 Book 7 Chapter 6 of History of Florence by Machiavelli, Volume 2. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. History of Florence and of the Affairs of Italy by Niccolò Machiavelli, Volume 2. Translated by an Unknown Translator. Book 7, Chapter 6. Origin of the animosity between Sixtus IV and Lorenzo de' Medici. Carlo de Brachio de Perugia attacks the Sienes. Carlo retires by desire of the Florentines. Conspiracy against Galliazzo, Duke of Milan, his vices. He is slain by the conspirators. Their deaths. The Pope, anxious to retain the territories of the Church in obedience, had caused Spoleto to be sacked for having, through internal factions, fallen into rebellion. Sitia de Castello, being in the same state of contumacy. He besieged that place, and Niccolò Vitelli, its prince, being on intimate terms with Lorenzo de' Medici, obtained of assistance from him, which, though inadequate, was quite enough to originate that enmity between Sixtus IV and the Medici, afterward productive of such unhappy results. Nor would this have been so long in development, had not the death of Frate Piero, cardinal of St. Sixtus, taken place, who, after having traveled over Italy and visited Venice and Milan, under the pretense of doing honor to the marriage of Ercoli, Marquis of Ferrara, went about sounding the minds of the princes, to learn how they were disposed towards the Florentines. But upon his return he died, not without suspicion of having been poisoned by the Venetians, who found that they would have reasoned to fear Sixtus if he were allowed to avail himself of the talents and exertions of Frate Piero. Although a very low extraction and meanly brought up within the walls of a convent, he had no sooner attained the distinction of the scarlet hat than he exhibited such inordinate pride and ambition that the pontificate seemed too little for him, and he gave a feast in Rome, which would have seemed extraordinary even for a king, the expense exceeding twenty thousand Florence. Deprived of this minister, the designs of Sixtus proceeded with less promptitude. The Florentines, the Duke, and the Venetians, having renewed their league, and allowed the Pope and the King to join them if they felt proper. The two latter also entered into a league, reserving and opening for the others if they were desirous to become parties to it. Italy was thus divided into two factions, for circumstances daily arose which occasioned ill-feeling between the two leagues, as occurred with respect to the island of Cyprus, to which Ferando laid claim and the Venetians occupied. Thus the Pope and the King became more closely united. Federigo, Prince of Urbino, was at this time one of the first generals of Italy, and had long served the Florentines. In order, if possible, to deprive the hostile league of their captain, the Pope advised and the King requested him to pay a visit to them. To the surprise and displeasure of the Florentines, Federigo complied, for they thought the same fate awaited him as had befallen Niccolo Piccinino. However the result was quite different, for he returned from Naples and Rome greatly honored, and with the appointment of General to their forces. They also endeavored to gain over to their interests the lords of Romagna and the Cienes, that they might more easily injure the Florentines, who, becoming aware of these things, used their utmost endeavors to defend themselves against the ambition of their enemies. And having lost Federigo de Urbino, they engaged Roberto da Romino in his place, renewed the league with the Perugini, and formed one with the Prince of Finza. The Pope and the King assigned, as the reason of their animosity against the Florentines, that they wished to withdraw them from the Venetian alliance, and associate them with their own league. For the Pope did not think the Church could maintain her reputation, nor the Count Girolamo retained the states of Romagna, while the Florentines and the Venetians remained united. The Florentines conjectured their design was to set them at enmity with the Venetians, not so much for the sake of gaining their friendship as to be able the more easily to injure them. Two years passed away in these jealousies and discontents, before any disturbance broke out, but the first which occurred, and that but trivial, took place in Tuscany. Brachio of Perugia, whom we are frequently mentioned as one of the most distinguished warriors of Italy, left two sons, Odo and Carlo. The latter was of tender years. The former, as above related, was slain by the people of Valdilamona. But Carlo, when he came to mature age, was, by the Venetians, out of respect for the memory of his father and the hopes they entertained from himself, received among the condottieri of their republic. The term of his engagement having expired, he did not design to renew it immediately, but resolved to try, if, by his own influence and his father's reputation, he could recover possession of Perugia. To this the Venetians willingly consented, for they usually extended their dominion by any changes that occurred in the neighboring states. Carlo consequently came into Tuscany, but found more difficulties in his attempt upon Perugia than he had anticipated, on account of its being allied with the Florentines, and desirous of doing something worthy of memory, he made war upon the Cnes, alleging them to be indebted to him for services performed by his father in the affairs of that republic, and attacked them with such impetuosity as to threaten the total overthrow of their dominion. The Cnes, ever ready to suspect the Florentines, persuaded themselves that this outrage had been committed with their cognizance, and made heavy complaints to the Pope and the King against them. They also sent ambassadors to Florence to complain of the injuries they had suffered, and adroitly intimated that if Carlo had not been secretly supported, he could not have made war upon them with such perfect security. The Florentines denied all participation in the proceedings of Carlo, and expressed their most earnest wish to do everything in their power to put a stop to them, and allowed the ambassadors to use whatever terms they pleased in the name of the signori, to command him to desist. Carlo complained that the Florentines, by their unwillingness to support him, had deprived themselves of a most valuable acquisition, and him of great glory, for he could have insured them the possession of the whole territory in a short time, from the want of courage in the people, and the ineffectual provision they had made for their defense. He then withdrew to his engagement under the Venetians, but the Cnes, although delivered from such imminent peril by the Florentines, were still very indignant against them, considering themselves under no obligation to those who had delivered them from an evil to which they had first exposed them. While the transactions between the King and the Pope were in progress, and those in Tuscany, in the manner we have related, an event of greater importance occurred in Lombardy. Cola Montano, a learned and ambitious man, taught the Latin language to the youth of the principal families in Milan, either out of hatred to the character and manners of the Duke, or from some other cause, he constantly deprecated the condition of those who live under a bad prince, calling them glorious and happy who had the good fortune to be born and live in a republic. He endeavored to show that the most celebrated men had been produced in republics, and not reared under princes, that the former cherished virtue while the latter destroyed it, the one deriving advantage from virtuous men while the latter naturally feared them. The youths with whom he was most intimate were Giovanni Andrea Lampognano, Carlo Visconti, and Girolamo Ogliatto. He frequently discussed with them the faults of their prince, and the wretched condition of those who were subject to them, and by constantly inculcating his principles acquired such an ascendancy over their minds as to induce them to bind themselves by oath to affect the Duke's destruction as soon as they had become old enough to attempt it. Their minds being fully occupied with this design, which grew with their years, the Duke's conduct and their own private injuries served a haste in its execution. Gagliatto was licentious and cruel, of both which vices he had given such repeated proofs that he became odious to all. Not content with corrupting the wives of the nobility, he also took pleasure in making it notorious. Before was he satisfied with murdering individuals unless he affected their deaths by some unusual cruelty. He was suspected of having destroyed his own mother. For not considering himself prince while she was present, he conducted himself in such a manner as induced her to withdraw from his court, and, traveling towards Cormona, which she obtained as part of her marriage portion, she was seized with a sudden illness and died upon the road. Which made many think her son had caused her death. The Duke had dishonored both Carlo and Girolamo in respect to their wives or other female relatives, and had refused to concede to Giovanni Andrea possession of the monastery of Miramondo, of which he had attained a grant from the Pope for her near relative. These private injuries increased the young men's desire for vengeance and the deliverance of their country from so many evils, trusting that, whenever they should succeed in destroying the Duke, many of the nobility and all of the people would rise in their defense. Being resolved upon their undertaking, they were often together, which, on account of their long intimacy, did not excite any suspicion. They frequently discussed the subject, and in order to familiarize their minds with the deed itself, they practiced striking each other in the breast, and in the side, with the sheath daggers intended to be used for the purpose. Unconsidering the most suitable time and place, the castle seemed insecure. During the chase, uncertain and dangerous, while going about the city for his own amusement, difficult, if not impracticable, and at a banquet of doubtful result. They therefore determined to kill him upon the occasion of some procession or public festivity, when there would be no doubt of his presence, and where they might, under various pretexts, assemble their friends. It was also resolved that if one of their number was prevented from attending, on any account whatever, the rest should put him to death in the midst of their armed enemies. It was now the close of the year, 1476, near Christmas, and as it was customary for the Duke to go about on St. Stephen's Day in great solemnity to the Church of that martyr, they considered this the most suitable opportunity for the execution of their design. On the morning of that day, they ordered some of their most trusty friends and servants to arm, telling them they wished to go to the assistance of Giovanni Andrea, who, contrary to the wish of some of his neighbors, intended to turn a watercourse into his estate, but that before they went, they wished to take leave of the prince. They also assembled, under various pretexts, other friends and relatives, trusting that when the deed was accomplished, they would join them in the completion of their enterprise. It was their intention, after the Duke's death, to collect their followers together and proceed to those parts of the city where they imagined that plebeians would be the most disposed to take arms against the Duchess and the principal ministers of state, and they thought that the people, on account of the famine, which then prevailed, would easily be induced to follow them, for it was their design to give up the houses of Ciccio Somenetta, Giovanni Balti, and Francesco Lucani, all leading men in the government, to be plundered, and by this means gain over the populace and restore liberty to the community. With these ideas, and with minds resolved upon their execution, Giovanni Andrea, together with the rest, were early at the church, and heard mass together, after which Giovanni Andrea, turning to a statue of St. Ambrose, said, O patron of our city, thou knowest our intention, and the end we would obtain by so many dangers, favor our enterprise and prove by protecting the oppressed that tyranny is offensive to thee. To the Duke, on the other hand, when intending to go to the church, many omens occurred of his approaching death, for in the morning, having put on a cuirass as was his frequent custom, he immediately took it off again, either because it inconvenienced him, or he did not like its appearance. He then wished to hear mass in the castle, and found that the priest who had officiated in