 Book two continued of the history of Britain by John Milton. This LibriVox recording is in the public domain, recording by Thomas Copeland. I affect not set speeches in a history, unless known for certain to have been spoken in effect as they are written, nor then unless they are worth rehearsal, and to invent such, though eloquently as some historians have done, is an abuse of posterity, raising in them that read other conceptions of those times in persons than were true. Much less, therefore, do I purpose here or elsewhere to copy out tedious orations without decorum, though in their authors composed ready to my hand. Either, too, what we have heard of Cassibilan, Togodamnus, Venusius, and Characticus have been full of magnanimity, soberness, and martial skill. But the truth is that in this battle and whole business, the Britons never more plainly manifested themselves to be right barbarians. No rule, no foresight, no forecast, experience, or estimation, either of themselves or of their enemies. Such confusion, such impotence, as seemed like as not to a war, but to the wild hurry of a distracted woman with as mad accrue at her heels. Or Suetonius, contemning their unruly noises and fierce looks, heartens his men but to stand close a while and strike manfully this headless rabble that stood nearest, the rest would be a purchase rather than a toil. And so it fell out, for the legion, when they saw their time bursting out like a violent wedge, quickly broke and dissipated what opposed them. All else held only out there next to the slayer. For their own carts and wagons were so placed by themselves as left them but little room to escape between. The Romans slew all. Men, women, and the very drawing horses lay heaped along the field in a gory mixture of slaughter. About four score thousand Britons are said to have been slain on the place. The enemy scares four hundred, and not many more wounded, who are to see a poisoned herself or as others say, sickened and died. She was of stature big and tall, a visage grim and stern, harsh of voice, her hair of a bright color flowing down to her hips. She wore a plighted garment of diverse colors with a great golden chain, buttoned over all a thick robe. Gildus calls her the crafty lioness and leaves an ill fame upon her doings. One sets down otherwise the order of this fight, and that the field was not one without much difficulty, nor without intention of the Britons to give another battle, had not the death of where to see her come between. Albeit, Suetonius, to preserve discipline and to dispatch the relics of war, lodged with all the army in the open field, which was supplied out of Germany with a thousand horse and ten thousand foot. These dispersed to winter and with incursions to waste those countries that stood out. But to the Britons, famine was a worse affliction, having left off during this uproar to till the ground, and made reckoning to serve themselves on the provisions of their enemy. Nevertheless, those nations that were yet untamed, hearing of some discord risen between Suetonius and the new procurator, Pasichianus, were brought but slowly to terms of peace, and the rigor used by Suetonius on them that yielded taught them the better course to stand on the defense. For it is certain that Suetonius, though else a worthy man, overproud of his victory gave too much way to his anger against the Britons. Pasichian, therefore, sending such word to Rome that these severe proceedings would beget an endless war, Polyclotus, no Roman but a courtier, was sent by Nero to examine how things went. He admonishing Suetonius to use more mildness awed the army, and to the Britons gave matter of laughter, who so much even till then were nursed up in their native liberty as to wonder that so great a general with his whole army should be at the rebuke and ordering of a court servitor. But Suetonius, a while after having lost a few galleys on the shore, was bid resign his command to Petronius Terpidianus, who, not provoking the Britons nor by them provoked, was thought to have pretended the love of peace through what indeed was his love with ease and slow. Trebellius Maximus followed his steps, usurping the name of gentle government to any remissness or neglect of discipline, which brought in first license, next disobedience into his camp, incensed against him partly for his covetousness, partly by the incitement of Roshus Chylius, legate of a legion, with whom formerly disagreeing, now that civil war began in the empire, he fell to open discord, charging him with disorder and sedition, and him, Chylius, with peeling and defrauding the legions of their pay. In so much that Trebellius, hated and deserted of the soldiers, was content a while to govern with base and treaty, and forced at length to fly the land, which, notwithstanding, remained in good quiet, governed by Chylius and the other legion of the legion, both faithful to Vitelius, then emperor, who sent hitherto Vectius Bolanos, under whose lenity, though not tainted with other fault, against the Britons nothing was done. Nor, in their own discipline, reformed. Petilius Correolis, by