraine wahlen abhalten die so etwas wie eine neue legitimität schaffen ist alles noch ein weiter weg und wir haben vielleicht jetzt die ersten meter gerade geschafft deshalb will ich jetzt gar nicht übertrieben optimismus streuen aber ehrlich ehrlich gesagt ich sehe keine wirkliche erfolgs aussichtige alternative zu diesem mühsamen process thank you very much mr. minnes for a forceful speech and in particular appreciate that you focus so much upon the ukraine which is of course is the main issue now but I have a question following up on don hamburg's point it seems to me rather original to believe that you can stop open Russian military aggression as we already see in the eastern Ukraine without arms the Ukrainians are fighting for themselves that's what keeps up the front and I can't understand why friends shouldn't deliver arms to Ukraine today thank you I think you have my public statements in the past weeks and months you can always clearly see how I judge the Russian behaviour I have said from the beginning that this is a clear violation of the right of the people and especially with a look at the memory we have in the eye of the world war seven years after the end of the second world war it can't be that we start to correct borders in Europe when it starts where should it end so what is the cause of the conflict we are not of any different opinion what is the hope for what is the hope that I hear from you that there may be a military solution to the conflict but I am of a different opinion and without having to repeat myself for a long time the hope is that each of these conflicts that surround us I have mentioned in my previous remarks the crises and conflicts in which we, the USA, Germany and Europe are involved in different ways and try to get solutions the hope is that we will come to a solution with military means after a few years of experience in foreign politics I have not because I think that the need for success in looking at the different conflicts from the past is missing that is why I am pleading myself not to set the path or to stand in the way but to do the first time after the development of the last year to a reduction of the victims on the Ukrainian side also to a reduction of the violence that we are trying to go on this path without being able to tell you that we have the need for success in one year no one can say that but only because this path is slowly going on there is no guarantee that another path is more successful I have founded why it could be even more dangerous in my opinion Ambassador McCormick, I would like to send it how are people in the dollar zone supposed to compete against you with this currency as it is now directed? and therefore of course also about the value of our own currency and that is why we have come a long way if I first look at the question of currency then we have a path in Europe behind us at the countries such as Ireland and Portugal Portugal, which was in front of the threatening economic collapse was able to free itself from joint European politics we have the other case of Greece over which here and in Germany, in the whole of Europe in the eyes of will be discussed intensively and we have an economic perspective that is at least as relevant that we only have significant growth in relatively few European countries in many other European countries growth rates between 0 and 0.5 percent and that is, as we know, not enough to present us economically stronger and therefore of course also not the necessary economic foundation to make the own currency even stronger than it was in the past that is why, so to speak, there are not only money-political reactions to the processes that you have described in your question but above all, we must continue to work on the economic foundation in the European nationalities of the 28 member states to establish what does the whole thing have to do with the Ukraine crisis? I think only very limited I have today in the morning at other places already pointed out there are very different assumptions here in the USA how big the dependencies are they are very different in Europe what the dependencies of Russia are they are in Germany what gas and oil are because we are a very resource-efficient state they are at gas and oil at about 35 percent but not for a long time at the suspected large dependencies of which I always read again they are, however, at some eastern European states almost 100 percent and that makes the difficulty in the European will education sometimes out that we need longer than you are used to it in the USA to get together but even more decisive than the different economic data is what I said in my speech there are 28 European member states that come with their own story and I always say something exaggerating we actually have three groups of states in Europe the European member states all the way to the west of the European Union that have never had close and close relations with Russia we have a series of eastern European states that still feel the joch of Soviet communism on which it is burdened and over this perspective their relationship to Russia is still defined and we have a third group that is actually not a group but the third group consists of Germany we consist of two former states from one party in the west and one party in the east with the experience of a German story that through happiness and the help of partners the shared Germany would grow together again these different history experiences that play a role in all European discussions in Russia play a role that is always difficult to express and makes some things so difficult they are almost even more prominent and dominant in the European debates as the different economic interests or dependencies with resources and energy Barbara for you go ahead a faster I am Ambassador Ukraine Alexander Motsak thank you very much Mr. Minister for your excellent presentation thank you as well for supporting Ukraine in this very difficult