the chapel had gone to St. Stephen's, and had taken with him the sacred utensils. On this he desired the service to be performed by the bishop of Como, who acquainted him with preventing circumstances. Thus, almost compelled, he determined to go to the church, but before his departure caused his sons, Giovanni Galliazzo and Hermes, to be brought to him, whom he embraced and kissed several times, seeming reluctant to part with them. He then left the castle, and with the ambassadors of Ferrara and Mantua on either hand, proceeded to St. Stephen's. The conspirators, to avoid exciting suspicion and to escape the cold, which was very severe, had withdrawn to an apartment of the arch-priest, who was a friend of theirs. But hearing the Duke's approach, they came into the church. Giovanni Andrea and Girolamo placing themselves upon the right hand of the entrance, and Carlo on the left. Those who had led the procession had already entered, and were followed by the Duke, surrounded by such a multitude as is usual on similar occasions. The first attack was made by Lampopognano and Girolamo, who, pretending to clear the way for the prince, came close to him, and grasping their daggers, which, being short and sharp, were concealed in the sleeves of their vests, struck at him. Lamponano gave him two wounds, one in the belly, the other in the throat. Girolamo struck him in the throat and the breast. Carlo Viscante, being nearer the door, and the Duke having passed, could not wound him in front, but with two strokes transpires to his shoulder and spine. These six wounds were inflicted so instantaneously that the Duke had fallen before anyone was aware of what had happened, and he expired, having only once ejaculated the name of the virgin as if imploring her assistance. A great tumult immediately ensued, several swords were drawn, and as often happens in sudden emergencies some fled from the church, and others ran towards the scene of the tumult, both without any definite motive or knowledge of what had occurred. Those, however, who were nearest the Duke and had seen him slain, recognizing the murderers pursued them. Giovanni Andrea, endeavoring to make his way out of the church, proceeded among the women, who, being numerous, and according to their custom, seated upon the ground, was prevented in his progress by their apparel, and being overtaken he was killed by a moor, one of the Duke's footmen. Carlo was slain by those immediately around him. Girolamo Ogliatto passed through the crowd and got out of the church, but seeing his companion's dead and not knowing where else to go he proceeded home, where his father and brothers refused to receive him, his mother only, having compassion on her son, recommended him to a priest, an old friend of the family, who, disguising him in his own apparel, led him to his house. Here he remained two days, not without hope that some disturbance might arise in Milan which could contribute to his safety. This was not occurring, and apprehensive that his hiding place would be discovered, he endeavored to escape in disguise, but being observed he was given over to justice, and disclosed all the particulars of the conspiracy. Girolamo was twenty-three years of age, and exhibited no less composure at his death than resolution in his previous conduct, for being stripped of his apparel and in the hands of the executioner who stood by with the sword unsheathed, ready to deprive him in life, he repeated the following words in the Latin tongue in which he was well versed. Morsakerba, famo perpetua, stabiduetus memoria facti. The enterprise of these unfortunate young men was conducted with secrecy and executed with resolution, and they failed for want of the support of those whom they expected would rise in their defense. Let princes therefore learn to live, so as to render themselves beloved and respected by their subjects, that none may have hope of safety after having destroyed them, and let others see how vain is the expectation which induces them to trust so much to the multitude, as to believe that even when discontented they will either embrace or ward off their dangers. This event spread consternation all over Italy, but those which shortly afterwards occurred in Florence caused much more alarm, and terminated a piece of twelve years' continuance as will be shown in the following book, which, having commenced with blood and horror, will have a melancholy and tearful conclusion. End of Book 7 Book 8, Chapter 1 of History of Florence by Machiavelli, Volume 2. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. History of Florence and of the Affairs of Italy by Niccolò Machiavelli, Volume 2, translated by an unknown translator. Book 8, Chapter 1 State of the Family of the Medici at Florence Emnity of Sixtus IV. Towards Florence Differences between the Family of the Pazzi and that of the Medici Beginning of the Conspiracy of the Pazzi Arrangements to Effect the Design of the Conspiracy Giovanni Battista de Monteseko is sent to Florence The Pope joins the Conspiracy. The Kings of Naples becomes a party to it. Names of the Conspirators. The Conspirators make many ineffectual attempts to kill Lorenzo and Giolano de Medici. The Final Arrangement. Order of the Conspiracy. This book, commencing between two conspiracies, the one at Milan already narrated and the other yet to be recorded, it would seem appropriate and in accordance with our usual custom, were we to treat of the nature and importance of these terrible demonstrations. This we should willingly do had we not discussed the manner elsewhere, or could it be comprised in a few words. But requiring much consideration and being already noticed in another place, it will be omitted, and we shall proceed with our narrative. The Government of the Medici having subdued all its avowed enemies in order to obtain for that family undivided authority and distinguish them from the other citizens in their relation to the rest, found it necessary to subdue those who secretly plotted against them. While Medici contended with other families, their equals and authority and reputation, those who envied their power, were able to oppose them openly without danger of being suppressed at the first demonstration of hostility. For the magistrates, being free, neither party had occasion to fear, till one or other of them was overcome. But after the victory of 1466, the Government became so entirely centered in the Medici, and they acquired so much authority, that discontented spirits were obliged either to suffer in silence, or if desire is to destroy them to a temptant in secrecy and by clandestine means, which plots rarely succeed and most commonly involve the ruin of those concerned in them, while they frequently contribute to the aggrandizement of those against whom they are directed. Thus, the Prince of a city, attacked by conspiracy, if not slain like the Duke of Milan, which seldom happens, almost always obtained to a greater degree of power, and very often has his good disposition perverted into evil. The proceedings of his enemies give him cause for fear. Fear suggests the necessity of providing for his own safety, which involves the injury of others, and hence arise animosities and not infrequently his ruin. Thus these conspiracies quickly occasion the destruction of their own contrivers, and in time inevitably injure their primary object. Italy, as we have seen above, was divided into two factions, the Pope and the King on one side, and on the other, the Venetians, the Duke and the Florentines. Although the flames of war had not yet broken out, every day gave rise to some new occasion for rekindling them, and the Pope in particular, with all his plans, endeavored to annoy the Florentine government. Thus, Filippo de Medici, archbishop of Pisa, being dead, Francesco Salviati, a declared enemy of the Medici, was appointed his successor, contrary to the wish of the signority of Florence, who, being unwilling to give him permission, there arose between them and the Pope many fresh grounds of offence, before the matter was settled. Besides this he conferred at Rome many favors upon the family of the Pazzi, and opposed that of the Medici whenever an opportunity offered. The Pazzi were at this time, both on account of nobility of birth and their great wealth, the most brilliant in France. The head of this family was Jacopo, whom the people, on account of his distinguished preeminence, had made a night. He had no children, except one natural daughter, but many nephews, sons of his brothers, Piero and Antonio, the first of whom were Guglielmo, Francesco, Renato, Giovanni, and then Andrea, Niccolo, and Galliotto. Cosmo de Medici, noticing the riches and rank of this family, had given his granddaughter Bianca to Guglielmo, hoping by this marriage to unite the houses and obviate those amenities and dissensions so frequently occasioned by jealousy. However, so uncertain and fallacious are our expectations, very different feelings were thus originated, for Lorenzo's advisors pointed out to him how dangerous it was, how injurious to his authority, to unite in the same individuals, so much wealth and power. In consequence, neither Jacopo nor his nephews obtained those degrees of honor, which in the opinion of other citizens were their due. This gave rise to anger in the Pazzi, and fear on the part of the Medici, as the former of these increased, so did the latter. And upon all occasions, when the Pazzi came in competition with other citizens, their claims to distinction, however strong, were set aside by the magistracy. Francesco de Pazzi, being at Rome, the Council of Eight, upon some trivial occasion, compelled him to return, without treating him with respect, usually observed toward great citizens, so that the Pazzi everywhere bitterly complained of the ill usage they experienced, and thus excited suspicion in others, and brought down greater evils upon themselves. Giovanni de Pazzi had married the daughter of Giovanni Bron-Rome. Giovanni de Pazzi had married the daughter of Giovanni Bron-Rome, a very wealthy man whose riches on his decease, without other children, came to his daughter. His nephew, Carlo, however, took possession of part, and the question being litigated, a law was passed, by virtue of which the wife of Giovanni de Pazzi was robbed of her inheritance, and it was given to Carlo. In this piece of injustice, the Pazzi at once recognized the influence of the Medici. Giovanni de Medici often complained to his brother Lorenzo of the affair, saying that he was afraid that by grasping it too much, they could lose all. Lorenzo, flushed with youth and power, would assume the direction of everything, and resolved that all transactions should bear an impress of his influence. The Pazzi, with their nobility and wealth unable to endure so many affronts, began to devise many means of vengeance. The first who spoke of any attempt against the Medici was Francesco, who, being more sensitive and resolute than the others, determined either to obtain what was withheld from him or lose what he still possessed. As the government of Florence gave him great offense, he resided almost constantly at Rome, where, like other Florentine merchants, he conducted extensive commercial operations, and being a most intimate friend of Count Girolamo, they frequently complained to each other of the conduct of the Medici. After a while they began to think that, for the Count to retain his obstates, or the Pazzi their rights in the city, it would be necessary to change the government of Florence, and this they considered could not be done without the death of Giollano and Lorenzo. They imagined the Pope and the King would be easily induced to consent, because each could be convinced of the facility of the enterprise. Having acquired these ideas, they communicated them to Francesco Salviati, Archbishop of Pisa, who, being ambitious and recently offended by the Medici, willingly adopted their views. Considering their next step, they resolved, in order to facilitate the design to obtain the content of Jacopo de Pazzi, without whose concurrence they feared it would be impracticable. With this view, it was resolved that Francesco de Pazzi should go to Florence, while the Archbishop and the Count should remain at Rome, to be ready to communicate with the Pope when a suitable opportunity occurred. Francesco found Jacopo de Pazzi more cautious and difficult to persuade than he would have wished, and on apparting this to his friends at Rome, it was thought he desired the sanction of some greater authority to induce him to adopt their views. Upon this, the Archbishop and the Count communicated the whole affair to Giovanni Battisto de Montesaco, a