appointment of Vespasian, succeeding, had to do with the populous brigantes in many battles, and some of those not unbloody, for, as we heard before, it was Venusius, who, even to these times, held them tack, both himself remaining to the end unbanquished, and some part of his country not so much as reached. It appears also by several passages in the history of Tacitus, that no small matter of British forces were commanded over sea, the year before, to serve in those bloody wars between Otho and Vitelius, Vitelius and Vespasian contending for the empire. To Correolis succeeded Julius Frontinus in the government of Britain, note, post Christ 79, return to text, who, by taming the sealures of the people warlike, and strongly inhabiting, augmented much his reputation. But Julius Agricola, whom Vespasian in his last year sent hither, trained up from his youth in the British wars, extended with victories the Roman limit beyond all his predecessors. His coming was in the midst of summer, and the Ordovices, to welcome the new general, had hewn in pieces a whole squadron of horse, which lay upon their bounds, few escaping. Agricola, who perceived that the noise of this defeat had also in the province, desirous of novelty, stirred up new expectations, resolves to be beforehand with the danger, and drawing together the choice of his legions with a competent number of German auxiliaries, not being met by the Ordovices who kept the hills, himself in the head of his men, hunts them up and down through difficult places, almost to the final extirpation of that whole nation. With the same current of success, what Paulinus had left unfinished, he conquers in the Isle of Mona, where the islanders altogether fearless of his approach, whom they knew to have no shipping, when they saw themselves invaded on a sudden by the auxiliaries, whose country use had taught them to swim over with horse and arms, were compelled to yield. This gained Agricola much opinion, who at his very entrance, a time which others bestowed of course in hearing compliments and congratulations, had made such early progress into laborious and hardest enterprises. But by far not so famous was Agricola in bringing war to a speedy end, as in cutting off the causes from whence war rises. For he, knowing that the end of war was not to make way for injuries in peace, began reformation from his own house, permitted not his attendants and followers to sway, or have to do it all, in public affairs. Lays on with equality the proportions of corn and tribute that were imposed, takes off exactions and the fees of encroaching officers heavier than the tribute itself. For the countries had been compelled before to sit and wait the opening of the public granaries, and both to sell and to buy their corn at what rate the publicans thought fit. The purveyors also commanding when they pleased to bring it in, not to the nearest, but still to the remotest places, either by the compounding of such as would be excused, or by causing a dearth where none was made a particular gain. These grievances and the like he in the time of peace removing, brought peace into some credit, which before, since the Romans coming had as ill name as war. The summer following, Titus being then emperor, he so continually within roads, disquieted the enemy over all the aisle, and after terror, so endured them with his gentle demeanor, that many cities, which till that time would not bend gave hostages, admitted garrisons, and came in voluntarily. The winter he spent all in worthy actions, teaching and promoting like a public father the institutes and customs of civil life. The inhabitants rude and scattered, and by that the proaner to war, he so persuaded to build houses, temples, and seats of justice. And by praising the forward, quickening the slow, assisting all, turned the name of necessity into an emulation. He caused moreover the nobleman's sons to be bred up in liberal arts, and by preferring the wits of Britain before the studies of Gallia, brought them to affect the Latin eloquence, who before hated the language. Then with the Roman fashions imitated, and the gown. After a while, the incitements also, and materials of vice, and voluptuous life, proud buildings, baths, and the elegance of banqueting, which the foolishers sort called civility, but was indeed a secret art to prepare them for bondage. Spring appearing, he took the field, and with a prosperous expedition, wasted as far northward as the frith of Taos, the countries of all that obeyed not, with such a terror, as he went, that the Roman army, though much hindered by tempestuous weather, had the leisure to build forts and castles where they pleased, none daring to oppose them. Besides, Agricola had this excellence in him, so providently to choose his places where to fortify, as not another general then alive. No sconce or fortress of his race was ever known either to have been forced, or yielded up, or quitted. Out of these, impregnable by siege, or in that case, duly relieved, with continual eruptions, he so prevailed that the enemy, whose manner was in winter to regain what in summer