 Yn ni'n bwysig i'w grannu'r dweud i amddangos ynghylch yn Ymddiolol, ym Mhacleniadau, yma yng Nghymru, yma'r eu gweld gyda Llywodraeth, yma'r dros ynghylch yma. Yn ymwysig i'w gweld fod yma'r refalutiant, yna ymdweud i'n ymddiol? Yn ymddiol, y Llywodraeth yn ymddiol, yn ymddangos hefyd yn ymddiol yn y grannu mewn gwagodd. Ond mae'n gweithio'n cyffredinol i'w gweld ...ryd o'r ddafodd y gweithio ysgolwyddiol. Mae'n cerddau ymlaen, ysgolwyddiol, ond ymgyrch yw 4-18... ...yna'r ddigon o'r rhaid trwy'r cyfloghau... ...yna'r bobl ni'n gwneud ymoliol. Dyna'r gweithio yn ffrif yn gwneud... ...rhyw ddangos eich bod ymlaen ond... ...ynghyrchu gwahanol... ...y'r gwneud... ...y'r gwahanol... ...yna'r ddweud â hynny... ...yna'r ddweithio'r gweithio... ar gyfer y cyfnod, mae'n gwneud i gael syddurol sy'n gwybod i gyda'r syniadau gyda'r syniadau yn 30 oed. Yn y byd, mae'n bwysig i gael mwyaf yw'n gweithio'n gwneud y bydd. Mae'n gwneud o'r model yw gwneud yn eistedd, mae'n gweithio ar gyfer y bydd, mae'n gweithio'n gweithio ac mae'n ei wneud. Gwylwyr yma yw 10? A 10 yn awsgol i gyntaf. Rwy'n dechrau, mae'r blaerysm? Rwy'n dechrau, mae'r blaerysm... 10 mae'r blaerysm! Mae'r blaerysm yn dechrau. A dyna'r ddifrwng i'w ddweud yma. Mae'r ddweud hwnnw'n gweld yng Nghymru Lleidwyr Cymru! Mae'r ddweud hwnnw'n gweld yna ddiogel yn ychydig. Felly mae'n cael ei ddweud. mae'n ddweud o ddweud o'r ddweud. See, if you do something and you fail on the famous ad-edigh, try again fail better, you at least want to know what went wrong. The real hole in the logic and rational of the Labour Rights is that they don't have an explanation of what went wrong. It's as if a meteor hit them and that's the only explanation, the meteor being 2008, the financial crisis. And yet if you look at it, they fueled it. Tony Blair 2005, IPPR speech. Why is the financial services authority heavying the banks? They've done nothing wrong. Ed Balls, we want massive deregulation. Ed Balls said, while investors are constantly pushing us for greater safeguards, city friends, we're not going to do it. We will always do it to your satisfaction and then go on round, golden age of finance. It's as if it's a painful experience and our bodies often try and forget painful experiences. Blairism had the painful experience of causing the world to blow up. I'm afraid that's partly what it did. And then it wants to forget about it. The bit, the kit of parts, the bit that says, you know, being NATO or which is, I'm pro-NATO, or the bit that says, see, there's no very interesting thing that says, we fuck students, let's concentrate on helping the poor. That's a neoliberal logic. Why? Because Milton Friedman used to say, any universal service benefits the rich more than the poor. That's straight out of Milton Friedman's, you know, textbooks of neoliberalism. And yet you hear it from the younger neoliberals as if, well, I genuinely think they probably don't even know where it comes from. We stand for universalism, universal human rights, universal rights to services. And yes, of course, the rich person gets the same right as the poor person. Fine. Because what does it do? It gives the rich person a stake in society. And this was the problem with Blairism. It accepted that the rich and the poor had different stakes in society. You talked about capital flight being one of the major problems for a Corbyn Government in its early months. Of course, but it could be for any government. Of course, it was talked about before Brexit as well. Who would you like to see at the Bank of England as the governor? Because obviously it has to be impartial, but it would be political in the sense that this would be a new kind of politics being championed in a Western democracy. I think you could do it with the existing governor. It depends if he wants to do it. Because already Mark Carney stepped away from the informal logic that Mervyn King, the previous Bank of England governor, operated. When Elsa Darling was doing counter cyclical measures, that is, he was trying to boost the economy to prevent the financial crisis collapse in the economy, Mervyn King said, well, basically for every pound of stimulus you do, I take a pound out of the economy through my, I can take a pound out of my economy through raising interest rates. Mervyn was constantly threatening to raise interest rates in a crisis. Now, Carney gets it. Carney gets that the central banks can only keep this going for so long and we need a new economic model. He just doesn't say what the new economic model is, but I do think, you know, John McDonald announced today, there's going to be the strategic investment board. What that's designed to do is to pull the Chancellor, the head of the business investment department, which I hope will become like a big economic management department, and the bank governor into a joint decision making to prevent one arm pulling a lever this way when the other is pulling it that way. You've all got to pull all the levers at once and the central banks are effectively already arms of fiscal policy. They can remain independent. The governors can exercise judicious oversight. But they do have to understand that their role is to help us transition the economy to a very different, so a very different set of dynamics are running growth. Final question, we'll stick this straight on Twitter. People may be watching what's going on at Labour Party Conference, TWT, very inspired. I hope they are. What one or two books would you recommend to them, they're new to politics, try and read this, stretch yourself, learn something you maybe feel uncomfortable or think you feel uncomfortable about? And maybe, you know, build some knowledge. All right. I think it's so difficult because I think, you know, I would almost say you can almost not get this book, but it's called The Attack by R.H. Torney, Richard Torney, who was a Labour sort of quite centrist and he's often seen as the kind of Godfather of Blairism in a way. But Torney basically writes, the attack refers to when he got shot in World War One, he's lying in a trench thinking I'm dead. And he comes out of that and he thinks, well, I'm going to change the world. And then the rest of it is quite obscure but quite understandable arguments which say this, Labour either is a cause or it's nothing. Either it's an aim to transform society or it's going to just fail. And he goes through everything we know, you know, people who are, you know, you go into Parliament and then you're in the lords. And he just goes like, we've got to stop this. We've got to have, I mean, unfortunately at the time they used to use the word crusade, which we can't use, we shouldn't use. But he said either it's a crusade or it's nothing. And you can read that. I'd also say, take inspiration from the great stories which are not fairy stories, but the great stories of people's experience in social transformation. And one thing that we, when I was in the Labour Party, young socialists, we used to read a book called Out of the Night by a guy called Jan Walton. And he'd been a youth in Germany during the German Revolution after World War One. And he became a spy for the Soviet Union and all sorts of weird shit basically. But read the life stories of people who've done it, because it makes you realise the one thing I keep here is the chant of the students and the workers on Channelman Square. In 1969, do not fear tyranny. Never fear it. You can always defeat it. Legend. Thank you, Michael.