leader of the papal forces, possessing military reputation, and under obligations to the Pope and the Count. To him the affair seemed difficult and dangerous, while the Archbishop endeavored to obviate his objections by showing how much assistance the Pope and the King would lend to the Enterprise. The hatred of the Florentines towards the Medici, the numerous friends the Salviati and the Pazzi would bring with them, and the readiness with which the young men might be slain on account of their going about the city unaccompanied and without suspicion, and the facility with which the government might then be changed. These things Giovanni Battisto did not in reality believe, for he had heard for many Florentines quite contrary statements. While occupied with these deliberations, Carlo, Lord of Finza, was taken ill, and tears were entertained for his life. This circumstance seemed to the Archbishop and the Count to offer an opportunity for sending Giovanni Battisto to Florence, and thence to Romagna, under the pretense of recovering certain territories belonging to the latter, of which the Lord of Finza had taken possession. The Count therefore commissioned Giovanni Battisto to have an interview with Lorenzo de Medici, and on his part request his advice how to proceed with respect to the Affair of Romagna, that he should then see Francesco de Pazzi, and in conjunction with him, endeavor to induce his Uncle Giacobo to adopt their ideas. To render the Pope's authority available on their behalf, Giovanni Battisto was ordered before his departure to communicate with the Pontiff, who offered every means at his disposal in favor of their enterprise. Giovanni Battisto, having arrived at Florence, obtained an interview with Lorenzo, by whom he was most graciously received, and with regard to the advice he was commissioned to ask, obtained a wise and friendly answer, so that he was astonished at finding him quite a different character, from what he had been represented, and considered him to possess great sagacity, an affectionate heart, and most amicably disposed towards the Count. He found Francesco de Pazzi had gone to Luca, and spoke to Giacobo, who was at first quite opposed to their design, but before they parted the Pope's authority seemed to have influenced him, for he told Giovanni Battisto that he might go to Romania, and that before his return, Francesco would be with him, and that they would consult more particularly upon the subject. Giovanni Battisto proceeded to Romania, and soon returned to Florence. After a presented consultation with Lorenzo upon the Count's affairs, he obtained an interview with Francesco and Giacobo de Pazzi, when the latter gave his consent to their enterprise. They then discussed the means of carrying it into effect. Giacobo de Pazzi was of opinion that it could not be affected while both the brothers remained at Florence, and therefore it would be better to wait till Lorenzo went to Rome, whither it was reported he had an intention of going, for then their object would be more easily attained. Francesco de Pazzi had no objection to Lorenzo being at Rome, but if he were to forgo the journey, he thought that both the brothers might be slain, either at a marriage, or at a play, or in a church. With regard to foreign assistance, he supposed the Pope might assemble forces for the conquest of the Fortis of Montoni, being justified in taking it from Count Carlo, who had caused the tumults already spoken of in Siena and Perugia. Still, no definite arrangement was made, but it was resolved that Giovanni Battista and Francesco de Pazzi should go to Rome and settle everything with the Pontiff. The matter was again debated at Rome, and at length it was concluded that besides an expedition against Montoni, Giovanni Francesco de Tolentino, a leader of the papal troops, should go into Romania and Lorenzo de Castello to the Val de Tavare, that each, with the forces of the country, should hold himself in readiness to perform the commands of the Archbishop de Salviati and Francesco de Pazzi, both of whom were to come to Florence and provide for the execution of their design with the assistance of Giovanni Battista de Monteseko. King Ferrando, promised by his ambassador to contribute all in his power to the success of their undertaking, Francesco de Pazzi and the Archbishop, having arrived at Florence, prevailed upon Giacopo de Poglio, a well-educated youth, but ambitious and very desirous of change, to join them and two others, each of the name Giacopo Salviati, one a brother, the other a kinsman of the Archbishop. They also gained over Bernodo Banditi and Napoleoni Franzini, two bold young men under great obligations to the family of the Pazzi. Besides these already mentioned, they were joined by Antonio de Volterra and a priest named Stefano, who taught Latin to the daughter of Giacopo de Pazzi. Renato de Pazzi, a grave and prudent man, being quite aware of the evils resulting from such undertakings, refused all participation in the conspiracy. He held it in abhorrence and, as much as possible, without betraying his kinsmen, endeavored to counteract it. The Pope had sent Raffiello de Riario, a nephew of Count Girolamo, to the College of Pisa to study canon law, and while there had advanced him to the dignity of a cardinal. The conspirators determined to bring this cardinal to Florence, as they would thus be better able to conceal their design, since any persons requisite to be introduced into the city might easily be made to appear as part of his retinue, and his arrival might facilitate the completion of their enterprise. The cardinal came and was received by Giacopo de Pazzi at his villa in Montugu, near Florence. By his means it was also intended to bring together Giollano and Lorenzo, and whenever this happened to put both of them to death. They therefore invited them to meet the cardinal at their villa at Faisole, but Giuliano, either intentionally or through some preventing cause, did not attend. And this design having failed, they thought that if asked to an entertainment at Florence, both brothers would certainly be present. With this intention they appointed Sunday, the 26th of April, 1478, to give a great feast, and resolving to assassinate them at table. The conspirators met on the Saturday evening to arrange all the proceedings for the following day. In the morning it was intimated to Francesco that Giollano would be absent, on which the conspirators again assembled and finding they could no longer defer the execution of their design, since it would be impossible among so many to preserve secrecy. They determined to complete it at the Cathedral Church of Santa Reparata, where the cardinal attending, the two brothers would be present as usual. They wished Giovanni Battista de Monteseco to undertake the murder of Lorenzo, while that of Giuliano was assigned to Francesco de Pazzi and Bernardo Banditi. Giovanni Battista refused, either because of his familiarity with Lorenzo had created feelings in his favor, or from some other reason, saying that he should not have resolution sufficient to commit such a deed in a church, and thus add sacrilege to treachery. This caused the failure of their undertaking, for time pressing, they were compelled to substitute Antonio de Volterra and Stefano the Priest, two men who for affirmness and resolution joined with experience and bloodshed be necessary upon any occasion. It is on such as these, and it often happens that those who are expert in arms and have faced death in all forms on the battlefield still fail in an affair like this. Having now decided upon the time, they resolved that the signal for the attack should be the moment when the priest, who celebrated high mass, should partake of the sacrament, and that in the meantime the Archbishop de Salviati, with his followers, and Giocapo de Poglio, should take possession of the palace, in order that the signore, after the young man's death, should voluntarily, or by force, contribute to their assistance. CHAPTER I BOOK VIII. CHAPTER II. GIULIANO DE MEDICI, SLANE. LORENZO ESCAPES. THE ARCHBISHIP, SALVIATI, ENDEVERS TO SEES THE PALICE OF THE SIGNORI. HE HAS TAKEN AND HANGED. THE INTERPRISE OF THE CONSPIRATORS ENTIRELY FAILS. MANIFESTATIONS OF THE FLORENTINES IN FAVOR OF LORENZO DE MEDICI. THE CONSPIRATORS PUNISHED. THE FUNERAL OF GIULIANO. THE POPE AND THE KING OF Naples MAKE WAR UPON THE FLORENTINES. THE CONSPIRATORS EXCOMMUNICATED. SPEECH OF LORENZO DE MEDICI TO THE CITIZENS OF FLORENCE. THE CONSPIRATORS PROCEEDED TO SANTA RAPARATA WHERE THE CARDINAL AND LORENZO HAD ALREADY ARRIVED. THE CHURCH WAS CROWDED AND THE DIVINE SERVICE COMMENCED BEFORE GIULIANO'S ARRIVAL. FRANCESCO DE POTSI AND BARNARDO BANDINI, WHO WERE APPOINTED TO BE HIS MURDERERS, WENT TO HIS HOUSE AND FINDING HIM, THEY, by earnest entreaties, prevailed upon him to accompany them. It is surprising that such intense hatred and designs, so full of whore as those of Francesco and Bernardo, could be so perfectly concealed. For while conducting him to the church, and after they had reached it, they amused him with jests and playful discourse. Nor did Francesco forget, under pretence of endearment, to press him in his arms, so as to ascertain whether, under his apparel, he wore a curesse or some other means of defense. Giuliano and Lorenzo were both aware of the animosity of the Potsi, and their desire to deprive them of the government. But they felt assured that any design would be attempted openly, and in conjunction with the civil authority. Thus being free from apprehension for their personal safety, both affected to be on friendly terms with them. The murderers, being ready, each in his own appointed station, which they could retain without suspicion on account of the vast numbers assembled in the church, the pre-conserted moment arrived, and Bernardo Bandini, with a short dagger, provided for the purpose, struck Giuliano in the breast, who, after a few steps, fell to the earth. Francesco de Potsi threw himself upon the body, and covered him with wounds. While, as if blinded by rage, he inflicted deep incision upon his own leg. Antonio and Stefano, the priest, attacked Lorenzo, and after dealing many blows, affected only slight incision in the throat. For either their want of resolution, the activity of Lorenzo, who, finding himself attacked, used his arms in his own defense. Or the assistance of those by whom he was surrounded, rendered all attempts futile. They fled and concealed themselves, but being subsequently discovered, were put to death in the most ignominious manner, and their bodies dragged about the city. Lorenzo, with the friends he had about him, took refuge in the sacristy of the church. Bernardo Bandini, after Giuliano's death, slew Francesco Nori, a most intimate friend of the Medici, either from some previous hatred, or for having endeavored to render assistance to Giuliano. And not content with these murders, he ran in pursuit of Lorenzo, intending, by his own promptitude, to make up for the weakness and inefficiency of the others. But finding he had taken refuge in the vestry, he was prevented. In the mists of these violent and fearful deeds, during which the uproar was so terrible, that it seemed almost sufficient to bring the church down upon its inmates, the cardinal Riario remained close to the altar, where he was with difficulty kept in safety by the priests, until the signori, upon the abatement of the disturbance, could conduct him to their palace, where he remained in the utmost terror till he was set at liberty. There was at this time in Florence some people of Perugia, whom party feuds had compelled to leave their homes, and the Pazzi, by promising to restore them to their country, obtained their assistance. The archbishop de Salviati, going to seize the palace together with Jacopo de Poggio, and the Salviati, his friends, took these Perugini with him. Having arrived, he left part of his people below, with orders that when they heard a noise they should make themselves masters of the entrance, while himself, with the greater part of the Perugini, proceeded above, and, finding the signori a dinner, for it was now late, was admitted after a short delay by Caesar Petrucci, the gone finale of justice. He entered with only a few of his own followers, the greater part of them being shut up in the consularia into which they had gone, whose doors were so contrived that upon closing they could not be opened from either side without the key. The archbishop, being with the gonfalar, under pretence of having something to communicate on the part of the pope, addressed him in such an incoherent and hesitating manner that the gonfalar at once suspected him, and