he had lost, was now alike in both seasons kept short and straightened. For these exploits then esteemed so great and honorable, Titus, in whose reign they were achieved, was for the fifteenth time saluted emperator, and of him, Agricola received triumphal honors. The fourth summer, Domitian then ruling the empire, he spent in settling and confirming what the year before he had traveled over with a running conquest. And had the valor of his soldiers been answerable, he would have reached that year as was thought the utmost bounds of Britain. For Glota and Bodotia now done Britain and the frith of Edinburgh, two opposite arms of the sea, divided only by a neck of land, and all the creeks and inlets on this side were held by the Romans, and the enemy was driven, as it were, into another island. In his fifth year, note, post Christ 83, returned to text, he passed over into the Orcades, as we may probably guess, and other Scotch Isles, discovering and subduing nations till then unknown. He gained also with his forces that part of Britain which faces Ireland, as aiming also to conquer that island, where one of the Irish kings driven out by civil wars coming to him, he both gladly received and retained him as against a fit time. The summer ensuing on a mistrust that the nations beyond Bodotia would generally rise and fillet the passages by land, he caused his fleet, making a great show to bear along the coast and up the friths and harbours, joining most commonly at night on the same shore, both land and sea forces with mutual shouts and loud greetings. At sight were of the Britons, not one to see their seas so ridden, were much daunted. I'll be at the Caledonians, note, post Christ 84, returned to text, with great preparation and by rumor as of things unknown, much greater, taking arms and of their own accord beginning war by the assault of sundry castles sent back some of their fear to the Romans themselves. And there were of the commanders who cloaking their fear under show of sage advice, counseled the general to retreat back on this side of the trip. He and meanwhile having intelligence that the enemy would fall on him in many bodies, divided also his army into three parts, which advantaged the Britons quickly spying, and on a sudden uniting, but before they had disjoined, a sale by night with all their forces that part of the Roman army, which they knew to be the weakest and breaking in upon the camp, surprised between sleep and fear, had begun some execution. When Agricola, who had learned what way the enemies took, and followed them with all speed, sending before him the lightest of his horse and foot to charge the behind, the rest as they came on to a fright them with clamor. So applied them without respite, that by the approach of day, the Roman ensign glittering all about had encompassed the Britons, who now, after a sharp fight in the very ports of the camp, betook them to their wanted refuge, the woods and vans, pursued awhile by the Romans. That day else, in all appearance, had ended the war. The legions, re-encouraged by this event, they also now boasting, who had lately trembled, cry all to be led on as far as there was British ground. The Britons also, not acknowledging the loss of that day to have been due to the Roman valor, but to the policy of their captain, abated nothing of their stoutness, but arming their youth, conveying their wives and children to places of safety, infrequent assemblies and by solemn covenants bound themselves to mutual assistance against the common enemy. About the same time a cohort of Germans, having slain their centurion with other Roman officers in a mutiny, and for fear of punishment fled on shipboard, launched forth in three light galleys without pilot. And by tide or weather carried round about the coast, using piracy where they landed while their ships held out, and as their skills served them, with various fortune, were the first discoverers to the Romans that Britain was an island. Note, post Christ 85, return to text. The following summer, Agricola, having before sent his navy to hover on the coast, and with sundry and uncertain landings to divert and disunite the Britons, himself with a power best appointed for expedition, wherein also were many Britons whom he had long tried both valued and faithful, marches onward to the mountain Grandviers, where the Britons, to the number of about 30,000, were now lodged and still increasing. Four, neither would their old men, so many as were yet vigorous and lusty, be left at home, long practiced in war, and everyone adorned with some badge or cognizance of his warlike deeds long ago, of whom Galgacus, both by birth and merit, the prime leader of their courage, though of itself hot and violent, is, by his rough oratory and detestation of servitude of the Roman yoke, said to have added much more eagerness of fight, testified by their shouts and barbarous applause. As much did on the other side, Agricola exhort his soldiers to victory and glory. As much soldiers by his firm and well-grounded exhortations were all on a fire to the onset, but first he orders them on this sort. Of 