time of our history Ukraine stands for diplomatic solution of the conflict which is not an internal conflict it is not a civil war it is a foreign aggression aggression of Russian Federation which grossly violated international law and undermined European and world security for the time being we have ceasefire very fragile and we Ukrainians we observe that ceasefire but unfortunately we have some progress really in this issue but unfortunately on a daily basis our positions are shelled including by heavy weapons from the other side of the conflict that means Russia and separatists that Russia supports my question is we are very concerned that Russia and separatists can start offensive in particular on Mariupol in order to grab this land bridge to Crimea does Germany and European Union have planned what to do if such a situation will take place thank you we are in the framework of the Minsk Agreement I said publicly and not for the first time that you have to deal with injuries of this agreement we had in the first days after the appointment between 50 and 70 injuries of the weapon and then worked on reducing the number of injuries that is bad and that restricts the credibility of the signed states but it has made it possible again and again to get back on the floor of the Minsk Agreement why do I say that? because there could be developments from which I do not hope that they will enter and from which we do not work on that developments will be decided but there could be developments in which the injuries of the weapon are so serious that we do not get back on the floor of the same agreement and that is why I said should there be an aggression of separatists supported by Russia in the direction of Mariupol would Mariupol be taken by the separatists then we are in another ballgame then the Minsk Agreement is no longer the basis for the further process I am not so far that we could say what will happen but with certainty it would lead to that we would have to agree for this case with the strategy that we have now together with France in the Normandy format that we have succeeded with this strategy but I hope that it will not happen and I hope that with all aggressiveness that is still visible in Eastern Ukraine I hope that with all aggressiveness we will be able to avoid that there is a way to give separatists to Mariupol Thank you very much I am Barbara Slavin from the Atlantic Council I wanted to go back to Iran if I may do you think that the E3 plus 3 and Iran will get to a political framework agreement by the end of this month would you give us odds and if I could ask whether this letter from 47 Republican Senators has affected your calculation about whether an agreement can be reached Thank you I want to appreciate the letter but if you ask me after the qualification then I have to admit and clarify that this letter between credibility and unbelievableity irritates I want to say now Iran can say to us since you have been there in the offers that you make when 47 Senators say no matter what the government unites we take it back from the table in this case it is not a small thing that we are talking about it is an inner American opportunity that is why I do not want to interfere from the outside but if you ask me after that whether it is helpful or less helpful for the conversation then I want to say support with a view to a not very simple reachable conclusion it is not but as you survey the international environment where do you see places of progress and hope do you see I have to make myself certain in the foreign policy where we are first I believe that the world has really changed a bit that we do not live in a random attack of crisis that will be solved in the next year but we will have to get used to in the foreign policy that we will have to operate I hope that we do it successfully and I hope that we have set out our inner structures I have just given in Berlin in the German foreign ministry a re-structuring of the ministry on the way that puts us in this crisis management that is the one the second is that if I look into Iraq today then the danger of ISIS is still there but I see for the first time the chance that not only the pre-war the military pre-war of ISIS is stopped but we also have signs for that maybe and at least in Iraq ISIS has crossed the high point of its military success has also crossed that was helpful not to say that was the decisive requirement that here from the USA an initiative is started to bring an international anti-ISIS coalition on the way to reason second is that with military operations the pre-war of ISIS could be used and the ISIS of a part of its re-financing sources has been cut off by the destruction of oil and gas systems we have in the north of Iraq the the Kurdish fighters with military equipment and weapons to form there a halt line against Iraq but third is the whole and I think that is an aspect that we always underestimate in our foreign-political discussions third is that something has come on the way which may also have a long-term success which what the previous discussions with the Prime Minister show has learned from the mistakes of the past which has learned that ISIS in Iraq is actually therefore strong because it is a permanent suppression of the Sunni minority of the Sunni tribes and a policy in Iraq which dissolves this suppression which integrates the Sunnis in politics and in military I think that is the best basis for the ISIS trend of the Sunni support which has been given in the past and I think that in connection with the other elements of the key for a solution if you ask me if there are any positive developments then it could be that you are involved in it we have all been treated to a very thoughtful presentation it's refreshing to be spoken to as though we are adults who can reason with you and too much in Washington we get talked down to you spoke to us and you reasoned with us would you all with your applause thank you