rushing out of the chamber to call assistance, found Jacopo de Poggio, whom he seized by the hair of the head, and gave into the custody of his attendants. The signori, hearing the tumult, snatched such arms as they could at the moment obtain, and all who had gone up with the archbishop, part of them being shut up, and part overcome with terror, were immediately slain or thrown alive out of the windows of the palace, at which the archbishop, the two Jacopo Salviati, and Jacopo de Poggio were hanged. Those whom the archbishop left below, having mastered the guard in taking possession of the entrance, occupied all the lower floors, so that the citizens, who in the uproar hastened to the palace, were unable to give either advice or assistance to the signori. Francesco de Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini, perceiving Lorenzo's escape and the principal agent in the enterprise seriously wounded, became immediately conscious of the imminent peril of their position. Bernardo, using the same energy in his own behalf that had served him against the Medici, finding all lost, saved himself by flight. Francesco, wounded as he was, got to his house, and endeavored to get on horseback, for it had been arranged that they should ride through the city, and call the people to arms in liberty. But he found himself unable, from the nature of his wound, and throwing himself naked upon his bed, begged Jacopo de Pazzi to perform the part for which he was himself incapacitated. Jacopo, though old and unaccustomed to such business, by way of making a last effort mounted his horse, and with about a hundred armed followers collected without previous preparation, hastened to the piazza of the palace, endeavoring to assemble adherents by cries of people and liberty. But the former, having been rendered deaf by the fortune and liberty of the Medici, the latter was unknown in Florence, and he found no followers. The signors, who held the upper part of the palace, saluted him with stones and threats. Jacopo, while hesitating, was met by Giovanni Cerestori, his brother-in-law, who uprated him with the troubles he had occasioned, and then advised him to go home, for the people and liberty were as dear to other citizens as to himself. Thus deprived of every hope, Lorenzo being alive, Francesco seriously wounded, and none disposed to follow him, not knowing what to do, he resolved, if possible, to escape by flight, and accompanied by those whom he had led into the piazza, left Florence with the attention of going into Romagna. In the meantime the whole city was browsed to arms, and Lorenzo di Medici, accompanied by a numerous escort, returned to his house. The palace was recovered from its assailants, all of whom were either slain or made prisoners. The name of the Medici echoed everywhere, and portions of dead bodies were seen born on spears and scattered through the streets, while everyone was transported with rage against the Pazzi, and pursued them with relentless cruelty. The people took possession of their houses, and Francesco, naked as they found him, was led to the palace, and hanged beside the archbishop and the rest. He could not be induced by any injurious words or deeds to utter a syllable, but regarding those around with a steady look, he silently sighed. Guglielmo di Pazzi, brother-in-law to Lorenzo, fled to the latter's house, and by his innocence and the intercession of his wife, Bianca, he escaped death. There was not a citizen of any rank whatever who did not, upon this occasion, wait upon Lorenzo with an offer of his services. So great were the popularity and good fortune which this family had acquired by the liberality and prudence. Renato di Pazzi was at his villa when the event took place, and being informed of it he endeavored to escape in disguise, but was arrested upon the road and brought to Florence. Jacopo di Pazzi was taken while crossing the mountains of Romagna, for the inhabitants of these parts, having heard what had occurred, and seeing him in flight, attacked and brought him back to the city. Nor could he, though he frequently endeavored, prevail with them to put him to death upon the road. Jacopo and Renato were condemned within four days after the murder of Giuliano. And though so many deaths had been afflicted that the roads were covered with fragments of human bodies, not one excited a feeling of regret, except that of Renato, for he was considered a wise and good man, and possessed none of the pride for which the rest of his family were notorious. As if to mark the event by some extraordinary circumstance, Jacopo di Pazzi, after having been buried in the tomb of his ancestors, was disinterred like an excommunicated person, and thrown into a hole at the outside of the city walls. From this grave he was taken, and with the halter in which he had been hanged, his body was dragged naked through the city, and, as if unfit for sepulchre on earth, thrown by the populace into the Arno, whose waters were then very high. It was an awful instance of the instability of fortune to see so wealthy a man, possessing the utmost earthly felicity, brought down to such a depth of misery, such utter ruin and extreme degradation. It is said he had vices, among which were gaming and profane swearing, to which he was very much addicted. But these seemed more than balanced by his numerous charities, for he relieved many in distress, and bestowed much money for pious uses. It may also be recorded in his favor that upon the Saturday preceding the death of Giuliano, in order that none might suffer from his misfortunes, he discharged all his debts, and whatever property he possessed belonging to others, either in his own house or his place of business, he was particularly careful to return to his owners. Giovanni Battista di Monteseco, after a long examination, was beheaded. Napoleone Franzesi escaped punishment by flight. Giuliel Modepazzi was banished, and such of his cousins, as remained alive, were imprisoned in the fortress of Volterra. The disturbances being over, and the conspirators punished, the funeral obsequies of Giuliano were performed amid universal lamentation, for he possessed all the liberality and humanity they could be wished for in one of his high station. He left a natural son, born some months after his death, named Giulio, who was endowed with that virtue and felicity, with which the whole world is now acquainted, and of which we shall speak at length when we come to our own times, if God spares us. The people who had assembled in favor of the Pazzi, under Lorenzo di Castello, in the Val di Tavare, and under Giovanni Francesco di Toletino in Romania, approached Florence, but having heard of the failure of the conspiracy, they returned home. The changes desired by the Pope and the king in the government of Florence not having taken place, they determined to effect by war what they had failed to accomplish by treachery, and both assembled forces with all speed to attack the Florentine states, publicly declaring that they only wished the citizens to remove Lorenzo di Medici, who alone of all the Florentines was their enemy. The king's forces had already passed the Tronto, and the Popes were in Perugia, and that the citizens might feel the effect of spiritual, as well as of temporal weapons, the Pontiff excommunicated and anathematized them. Finding themselves attacked by so many armies, the Florentines prepared for their defense with the utmost care. Lorenzo di Medici, as the enemy's operations were said to be directed against himself alone, resolved first of all to assemble the signori, and the most influential citizens in the place, to whom, being above three hundred in number, he spoke as follows. Most excellent signors, and you, magnificent citizens, I know not whether I have more occasion to weep with you for the events which have recently occurred, or to rejoice in the circumstances with which they have been attended. Certainly, when I think of what virulence of united deceit and hatred I have been attacked, and my brother murdered, I cannot but mourn and grieve from my heart, from my very soul. Yet, when I consider with what promptitude, anxiety, love, and unanimity of the whole city my brother has been avenged and myself defended, I am not only compelled to rejoice, but feel myself honored and exalted, for if experience has shown me that I had more enemies than I apprehended, it has also proved that I possess more warm and resolute friends than I could ever have hoped for. I must therefore grieve with you for the injuries others have suffered, and rejoice in the attachment you have exhibited towards myself, but I feel more grieved by the injuries committed since they are so unusual, so unexampled, and, as I trust you believe, so undeserved on our part. Think, magnificent citizens, to what a dreadful point ill-fortune has reduced our family, when among friends, amidst our own relatives, nay, in God's holy temple, we have found our greatest foes. Those who are in danger turn to their friends for assistance. They call upon their relatives for aid, but we found ours armed and resolved on our destruction. Those who are persecuted, either from public or private motives, flee for refuge to the altars. But where others are safe, we are assassinated, where parasites and assassins are secure, the Medici find their murderers. But God, who has not hitherto abandoned our house, again saved us, and has undertaken the defense of our just cause. What injury have we done that justify so intense desire of our destruction? Certainly those who have shown themselves so much our enemies never received any private wrong from us. For, had we wished to injure them, they would not have had an opportunity of injuring us. If they attribute public grievances to ourselves, supposing any had been done to them, they do the greater injustices to you, to this palace, to the majesty of this government, by assuming that on our account you would act unfairly to any of your citizens, and such a supposition, as we all know, is contradicted by every view of the circumstances. For we, had we been able, and you, had we wished it, would never have contributed to so abominable a design. Whoever inquires into the truth of these matters will find that our family has always been exalted by you, and from this sole cause, that we have endeavored by kindness, liberality and beneficence to do good to all. And if we have honored strangers, when did we ever injure our relatives? If our enemy's conduct has been adopted to gratify their desire for power, as would seem to be the case from there having taken possession of the palace and brought an armed force into the piazza, the infamous, ambitious and detestable motive is at once disclosed. If they were actuated by envy and hatred of our authority, they offend you rather than us, for from you we have derived all the influence we possess. Certainly usurped power deserves to be detested, but not distinctions conceited for acts of kindness, generosity and magnificence. And you all know that our family never obtained any rank to which this palace and your united consent did not raise it. Cosmo, my grandfather, did not return from exile with arms and violence, but by your unanimous desire and approbation. It was not my father, old and informed, who defended the government against so many enemies, but yourself by your authority and benevolence defended him. Neither could I, after his death, being then a boy have maintained the position of my house, except by your favor and advice. Nor should we ever be able to conduct the affairs of this republic if you do not contribute to our support. Therefore I know not the reason of their hatred towards us, or what just cause they have of envy. Let them direct their enmity against their own ancestors, who, by their pride and avarice, lost the reputation which ours, by very opposite conduct, were unable to acquire. But let it be granted we have greatly injured them, and that they are justified in seeking our ruin. Why do they come and take possession of the palace? Why enter into league with the pope and the king, against the liberties of this republic? Why break the long-continued peace of Italy? They have no excuse for this. They ought to confine their vengeance to those who do them wrong, and not confound private animosities with public grievances. Hence it is that since their defeat our misfortune is the greater. For on their account the pope and the king make war upon us, and this war they say is directed against my family and myself. And would to God that this were true, then the remedy would be sure and unfailing. For I would not be so basis citizen as to prefer my safety to yours. I