8,000 auxiliary foot, he makes his middle ward. On the wings, 3,000 horse, the legions as a reserve stood in array before the camp. Either to seize the victory won without their own hazard, or to keep up the battle if it should need. The British powers on the hillside, as might best serve for show and terror, stood in their battalions. The first on even ground, the next rising behind as the hill ascended. The field between, wrong with the noise of horsemen and chariots, ranging up and down. Agricola, doubtingly overwinged, stretches out his front, though somewhat with the thinnest, and as much that many advise to bring up the legions. Yet he not altering a light from his horse and stands on foot before the insons. The fight began aloof, and the Britons had a certain skill with their broad swashing swords and short bucklers, either to strike aside or to bear off the darts of their enemies, and with all to send back showers of their own. Until, Agricola, discerning that those little targets and unwieldy glaives ill-pointed would soon become ridiculous against the thrusts and clothes, commanded three Batavian cohorts and two of the Tungrians exercised an arm for close fight to draw up and come to handy strokes. The Batavians, as they were commanded, running in upon them, now with their long tucks thrusting at the face, now with their piked targets bearing them down, had made good riddance of them that stood below, and for haste omitting further execution, began a pace to advance uphill, seconded now by all the other cohorts. Meanwhile the horsemen fly the charioteers mix themselves to fight among the foot, where many of their horse also fallen in disorderly, were now more a mischief to their own than before, a terror to their enemies. The battle was a confused heap, the ground unequal, manhorses, chariots, crowded pel-mel, sometimes in little room, by and by and large, fighting, rushing, felling, overbearing, overturning. They on the hill, which were not yet come to blows, perceiving the fewness of their enemies, came down a main, and had enclosed the Romans and the wares behind, but that agricola, with a strong body of horse, which he reserved for such a purpose, repelled them back as fast, and others drawn off the front were commanded to wheel about, and charge them on the backs. Then, with the Romans clearly masters, they follow, they wound, they take, and to take more kill whom they take. The Britons, in whole troops with weapons in their hands, one while fleeing the pursuer, are none without weapons desperately running upon the slayer, but all of them, when once they get the woods to their shelter, with fresh boldness made head again, and the forwardest, on a sudden they turned and slew, the rest so hampered, as had not agricola, who was everywhere at hand, sent out his reddiest cohorts, with a part of his horse, to alight and scour the woods, they had received a foil in the midst of victory. But following with a close and orderly pursuit, the Britons fled again, and were totally scattered, till night and weariness ended the chase. And of them that day ten thousand fell, of the Romans, three hundred and forty, among whom Aulus Atticus, the leader of a cohort, carried with heat of youth, and the fierceness of his horse, too far on. The Romans, jockened of this victory and the spoil they got, spent the night, the vanquished wandering about the field, both men and women, some lamenting, some calling their lost friends, or carrying off their wounded, others forsaking, some burning their own houses. And it was certain enough that there were who, with a stern compassion, laid violent hands on their wives and children, to prevent the more violent hands of hostile injury. Next day appearing manifested more plainly the greatness of their loss received. Everywhere silence, desolation, houses burning afar off, not a man seen, all fled, and doubtful wither. Such words the scouts bringing in from all parts, and the summer now spent, no fit season to disperse a war, the Roman general leads his army among the Horrestians, by whom hostage is being given he commands his admiral with a sufficient navy to sail round the coast of Britain. Himself, with slow marches, that his delay in passing might serve to all those new conquered nations, bestows his army in their winter quarters. The fleet also, having fetched a prosperous and speedy compass about the isle, put in at the Haven Dritolensis, now Richburg near Sandwich, from whence it first set out. And now, like Leist, if not two years before, as is mentioned, the Romans might discover and subdue the isles of Orkney, which others, with less reason, following Eusebius and Erosius, attribute to the deeds of Claudius. These perpetual exploits abroad won him wide fame, with the mission, under whom great virtue was as punishable as open crime, won him hatred, for he, maligning the renown of these his acts, in show decreed him honors, in secret devised his ruin. Note, post Christ 86, return to text. Agricola, therefore, commanded home for doing too much of what he was sent to do, left the province to his successor, quiet and secure. Whether