 this nation to the policy of the good neighbor, the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and because he does so, respects the rights of others, the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of agreement in and with a world of neighbors. That declaration represented my purpose then, it represents my purpose now, but it represents more than a purpose now for it stands for a practice. To a measurable degree, the practice has succeeded and the whole world now knows that the United States cherishes no predatory ambitions, but less powerful nations know that they need not fear our strength. We seek no conquest, we stand for peace. In the whole world of the Western Hemisphere, our good neighbor policy has produced results that are especially heartening. The noblest monument to peace, the noblest monument to economic and social friendship in all the world is not a monument in bronze or stone, it is the boundary that unites the United States and Canada, 3,000 miles of friendship with no barbed wires, no guns, no soldiers, and no passport on the whole frontier. What made it? Mutual trust and to extend the same sort of mutual trust throughout the Americas was our aim. Can be sustained only by strupulous respect for the pledged word. In spite of all this, we have sought steadfastly to assist international movements to prevent war. We cooperated to the bitter end, and it was a bitter end in the work of the General Disarmament Conference. When it failed, we sought a separate treaty to deal with the manufacture of arms and the international traffic in arms. That proposal also came to naught. We participated again to the bitter end in a conference to continue naval limitations. And when it became evident that no general treaty could be signed because of the objections of certain other nations, we concluded with Great Britain and France a conditional treaty of qualitative limitations, which much to my regret already show signs of ineffectiveness. We shunned political commitments which might entangle us in foreign wars. We avoid connection with the political activities of the League of Nations. But I am glad to say that we have cooperated wholeheartedly in the social and humanitarian work at Geneva, part of the world effort to control traffic in narcotics, to improve international health, to help child welfare, to eliminate double taxation and to better working conditions and laboring hours throughout the world. No, we are not isolationists except in so far as we seek to isolate ourselves from war. Yet we must remember that so long as war exists on earth, there will be some danger even to the nation that most ardently desires peace. Danger that it also may be drawn into war. I have seen war. I have seen war seen. I have seen blood running from the wounded. I have seen men coughing out their gas lungs. I have seen the dead in the mud. I have seen cities destroyed. I have seen 200 limping, exhausted men come out of line. The survivors of a regiment of 1,000 that went forward 48 hours before. I have seen children starving. I have seen the agony of mothers and wives. I hate war. And I shall pass on numbered hours thinking and planning how war may be kept from the United States of America. I wish I could keep war from all nations. But that is beyond my power. I can at least make certain that no act of the United States helps to produce or to promote war. I can at least make clear that the conscience of America revolts against war and that any nation that provokes war forfeits the sympathy of the people of the United States. How many causes that produce war? The ancient hatred, turbulent frontiers, the legacy of all forgotten far off things and battles long ago. There are new born fanaticism, convictions on the part of certain people that they have become the unique depositories of ultimate truth and right. The clear that our present policy and the measures passed by the Congress would in the event of a war on some other continent reduce war profits which would otherwise accrue to American citizens. Industrial and agricultural production for a war market may give immense fortune to a few. But for the nation of the whole, we know that it produces disaster. It was the prospect of war profits that made our farmers in the West flower prairie land that ought never to have been plowed but should have been left for grazing cattle. And today we're reaping the harvest of those war profits in the dust storms that have devastated those war cloud fields. It was the prospect of war profits that caused the expansion of monopoly and unjustified expansion of industry and a price level so high that the normal relationships between debtor and creditor was destroyed. Nevertheless, if war should break out again in another continent, let us not blink the fact that we would find in this country thousands of Americans who seeking immediate riches, whose gold would attempt to break down or evade our neutrality, would get wide publicity by methods that you can understand as readily as I do, that if they could produce and ship this and that and the other article to belligerent nations, the unemployed of America would all find work. They would tell you that if they could extend credit to a warring nation, that credit would be used in the United States to build homes and factories and pay our debt. They would tell you that America once more would capture the trade of the world. My friends, it would be hard to resist that trauma. It would be hard for many Americans, I fear, to look beyond, to realize the inevitable penalties, the inevitable day of reckoning that comes from a false prosperity. To resist the trauma of that greed, if war should come, would require the unswerving support of all Americans who love peace. If we face the choice, the choice of profits or peace, this nation will answer. This nation must answer. We chose peace. It is the duty of all of us, each and every one of us, men, women and children, to encourage such a body of public opinion throughout this nation that the answer will be clear and for all practical purposes unanimous. Into the great war in 1914 and eventually engulf us and many other nations. We can keep out of war if those who watch and decide have a sufficiently detailed understanding of international affairs to make certain that the small decisions of each day do not lead toward war. And if at the same time they possess the courage to say no to those who selfishly or unwisely would get us into war. All the nations in the world today, we are in many ways most singularly blessed. Our closest neighbors are good neighbors. And if there are remote nations that wish us not good but ill, they know that we are strong. They know that we can and will defend ourselves and defend our neighborhood. They know that we seek to dominate no other nation. That we ask no territorial expansion. That we oppose imperialism. And that we desire reduction in world armaments. We believe in democracy. We believe, we believe in freedom. And we believe in peace. The nation of the world, the hand class of the good neighbor. Let those look us in the eye.