would at once resolve to ensure your safety, even though my own destruction were the immediate and inevitable consequence. But as the wrongs committed by princes are usually concealed under some less offensive covering, they have adopted this plea to hide their more abominable purpose. If, however, you think otherwise, I am in your hands, it is with you to do with me what you please. You are my fathers, my protectors, and whatever you command me to do I will perform most willingly. Nor will I ever refuse, when you find occasion to require it, to close the war with my own blood, which was commenced with that of my brother. While Lorenzo spoke the citizens were unable to refrain from tears, and the sympathy with which he was heard was extended to their reply, delivered by one of them in the name of the rest, who said that the city acknowledged many advantages derived from the good qualities of himself and his family, and encouraged them to hope that with as much promptitude as they had used in his defense, and in avenging his brother's death, they would secure to him his influence in the government, which he should never lose while they retained possession of the country. And that their deeds might correspond with their words, they immediately appointed a number of armed men as a guard for the security of his person against domestic enemies. Chapter II. Book VIII. Chapter III. Of History of Florence by Maccurellie. Volume II. This is a Librivox recording. All Librivox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit Librivox.org. Recording by Morgan Scorpion. History of Florence and the Affairs of Italy by Nicola Maccurellie. Volume II. Translated by an an unknown translator. VIII. The Florentines prepare for war against the Pope. They appeal to a future council. Papal and Neapolitan movements against the Florentines. The Venetians refuse to assist the Florentines. Disturbances in Milan. Genoa revolts from the Duke. Futile endeavors to effect peace with the Pope. The Florentines repulse their enemies from the territory of Pisa. They attack the Papal States. The Papal forces routed upon the borders of the Lake of Perugia. The Florentines now prepared for war by raising money and collecting as large a force as possible. Being in league with the Duke of Milan and the Venetians, they applied to both for assistance. As the Pope had proved himself a wolf rather than a shepherd, to avoid being devoured under false accusations, they justified their cause with all available arguments, and filled Italy with accounts of treachery practised against their government, exposing the impiety and injustice of the pontiff, and assured the world that the pontificate which he had wickedly attained, he would have impuously fill. For he had sent those whom he advanced to the highest order of prelacy in the company of traitors and parasites, to commit the most horrid treachery in the church in the midst of divine service and during the celebration of the Holy Sacrament, and then, having failed to murder the citizens, changed the government and plunder the city according to his intention, he had suspended the performance of all religious offices, and injuriously menaced and injured the public with pontifical maledictions. But if God was just, and violence was offensive to him, he would be displeased with that of his vice regent, and allow his injured people, who were not admitted to communion with the latter, to offer up their prayers to himself. The Florentines therefore, instead of receiving or obeying the interdict, compelled the priests to perform divine service, assembled a council in Florence of all the Tuscan prelates under their jurisdiction, and appealed against the injuries suffered from the pontiff to a future general council. The Pope did not neglect to assign reasons in his own justification, and maintained it was the duty of a pontiff to suppress tyranny, depress the wicked, and exalt the good, and that this ought to be done by every available means, but that secular princes had no right to detain cardinals, hang bishops, murder, mangle, and drag about the bodies of priests, destroying without distinction the innocent with the guilty. Notwithstanding these complaints and accusations, the Florentines restored to the Pope the cardinal whom they had detained, in return for which he immediately assailed them with his own forces and those of the king. The two armies, under the command of Alfonso, eldest son of Ferando, and Duke of Calabria, who had as his general Federigo, Count of Urbino, entered the Chianti by permission of the Sienes, who sided with the enemy, occupied Radda with many other fortices, and having plundered the country, besieged the Castellina. The Florentines were greatly alarmed at these attacks, being almost destitute of forces, and finding their friends slow to assist, for though the Duke sent them aid, the Venetians denied all obligation to support the Florentines in their private quarrels, since the animosities of individuals were not to be defended at the public expense. The Florentines, in order to induce the Venetians to take a more correct view of the case, sent Tomaso Sodorini as the ambassador to the senate, and in the meantime engaged forces, and appointed Ercoli, Marquis of Ferrara, to the commander of their army. While these preparations were being made, the Castellina was so hard pressed by the enemy that the inhabitants, despairing of relief, surrendered after having sustained the siege of forty-two days. The enemy then directed their course toward Arezzo, and encamped before San Sabino. The Florentine army, being now in order, went to meet them, and having approached within three miles, caused such annoyance, that Federico de Obino demanded a truce for a few days, which was granted, but proved so disadvantageous to the Florentines, that those who had made the request were astonished at having obtained it, for, had it been refused, they would have been compelled to retire in disgrace. Having gained these few days to recruit themselves, as soon as they were expired, they took the castle in the presence of their enemies. Since her being now come, the forces of the Pope and King retired for convenient quarters to the Sienese territory. The Florentines also withdrew to a more comodious situation, and the Marquis of Ferrara, having done little for himself and less for others, returned to his own territories. At this time, Genoa withdrew from the dominion of Milan under the following circumstances. Galliazzo, at his death, left a son, Giovanni Galliazzo, who, being too young to undertake the government, dissensions arose between Sforza, Lordovico, Ottaviano, and Asciano, his uncles, and the Lady Bono, his mother, each of whom desired the guardianship of the young Duke. By the advice and mediation of Tomasso Sodorini, who was then Florentine ambassador at the court of Milan, and of Quecho Simonetta, who had been secretary to Galliazzo, the Lady Bono prevailed. The uncles fled, Ottaviano was drowned in the crossing of the Adda, the rest were banished to various places, together with Roberto da San Severino, who in these disputes had deserted the Duchess and joined the uncles of the Duke. The troubles in Tuscany, which immediately followed, gave these princes hope that the new state of things would present opportunities for their advantage. They therefore quitted the places to which their exile limited them, and each endeavored to return home. King Ferando, finding the Florentines had obtained assistance from none but the Milanese, took occasion to give the Duchess so much occupation in her own government, as to render her unable to contribute to their assistance. By means of Prospero Adorno, the senior Roberto and the rebellious uncles of the Duke, he caused Genoa to throw off the Milanese yoke. The castelletta was the only place left, confiding in which the Duchess sent a strong force to recover the city, but it was routed by the enemy, and perceiving the danger which might arise to her son and herself if the war were continued, Tuscany being in confusion and the Florentines, in whom she alone had hope, themselves in trouble, she determined, as she could not retain Genoa in subjection to secure it as an ally, and agreed with Battistino Fregoso, the enemy of Prospero Adorno, to give him the castelletto and make him Prince of Genoa, unconditioned that he should expel Prospero and do nothing in favour of her son's uncles. Upon this agreement, Battistino, by the assistance of the castelletto and of his friends, became Lord of Genoa, and according to the custom of the city, took the title of Doge. The Sposessi and the Senor Roberto, being thus expelled by the Genoese, came with their forces into Lunigiana, and the Pope and the King, perceiving the troubles of Lombardy to be composed, took occasion with them to annoy Tuscany in the Pisan territory, that the Florentines might be weakened by dividing their forces. At the close of winter they ordered Roberto de San Severino to leave Lunigiana and March Dither, which he did, and with great tumult plundered many fortresses, and overran the country around Pisa. At this time ambassadors came to Florence from the Emperor, the King of France, and the King of Hungary, who were sent by their princes to the Pontiff. They solicited the Florentines also to send ambassadors to the Pope, and promised to use their utmost exertion to obtain for them an advantageous peace. The Florentines did not refuse to make trial, both for the sake of publicly justifying their proceedings, and because they were really desirous of peace. Finally the ambassadors were sent, but returned without coming to any conclusion of their differences. The Florentines, to avail themselves of the influence of the King of France, since they were attacked by one part of the Italians and abandoned by the other, sent to him as their ambassador, Donato Akiadiori, a distinguished Latin and Greek scholar, whose ancestors had always ranked high in the city. But while on his journey he died at Milan. To relieve his surviving family and pay a deserved tribute to his memory, he was honorably buried at the public expense, for vision was made for his sons and suitable marriage proportions given to his daughters, and Greed Antonio Vespucci, a man well acquainted with Pontifical and Imperial affairs, was sent as ambassador to the King in his stead. The attack of Signore Roberto upon the Pisan territory, being unexpected, greatly perplexed of the Florentines, for having to resist the foe in the direction of Siena, they knew not how to provide for the places about Pisa. To keep the Lucezi faithful, and prevent them from furnishing the enemy either with money or provisions, they sent as ambassador Piero Dicino Caponi, who was received with so much jealousy on account of the hatred which that city always cherishes against the Florentines, from former injuries and constant fear, that he was on many occasions in danger of being put to death by the mob, and thus his mission gave fresh cause of animosity rather than of union. The Florentines recalled the Marquis of Ferrara, and engaged the Marquis of Mantua. They also as earnestly requested the Venetians to send them Count Carlo, son of Braccio, and Dave Frobo, son of Count Jacobo. And after many delays they complied. For having made a truce with the Turks they had no excuse to justify a refusal, and could not break through the obligation of the League without the utmost disgrace. The Counts Carlo and Dave Frobo came with a good force, and being joined by all that could be spared from the army, which under the Marquis of Ferrara, held in Czech with Duke of Calabria, proceeded toward Pisa to meet Signor Roberto, who was with his troops near the river Sertio, and who, though he had expressed his intention of awaiting their arrival, withdrew to the camp at Lonegjana, which he had quitted upon coming into the Pisan territory, while Count Carlo recovered all the places that had been taken by the enemy in that district. The Florentines, being thus relieved from the attack in the direction of Pisa, assembled the whole force between Carlo and Santo Gomignano, but the army, on the arrival of Count Carlo, being composed of Spolzeski and Rakeski, their hereditary feuds soon broke forth, and it was thought that if they remained long in company they would turn their arms against each other. It was therefore determined, as the smaller evil, to divide them, to send one party under Count Carlo into the district of Perugia, and establish the other at Pogribonsi, where they formed a strong encampment in order to prevent the enemy from penetrating the Florentine territory. By this they also hoped to compel the enemy to divide