he, as his conjecture, were Celestius Lucullus, or before him, some other, or Suetonius, only names him Legate of Britain under the mission, but further of him, or art else, done here until the time of Hadrian, is nowhere plainly to be found. Some gather by a preface intacitus to the book of his histories, that what Agricola won here, was soon after by Domitian, either through want of valor lost, or through envy neglected. And juvenile, the poet, speaks of our Varagas in these days, and not before, King of Britain, who stood so well in his resistance, as not only to be talked of at Rome, but to be held matter of a glorious triumph, if Domitian could take him captive, or overcome him. Then also Claudius Rufina, the daughter of a Britain, and wife of Pudence, a Roman senator, lived at Rome, famous by the verse of Marshall for beauty, wit, and learning. The next we hear of Britain is that when Trajan was emperor, it revolted and was subdued. But Hadrian, next entering on the empire, they soon unsubdued themselves. Julius Severus, Seth Dion, then governed the island, a prime soldier of that age. He being called away to suppress the Jews, then in tumult, left things at such a pass, as caused the emperor in person to take a journey Note, post Christ, 122, returned to text. Where many things he reformed, and as Augustus and Tiberius counseled to confine the empire within moderate bounds, he raised a wall with great stakes driven in deep, and fastened together in manner of a strong mound four score miles in length, to divide what was Roman from what was barbarian, as his manner was to do in other frontiers of his empire, where great rivers divided not the limits. No ancient author names the situation of this wall, but old inscriptions and the ruin itself, yet testifies where it went along between Solway Frith by Carlisle and the mouth of the river Tyne. Hadrian, having quieted the island, took it for honor to be titled on his coin The Restorer of Britain. In his time also Priscus Licinius, as appears by an old inscription, was lieutenant Antoninus Pius reigning, the brigantes ever leased patient of foreign domination, breaking in upon Genunile, which Camden guesses to be Gwynethia, or North Wales, part of the Roman province, were with the loss of much territory driven back by Lolius Urbicus, who drew another wall of turfs, in likelihood much beyond the former, and as Camden proves, between the frith of Dunburton and of Edinburgh, to hedge out incursions from the north. And Seus Saturnius, as is collected from the digests, note, post Christ 144, return to text. At charge here of the Roman navy. With like success did Marcus Aurelius, note post Christ 162, return to text, the next emperor, by his legate Calpherius Agricola, finish here a new war, comodus after him obtaining the empire. In his time, as among so many different accounts may seem most probable, Lucius, a supposed king in some part of Britain, was the first of any king in Europe, that we read of, that received the Christian faith, and this nation, the first that by public authority professed it. A high and singular grace from above, if sincerity and perseverance went along, otherwise an empty boast, and to be feared the verifying of that true sentence the first shall be last. And indeed the praise of this action is more proper to King Lucius, than common to the nation, whose first professing by public authority was no real commendation of their true faith, which had appeared more sincere and praiseworthy, whether in this or any other nation, if it had been first professed without public authority, or against it, as it might else have been but output conformity. Lucius, in our Monmouth story, is made the second by descent from Marius. Marius, the son of Arviricus, is there said to have overthrown the Picts, then first coming out of Scythia, and to a slain Roderick, their king, and in sign of victory to have set up a monument of stone in the country since called West Marius. But these things have no foundation. Coilus, the son of Marius, all his reign, which was just and feasible, holding great amity with the Romans, left it hereditary to Lucius. He, if Beda or not, living near five hundred years after, yet our ancientest author of this report, sent to Eleutherius, then Bishop of Rome. Note, post-Priest 181, returned to text. An improbable letter, as some of the contents discover, desiring that, by his appointment, he and his people might receive Christianity. From whom two religious doctors, named in our Chronicles Thaganus and Deruvianus, being forthwith sent, are said to have converted and baptized well nigh the whole nation, then Lucius to have had the surname of Levermauer, that is to say Great Light. Yet then, first, was the Christian faith here known, but even from the latter days of Tiberius, as Gildus confidently affirms, had been taught and propagated. And that is some say by Simon Zalotius, as others say by Joseph of Arimathea, Barnabas, Paul, Peter, and their prime disciples. But of these matters, variously written and believed, ecclesiastical historians can best determine, as the best of them do with