their forces, for Count Carlo was understood to have many partisans in Perugia, and it was therefore expected, either that he would occupy the place, or that the pope would be compelled to send a large body of men for its defence. To reduce the pontiff to greater necessity they ordered Nicolo Vitelli, who had been expelled from Gitta to Castello, where his enemy Lorenzo Vitelli commanded, to lead a force against that place, with the view of driving out his adversary, and withdrawing it from obedience to the pope. Since beginning of the campaign, fortunes seemed to favour the Florentines, for Count Carlo made rapid advances in the Perugino, and Nicolo Vitelli, though unable to enter Castello, was superior in the field, and flaunted the surrounding country without opposition. The forces also at Pogribonsi constantly overran the country up to the walls of Siena. These hopes, however, were not realised, for in the first place Count Carlo died, while in the fullest tide of success, though the consequences of this would have been less detrimental to the Florentines, had not the victory to which it gave occasion being nullified by the misconduct of others. The death of the Count being known, the forces of the Church, which had already assembled in Perugia, conceived hopes of overcoming the Florentines, and encountered upon the lake within three miles of the enemy. On the other side, Giacopo Gericiardini, commissary to the army by the advice of Roberto da Rimino, who, after the death of Count Carlo, was the principal commander, knowing the ground of their sanguine expectations determined to meet them, and coming to an engagement near the lake, upon the sight of the memorable route of the Romans by Hannibal, the Carthaginian general, the papal forces were vanquished. The news of the victory, which did great honour to the commanders, diffused universal joy at Florence, and would have ensured a favourable termination of the campaign. Had not the disorders which arose in the army at Pogibonsi thrown all into confusion, for the advantage obtained by the valor of the one was more than counterbalanced by the disgraceful proceedings of the other. Having made considerable booty in the Sienese territory, quarrels arose about the division of it between the Marquis of Mantua and the Marquis of Pirara, who, coming to arms, assailed each other with a utmost fury, and the Florentines, seeing they could no longer avail themselves of the services of both, allowed the Marquis of Pirara and his men to return home. CHAPTER IV The Duke of Calabria routes the Florentine army at Pogibonsi, dismaying Florence on account of the defeat, progress of the Duke of Calabria. The Florentines wish for peace. Lorenzo de Medici determines to go to Naples to treat with the king, Rodovico Sforza, so named the Moor, and his brothers, the Colchimilane. Changes in the government of that city in consequences. The Genoese takes Arizona, Lorenzo de Medici arrives at Naples. Peace concluded with the king. The Pope and the Venetians consent to the peace. The Florentines, in fear of the Duke of Calabria, enter prizes of the Turks. They take Otranto. The Florentines reconcile with the Pope. Their ambassadors at the papal court. The Pope's reply to the ambassadors. The king of Naples restores to the Florentines all the fortresses he had taken. The army being thus reduced, without a leader, and a disorder prevailing in every department, the Duke of Calabria, who was with his forces near Siena, resolved to attack them immediately. The Florentines, finding the enemy at hand, were seized with a sudden panic, neither their arms nor their numbers, in which they were superior to their adversaries, nor their position, which was one of great strength, could give them confidence. But observing the dust occasioned by the enemy's approach, without waiting for a sight of them they fled in all directions, leaving their ammunition, carriages, and artillery to be taken by the foe. Such cowardice and disorder prevailed in the armies of those times, that the turning of a horse's head or tail was sufficient to decide the fate of an expedition. This defeat loaded the king's troops with Vouti, and filled the Florentines with dismay, for the city besides the war was afflicted with pestilence, which prevailed so extensively that all who possessed Phyllis fled to them to escape death. This occasioned the defeat to be attended with greater horror, for those citizens whose possessions lay in the Val de Pesa and the Val delsa, having retired to them, hastened to Florence with all speed as soon as they heard of the disaster, taking with them not only their children and their property, but even their labours, so it seemed as if the enemy were expected every moment in the city. Those who were appointed to the management of the war, perceiving the universal consternation, commanded the victorious forces in the Perugino to give up their enterprise in that direction, and marched to oppose the enemy in the Val delsa, who, after their victory, plundered the country without opposition, and although the Florentine army had so closely pressed the city of Perugia that it was expected to fall into their hands every instant, the people preferred defending their own possessions to endeavouring to seize those of others. The troops, thus withdrawn from the pursuit of their good fortune, were marched to San Castiano, a castle within eight miles of Florence. The leaders thinking they could take up no other position till the relics of the routed army were assembled. On the other hand the enemy being under no further restraint at Perugia, and emboldened by the departure of the Florentines, plundered to a large amount, in the districts of Arezzo and Cotona, while those who under Alfonso, Duke of Calabria, had been victorious near Pogubonzi, took the town itself, sat Vico and Coteldo, and after these conquests and pillageings, encamped before the fortress of Colla, which was considered very strong. And as the garrison was brave and faithful to the Florentines, it was hoped that they would hold the enemy at bay till the Republic was able to collect its forces. The Florentines being at Santo Castiano, and the enemy continuing to use their utmost exertions against Colla, they determined to draw nearer, that the Inhabitants might be more resolute in their defence, and the enemy assailed them less boldly. With this design they removed their count from Santo Castiano to Santo Germiniano, about five miles from Colla, and with light cavalry and other suitable forces were able to every day annoy the Duke's cavalry. All this, however, was insufficient to relieve the people of Colla, for having consumed their provisions, they were compelled to surrender on the thirteenth of November, to the great grief of the Florentines and joy of the enemy, more especially of the Sienese, who, besides their habitual hatred of the Florentines, had a particular animosity against the people of Colla. It was now the depth of winter, and the weather so unsuitable for war, that the Pope and the King, either designing to hold out a hope of peace, or more quietly to enjoy the fruit of their victories, proposed a truce for three months to the Florentines, and allowed them ten days to consider the reply. The offer was eagerly accepted, but as wounds are well known to be more painful after the blood calls than when they were first received, this brief response awakened the Florentines to a consciousness of the miseries they had endured, and the citizens openly laid the blame upon each other, pointing out the errors committed in the management of the war, the expenses uselessly incurred, and the taxes unjustly imposed. These matters were boldly discussed, not only in private circles, but in the public councils, and one individual even ventured to turn to Lorenzo de Medici and say, the city is exhausted and can endure no more war. It is therefore necessary to think of peace. Lorenzo was himself aware of the necessity, and assembled the friends in whose wisdom and fidelity he had the greatest confidence. When it was at once concluded that as the Venetians were Luke warm and unfaithful and the duke in the power of his guardians, and involved in domestic difficulties, it would be desirable by some new alliance to give a better turn to their affairs. They were in doubt whether to apply to the king or to the pope, but having examined the question in all sides, they preferred the friendship of the king as more suitable and secure, for the short range of the pontiffs, the changes ensuing upon each succession, the disregards shown by their church toward temporal princes, and the still greater want of respect for them exhibited in her determinations render it impossible for secular prince to trust the pontiff, or safely to share his fortune. One adherent of the pope will have a companion in victory, but in defeat must stand alone, while the pontiff is sustained by his spiritual power and influence. Having therefore decided that the king's friendship would be of the greatest utility to them, they thought it would be most easily and certainly obtained by Lorenzo's presence, for in proportion to the confidence they evinced toward him, the greater they imagined would be the probability of removing his impressions of past enmities. Lorenzo having resolved to go to Naples, recommended the city and government to the care of Tommaso Sodorini, who was at the time gongpalonia of justice. He left Florence at the beginning of December, and having arrived at Pisa, wrote to the government to acquaint them with the cause of his departure. The scenery to do him honour and enable him the more effectually to treat with the king appointed him ambassador from the Florentine people, and endowed him with full authority to make such arrangements as he thought most useful for the republic. At this time Roberto de San Severino, with Lodovico and Ascarno, sforza, their elder brother being dead, again attacked Milan in order to recover the government. Having taken Tortona, and the city and the whole state being in arms, the Duchess Bono was advised to restore the Sforzesti, and to put a stop to civil contentions by admitting them to the government. The person who gave this advice was Antonio Tassino, of Ferrara, a man of low origin, who, coming to Milan, fell into the hands of the Duke Galliazzo, and was given by him to his Duchess for her valet. He, either from his personal attractions, or some secret influence, after the Duke's death, attained such influence over the Duchess that he governed the state almost at his will. This greatly displeased the minister of Quechio, whom prudence and long experience had rendered invaluable, and, and who, to the utmost of his power, endeavored to diminish the authority of Tassino with the Duchess and other members of the government. The latter, aware of this, to avenge himself for the injury and secure defenders against. Quechio advised the Duchess to recall the Sforzesti, which she did without communicating her design to the minister, who, when it was done, said to her, You have taken a step which will deprive me of my life and you of the government. This shortly afterward took place, for Quechio was put to death by Lord Vico, and Tassino, being expelled from the Dukedom, the Duchess was so enraged that she left Milan, and gave up the care of her son to Lord Vico, who, becoming sole governor of the Dukedom, caused, as will be here after seen, the ruin of Italy. Lorenzo de Medici had set out the Naples, and the truth between the parties was in force, when, quite unexpectedly, Lord Vico Pragosso, being in correspondence with some persons of Solezana, entered the place by stealth, took possession of it with an armed force, and imprisoned the Florentine governor. This greatly offended the scenery, they thought the whole had been concerted with the connivance of King Ferrando. They complained to the Duke of Calabria, who was with the army at Siena, of a breach of the truce, and he endeavoured to prove, by letters and embassies, that it had occurred without either his own or his father's knowledge. The Florentines, however, found themselves in a very awkward predicament, being destitute of money, the head of the Republic in the power of the King, themselves engaged in a long-standing war with the latter and the Pope, in a new one with the Genoese, and entirely without friends, for they had no confidence in the Renaissance, and on account of its changeable and unsettled state they were rather apprehensive of Milan. They had thus only one hope, and that depended upon Lorenzo's success with the King. Lorenzo arrived at Naples by sea, and was most honourably received, not only by Ferrando, but by the whole city, his coming having excited the greatest expectation, for it being generally understood that the war was undertaken for the sole purpose of affecting his destruction, the power of his enemies invested his name with additional lustre. Being admitted to the King's presence, he spoke with so much propriety upon the affairs of Italy, the disposition of her princes and people, his hopes for peace, his fears for the result of war, that Ferrando was more astonished at the greatness of his mind, the promptitude of his genius, his gravity and wisdom, than he had previously been at his power. He consequently treated him with redoubled honour, and began to feel compelled rather to part with him as a friend, than to tame him as an enemy. However, under various pretexts he kept Lorenzo from December till March, not only to gain the most perfect knowledge of his own views, but of those of his city, for he was not without enemies, who would have wished the King to detain and treat him in the same manner as Giacopo Picconino, and with the ostensible view of sympathising for him, pointed out all that would, or rather that they wished should, result from such a course, at the same time opposing in the council every proposition at all likely to favour him. By such means as these the opinion gained ground, that if he were detained at Naples much longer the government of Florence would be changed. This caused the King to postpone their separation more than he would have otherwise done, to see if any disturbance were likely to arise. But finding everything go quietly on, Ferrando allowed him to depart on the 6th of March, 1479, having, with every kind of attention and token of regard, endeavoured to gain his affection, and formed with him a perpetual alliance for their mutual defence. Lorenzo returned to Florence, and upon presenting himself before the citizens, the impressions he had created in the cop the mind surrounded him with a halo of majesty, brighter than before. He was received with all the joy merited by his extraordinary qualities and recent services, in having exposed his own life to the most imminent peril, in order to restore peace to his country. Two days after his return, the treaty between the Republic of Florence and the King, though which each party bound itself to defend the other's territories, was published. The places taken from the Florentines during the war were to be taken up at the discretion of the King. The Patsy, confined to the Tower of Volterra, were to be set at liberty, and a certain sum of money, for a limited period, was to be paid to the Duke of Calabria. As soon as this peace was publicly known the Pope and the Venetians were transported with rage. The Pope thought himself neglected by the King. The Venetians entertained similar ideas with regard to the Florentines, and complained that, having been companions in the war, they were not allowed to participate in the peace. Reports of this description being spread abroad, and received with entire credence at Florence, caused a great fear that the peace thus made would give rise to greater wars, and therefore the leading members of the government determined to confine the consideration of the most important affairs to a smaller number, and formed a council of twenty-seven citizens, in whom the principal authority was invested. This new regulation calmed the minds of those desirous of change, by convincing them of the futility of their efforts. To establish their authority they in the first place ratted by the Treaty of Peace with the King, and sent as ambassadors to the Pope, Antonio Rodolfi and Piero Nasi. But, notwithstanding the peace, Alfonso Ducof Calabria still remained at Siena with his forces, pretending to be detained by discords among the citizens. Which, he said, had risen so high, that while he resided outside the city they had compelled him to enter and assume the office of arbitrator between them. He took occasion to draw large sums of money from the wealthiest citizens by way of fines, imprisoned many, banished others, and put some to death. He thus became suspected, not only by the Sienes, but by the Florentines, of a design to usurp the sovereignty of Siena. Nor was any remedy then available, for the Republic had formed a new alliance with the King, and were at enmity with the Pope and the Venetians. This suspicion was entertained not only by the great body of the Florentine people, who were subtle interpreters of appearances, but by the principal members of the government, and it was agreed, on all hands, that the city was never in so much danger of losing her liberty. But God, who in similar extremities had always been her preserver, caused an unhoped for event to take place, which gave the Pope, the King, and the Venetians other matters to think of than those in Tuscany. The Turkish Emperor, Muhammad II, had gone with a large army to the Siege of Rhodes, and continued it the several months. But though his forces were numerous and his courage indomitable, he found them more than equaled by those of the Sieged, who resisted his attack with such obstinate valour that he was at last compelled to retire and disgrace. Having left Rhodes, part of his army under the Pasha Akmet approached Filona, and, either from observing the facility of the Enterprise, or in obedience to his sovereign's commands, coasting along the Italian shores, he suddenly landed four thousand soldiers and attacked the city of Atranto, which he easily took, plundered, and put all the inhabitants to the sword. He then fortified the city and port, and having assembled a large body of cavalry, pillaged the surrounding country. The King, learning this, and aware of the redoubtful character of his assailant, immediately sent messengers to all the surrounding powers to request assistance against the common enemy, and ordered the immediate return of the Duke of Calabria with the forces at Siena. This attack, however it might annoy the Duke and the rest of Italy, occasioned the utmost joy at Florence and Siena, the latter thinking it had recovered its liberty, and the former that she had escaped the storm which threatened her with destruction. These impressions, which were not unknown to the Duke, increased the regret he felt at his departure from Siena, and he accused Fortune of having, by an unexpected and unaccountable accident, deprived him of the sovereignty of Tuscany. The same circumstance changed the disposition of the Pope, for although he had previously refused to receive any ambassador from Florence, he was now so mollified as to be anxious to listen to any overtures of peace, and it was intimated to the Florentines, that if they would condescends to ask the Pope's pardon, they would be sure of obtaining it. Thinking it advisable to seize the opportunity, they sent twelve ambassadors to the pontiff, who, on their arrival, detained them under different pretexts before he would admit them to an audience. However, terms were at length settled, and what should be contributed by each in peace or war. The messengers were then admitted to the feet of the pontiff, who, with the utmost pomp, received them in the midst of his cardinals. They apologised for past occurrences, first showing they had been compelled by necessity, then blaming them a lignity of others or the rage of the populace, and their just indignation, and enlarging on the unfortunate condition of those who are compelled either to fight or die, saying that since every extremity is endured in order to avoid death, they had suffered war, interdicts, and other inconveniences brought upon them by recent events, that their republic might escape slavery, which is the death of three cities. However, if in their necessities they had committed any offence, they were desirous to make atonement, and trusted in his clemency, who, after the example of the blessed redeemer, would receive them into his compassionate arms. The pope's reply was indignant and haughty. After reiterating all the offences against the church during the late transactions, he said that, to comply with the precepts of God, he would grant the pardon they asked, but would have them understand that it was their duty to obey, and that upon the next instance of their disobedience, they would inevitably forfeit, and that most deservedly, the liberty which they had just been upon the point of losing. For those merit freedom who exercise themselves in good works and avoid evil, that liberty improperly used injures itself and others. That to think little of God and less of his church is not the part of a free man, but a fool, and one disposed to evil rather than good, and to effect whose correction is the duty not only of princes, but of every Christian, so that in respect of the recent events they had only themselves to blame, who by their evil deeds had given rise to the war, and inflamed it by still worse actions, it having been terminated by the kindness of others rather than by merit of their own. The formula of agreement and benediction was then read, and in addition to what had already been considered and agreed upon between the parties, the pope said that if the Florentines wished to enjoy the fruit of his forgiveness, they must maintain 15 galleys armed and equipped at their own expense, as long as the Turks should make war upon the kingdom of Naples. The ambassadors complained much of this burden in addition to the arrangement already made, but were unable to obtain any alleviation. However, after their return to Florence, the scenery sent as ambassador to the pope, Guidantonio Vespucci, who had recently returned from France, and who by his prudence brought everything to an amicable conclusion, obtained many favours from the pontiff, which were considered as presages of a closer reconciliation. Having settled their affairs with the pope, Siena being free, themselves released from the fear of the king by the departure of the Duke of Calabria from Tuscany and the war with the Turks still continuing, the Florentines pressed the king to restore their fortresses, which the Duke of Calabria, upon quitting the country, had left in the hands of the Sienes. Verando, apprehensive that if he refused they would withdraw from the alliance with him, and by new wars with the Sienes to pry him off the assistance he hoped to obtain from the pope and other Italian powers, consented that they should be given up, and by new favours endeavored to attach the Florentines to his interests. It is thus evident that force and necessity, not deeds and obligations, induce princes to keep faith. The castles being restored, and his new alliance established, Lorenzo de Medici recovered the reputation which versed the war and then the peace. When the king's designs were doubtful, had deprived him of, for at this period there was no lack of those who openly slandered him, with having sold his country to save himself, and said that in war they had lost their territories, and in peace their liberty. But the fortresses being recovered, an honourable treaty ratified with the king, and the city restored to a former influence, the spirit of public discourse entirely changed influence, a place greatly addicted to gossip, and in which actions are judged by the success attending them rather than by the intelligence employed in their direction. Therefore the citizens praised Lorenzo extravagantly, declaring that by his prudence they had recovered in peace what unfavourable circumstances had taken from them in war, and that by his discretion and judgement he had done more than the enemy with all the force of their arms. The King of Naples and the Florentines attacked the Papal States, the Pope's defensive arrangements. The Neapolitan army routed by the papal forces, progress of the Venetians against the Marquis of Ferrara. The Pope makes peace and enters into a league against the Venetians, operations of the league against the Venetians. The Venetians routed at Bondino, their losses, disunion among the league. Lodovico's forza makes peace with the Venetians, ratified by the other parties. The invasion of the Turks had deferred the war which was about to break forth from the anger of the Pope and the Venetians at the peace between the Florentines and the King. But as the beginning of that invasion was unexpected and beneficial, its conclusion was equally unlooked for and injurious. For Mohammed dying suddenly, dissensions arose among his sons, and the forces which were in Fuglia, being abandoned by the commander, surrendered Otranto to the King. The fears which restrained the Pope and the Venetians being thus removed, everyone became apprehensive of new troubles. On the one hand was the league of the Pope and the