little credit given to the particulars of such uncertain relations. As for Lucius, they write that after a long reign he was buried in Gloucester, but dying without issue, left the kingdom in great commotion. My truer testimony we find that the greatest war which in those days visit Commodus was in this island. For the nation's northward, not but standing the wall raised to keep them out, breaking in upon the Roman province wasted wide, and both the army and the leader that came against them, holy routed and destroyed, which put the emperor in such a fear as to dispatch hither one of his best commanders, Olpius Marcellus. Note, post Christ 183. Return to text. He, a man endowed with all nobleness of mind, frugal and temperate, mild and magnanimous, in war, bold and watchful, invincible against lucre and the assault of bribes, but with his valour and these his other virtues quickly ended this war that looked so dangerous, and had himself like to have been ended by the peace which he brought home for presuming to be so worthy and so good, and the envy of so worthless and so bad an emperor. After his departure, the Roman legions fell to sedition among themselves. Fifteen hundred of them went to Rome in the name of the rest, and were so terrible to Commodus himself, as that to please them he delivered up to their care, Harenus, the captain of his guard, for having in the British war removed their leaders, who were senators, and in their places put those of the equestrian order. Notwithstanding which compliance, they endeavored here to set up another emperor against him, and Helveus Pyrtonax, note, post Christ 186 returned a text, who succeeded his governor, found it a work so difficult to appease them, that once, in the mutiny, he was left for dead among many slain, and though afterwards he severely punished the two Walters, was vain at length to seek a dismission from his charge. After him, Claudius Albinus took the government, but he, for having to the soldiers made an oration against Monarchy, by the appointment of Commodus was bid to resign to Junius Severus, note, post Christ 193 returned a text. But Albinus, in those troublesome times ensuing under the short reign of Pyrtonax and Didius Julianus, found means to keep in his hands the government of Britain. Although Septimius Severus, who next held the empire, sent Hither Heraclitus to displace him, but in vain. For Albinus, with all the British powers and those of Gaulia, met Severus about Lyon in France, and fought a bloody battle with him for the empire, though he was at last vanquished in slain. The government of Britain, Severus divided between two deputies, till then one legate was thought sufficient. The north he committed to various lupus, where the Metai rising in arms and the Caledonians, though they had promised to contract lupus, preparing to defend them, he was so hard beset that he was compelled to buy his peace and a few prisoners with great sums of money. But hearing that Severus had now brought to an end his other wars, he writes him plainly the state of things here, that the Britons of the north made war upon him, broke into the province, and harassed all the countries nigh them, so that there needed suddenly either more aid or the authority of Severus himself in person. Severus, though now much weakened with age and the gout, yet desires to leave some memorial of his warlike achievements here, as he had done in other places, and hoping also to withdraw by this means his two sons, from the pleasures of Rome, and his soldiers from idleness, sets out with a mighty power, and far sooner than could be expected arrives in Britain. Note, post Christ 203 returned to text. The northern people, much daunted with the report of so great forces brought over with him, and yet more preparing, send ambassadors to treat a peace and to excuse their former doings. The emperor, now loath to return home without some memorable thing done, whereby he might assume to his other titles the addition of Britannicus, delays his answer and quickens his preparations. Till in the end, when all things were in readiness to follow them, they are dismissed without effect. His principal care was to have many bridges laid over bogs and rotten moors that his soldiers might have to fight on sure footing, for it seems through lack of tillage the northern parts were then, as Ireland is at this day, and the inhabitants in like manner wanted to retire and defend themselves in such watery places, half naked. He also, being past Adrian's wall, note post Christ 209, return to text, cut down woods, made ways through hills, fastened and filled up unsound in plashy fens. Not with standing all this industry used, the enemy kept himself so cunningly within his best advantages and seldom appearing, so opportunally found his times to make eruptions upon the Romans, when they were most in straits and difficulties, sometimes training them on with a few cattle turned out, and when drawn within ambush cruelly handling them, so that many a time, when they were enclosed in the midst of slews and quagmires, they chose rather themselves to kill such as were