Venetians, and with them the Genoese, Sienes and other minor powers, on the other the Florentines, the King and the Duke, with whom were the Bolognese and many princes. The Venetians wished to become lords of Ferrara and thought they were justified by circumstances in making the attempt and hoping for a favourable result. Their differences arose thus. The Marquis of Ferrara affirmed he was under no obligation to take salt from the Venetians or to admit their governor. The terms of convention between them declaring that after seventy years the city was to be free from both impositions. The Venetians replied that so long as he held the policy, he was bound to receive their salt and their governor. The Marquis, refusing his consent, the Venetians considered themselves justified in taking alms, and that the present moment offered a suitable opportunity, for the Pope was indignant against the Florentines and the King, and to attach the Pope still further, the Count Guillolamo, who was then at Venice, was received with all possible respect. First admitted to the privileges of a citizen, and then raised to the rank of a senator, the highest distinctions the Venetians said it could confer. To prepare for the war they levied new taxes, and appointed to the command of the forces Roberto de San Severino, who, being offended with Lodovico, governor of Milan, fled to Tortona, Rence, after occasioning some disturbances, he went to Genoa, and while there was sent for by the Venetians and placed at the head of their troops. These circumstances becoming known to the opposite league induced it also to provide for war. The Duke of Milan appointed at his general, Federigo Durbino, the Florentines engaged Costanzo, Lord of Pessaro, and to stand the disposition of the Pope, and to know whether the Venetians made war against Ferrara with his consent or not, King Ferrando sent Alfonso, Duke of Calabria, with his army across the Tonto, and asked the Pontiff's permission to pass into Lombardy to assist the Marquis, which was refused in the most peremptory manner. The Florentines and the King no longer doubtful about the Pope's intentions, determined to harass him, and thus either compel him to take part with them, or throw such obstacles in his way as would prevent him from helping the Venetians, who had already taken the field, attacked the Marquis over round his territory, and encamped before Figuarolo, a fortress of the greatest importance. In pursuance of the design of the Florentines and the King, the Duke of Calabria, by the assistance of the Colonna family, the Orsini had joined the Pope, plundered the country about Rome and committed great devastation, while the Florentines, with Nicolae Vitelli, besieged and took Città di Castello, expelling Lorenzo Vitelli, who held it for the Pope, and placing Nicolae in it as Prince. The Pope now found himself in very great straits, for the city of Rome was disturbed by factions and the country covered with enemies, but acting with courage and resolution, he appointed Roberto da Romino to take the command of his forces, and having sent for him to Rome, where his troops were assembled, told him how great would be the honour if he could deliver the Church from the King's forces, and the troubles in which it was involved, how greatly indebted, not only himself, but all his successors would be, and that not mankind merely, but God himself would be under obligations to him. The magnificent Roberto, having considered the forces and preparations already made, advised the Pope to raise as numerous a body of infantry as possible, which was done without delay. The Duke of Calabria was at hand, and constantly harassed the country up to the very gates of Rome, which so vows the indignation of the citizens, that many offered their assistance to Roberto, and all were thankfully received. The Duke, hearing of these preparations, withdrew a short distance from the city, that in the belief of finding him gone, the magnificent Roberto would not pursue him, and also in expectation of his brother Federigo, whom their father had sent to him with additional forces. But Roberto, finding himself nearly equal to the Duke in Calabria, and superior in infantry, marched boldly out of Rome and took a position within two miles of the enemy. The Duke, seeing his adversaries close upon him, found he must either fight or disgracefully retire. To avoid a retreat unbecoming a king's son, he resolved to face the enemy, and a battle ensued which continued from morning till midday. In this engagement, greater valor was exhibited on both sides and had been shown in any other during the last fifty years, upward of a thousand dead being left upon the field. The troops of the church were at length victorious, for her numerous infantry so annoyed the ducal cavalry, that they were compelled to retreat, and Alfonso himself would have fallen into the hands of the enemy had he not been rescued by a body of Turks, who remained at Otranto, and were at that time in his service. The lord of Romino, after this victory, returned triumphantly to Rome, but he did not long enjoy the fruit of his valor, for having, during the heat of the engagement, taken a copious draught of water, he was seized with a flux, of which he very shortly afterward died. The pope caused his funeral to be conducted with great pomp, and in a few days sent the Count Girolamo, toward Sitta du Castello, to restore it to Lorenzo, and also endeavour to gain Romino, which being by Roberto's death left to the care of his widow and a son who was quite a boy, his holiness thought might be easily won. And this certainly would have been the case, if the lady had not been defended by the Florentines, who opposed him so effectively as to prevent his success against both Castello and Romino. While these things were in progress at Rome and in Romagna, the Venetians took possession of Figuarolo and crossed the pole with their forces. The camp of the Duke of Milan, and the Marquis was in disorder, for the Count of Urbino having fallen ill, was carried to Bologna for his recovery, but died. Thus the Marquis's affairs were unfortunately situated, while those of the Venetians gave them increasing hopes of occupying Ferrara. The Florentines and the King of Naples used their utmost endeavours to gain the pope to their views, and not having succeeded by force, they threatened him with the Council, which had already been summoned by the Emperor to assemble at Barl, and by means of the imperial ambassadors and the cooperation of the leading cardinals, who were desirous of peace, the pope was compelled to turn his attention toward effecting the pacification of Italy. With this view, at the instigation of his fears, and with the conviction that the aggrandizement of the Venetians would be the ruin of the Church and of Italy, he endeavoured to make peace with the League, and sent his noncios to Naples, where a treaty was concluded for five years between the Pope, the King, the Duke of Milan, and the Florentines, with an opening for the Venetians to join them if they thought proper. When this was accomplished, the Pope intimated to the Venetians that they must desist from war against Ferrara. They refused to comply, and made preparations to prosecute their design, with greater vigor than they had hitherto done, and having routed the forces of the Duke and the Marquis at Argenta, they approached Ferrara so closely as to pitch their tents in the Marquis's Park. The League found they must no longer delay rendering him efficient assistance, and ordered the Duke of Calabria to march to Ferrara with his forces and those of the Pope, the Florentine troops also moving in the same direction. In order to direct the operations of the war with greater efficiency, the League assembled a diet at Cremona, which was attended by the Pope's Legate, the Count Girolamo, the Duke of Calabria, the Signore Lordovico's Forza, and Lorenzo de Medici, with many other Italian princes. And when the measures to be adapted were fully discussed, having decided that the best way of relieving Ferrara would be to affect the division of the enemy's forces, the League desired Lordovico to attack the Venetians on the side of Milan, but this he declined, for fear of bringing a war upon the Duke's territories, which it would be difficult to quell. It was therefore resolved to proceed with the United Forces of the League to Ferrara, and having assembled 4,000 cavalry and 8,000 infantry, they went in pursuit of the Venetians, whose force amounted to 2,200 men-arms and 6,000 foot. They first attacked the Venetian flotilla, then lying upon the river Po, which they routed with the loss of above 200 vessels, and took prisoner Antonio Justiniano, the purveyor of the fleet. The Venetians, finding all Italy united against them, endeavoured to support their reputation by engaging in their service the Duke of Lorenzo, who joined them with 200 men-arms, and having suffered so great a destruction of their fleet, they sent him, with part of their army, to keep their enemies at bay, and Roberto de San Severino to cross the Adda with the remainder, and proceed to Milan, where they were hoping to raise the cry of the Duke and the Lady Bono, his mother, hoping by this means to give a new aspect to affairs there, believing that Lodovico and his government were generally unpopular. The attack at first created great consternation, and roused the citizens in arms, but eventually produced consequences unfavourable to the designs of Venetians. For Lodovico was now desirous to undertake what he had refused to do at the entreaty of his allies. Leaving the Marquis of Ferrara to the defence of his own territories, he, with four thousand horse and two thousand foot, and joined by the Duke of Calabria with twelve thousand horse and five thousand foot, entered the territory of Bergamo, then Brescia. Next that of Barona and, in defiance of the Venetians, thrundered the whole country, for it was with the greatest difficulty that Roberto and his forces could save the cities themselves. In the meantime the Marquis of Ferrara had recovered a great part of his territories, for the Duke of Loren, by whom he was attacked. Having only at his command two thousand horse and one thousand foot, could not withstand him. Hence, during the whole of 1483, the affairs of the League were prosperous. The winter, having passed quietly over, the armies again took the field. To produce the greater impression upon the enemy, the League united the whole force, and would easily have deprived the Venetians of all they possessed in Lombardy, if the war had been conducted in the same manner as during the preceding year. For by the departure of the Duke of Loren, whose term of service had expired, they were reduced to six thousand horse and five thousand foot, while the allies had thirteen thousand horse and five thousand foot at their disposal. But as is often the case where several of equal authority are joined in command, their want of unity decided the victory to their enemies. Federigo, Marquis of Mantua, whose influence kept the Duke of Calabria and Lodovico's forza within bounds, being dead, differences arose between them, which soon became jealousies. Jovan Galeazzo, Duke of Milan, was now of an age to take the government on himself, and had married the daughter of the Duke of Calabria, who wished his son-in-law to exercise the government, not Lodovico. The latter, being aware of the Duke's design, studied to prevent him from affecting it. The position of Lodovico being known to the Venetians, they thought they could make it available for their own interests, and hoped, as they had often before done, to recover in peace all they had lost by war, and having secretly ended in a treaty with Lodovico, the terms were concluded in August 1484. When this became known to the rest of the Allies, they were greatly dissatisfied, principally because they found that the places won from the Venetians were to be restored, that they were allowed to keep Rovigo and the polisine, which they had taken from the Marquis of Ferrara, and besides this retain all the preeminence and authority over Ferrara itself which they had formally possessed. Thus it was evident to everyone, they had been engaged in a war which had cost vast sums of money, during the progress of which they had acquired honor, and which was included with disgrace, for the places rested from the enemy were restored without themselves recovering those they had lost. They were, however, compelled to ratify the treaty, on account of the unsatisfactory state of their finances, and because the fault and ambition of others had rendered them unwilling to put their fortunes to further proof.