faint and could not shift away than to leave them there prey to the Caledonians. Thus lost Severus, and by sickness in those Norse and places, no less than 50,000 men, and yet desisted not, though for weakness carried in a litter, till he had marched through with his army to the utmost northern verge of the Isle, and the Britons, offering peace, were compelled to lose much of their country which had not before been subject to the Romans. Note, post Christ 210, return to text. Severus, on the frontiers of what he had firmly conquered, builds a wall across the island from sea to sea, which one author judges the most magnificent of all his other deeds, and that he thence received the style of Britannicus, in length 132 miles. Merogeus adds it fortified with a deep trench, and between certain spaces many towers or battlements. The place whereof some will have to be in Scotland, the same which Lolius Urbicus had walled before. Others affirm it only Hadrian's work reedified. Both plead authorities and the ancient track get visible. But this I leave among the studious of these antiquities to be discussed more at large. While peace held, the Empress Julia, meeting on a time certain British ladies, and a discoursing with the wife of Argentecoxis, a Caledonian, cast out a scoff against the looseness of our island women, whose manner then was to use promiscuously the company of diverse men, whom strait the British women boldly thus answered, much better do we Britannes fulfill the work of nature than you Romans. We, with the best men accustomed openly, you, with the basest commit private adulteries. Whether she thought this answer might serve to justify the practice of her country, as when vices are compared the greater seems to justify the less, or whether the law and custom wherein she was bred had whipped out of her conscience the better dictated nature, and not convinced her of the shame, certain it is that whereas other nations used a liberty not unnatural for one man to have many wives, the Britannes, altogether as licentious but more absurd and preposterous in their license, had one or many wives in common among ten or twelve husbands, and those for the most part incestuously. But no sooner was Severus returned into the province than the Britannes take arms again, against whom Severus worn out with labors and infirmity sends Antoninus his eldest son, expressly commending him to spare neither sex nor age. But Antoninus, who had his wicked thoughts taken up with the contriving of his father's death, a safer enemy than a son, did the Britannes not much detriment, whereas Severus, more overcome with grief than any other malady, ended his life at York. Note, post Christ to 11, return to text. After whose decease Antoninus caracala his envious son, concluding peace with the Britannes, took hostages, and departed to Rome. The conductor of all this northern war, Scottish writer's name Donaldus, he of Monoth, Hulgentius, in the rest of his relation nothing worth. From hence the Roman Empire declining a pace, good historians growing scarce or lost, have left us little else but fragments for many years ensuing. Under Gordian the emperor, we find by the inscription of an altar stone, note, post Christ, 259, return to text. That nonius, Philippus, governed here. Under Galeanus we read that there was a strong and general revolt from the Roman legate. Of the 30 tyrants, which not long after took upon them the style of emperors, note, post Christ, 259, return to text. By many coins found among us, lolainus, victoriness, posthumus, the tetra-chi, and marias are conjectured to have risen or borne greats way in this island. Note, post Christ, 267, return to text. Benz Porphyrios, a philosopher then living, said that Britain was a soil fruitful of tyrants and is noted to be the first author that makes mention of the Scottish nation. While Probus was emperor, Bonifus, the son of a rhetorician, bred up as Spaniard, though by descent, a Briton, and a matchless drinker, nor much to be blamed if as they write he were still wisest in his cups, having attained in warfare to high honours and lapsely in his charge over the German shipping, willingly as was thought miscarried, trusting on his power with the Western armies, and joined with Prokulus, bore himself a while for emperor. But after a long and bloody fight at Cullen, vanquished by Probus, he hanged himself and gave occasion of a bready jest made on him for his much drinking. Here hangs a tankard, not a man. After this, Probus with much wisdom prevented a new rising here in Britain by the severe loyalty of Victorinus, a Moor, at whose entreaty he had placed here that governor which rebelled, or the emperor upgrading him with the disloyalty of the man whom he had commanded, Victorinus, undertaking to set all right again, haste slither and finding indeed the governor to intense addition by some contrivance not mentioned in the story slew him, whose name some imagine to be Cornelius Leleumus. They write also that Probus gave leave to the Spaniards, Gauls and Britons to plant vines and to make wine, and having subdued the vandals and Burgundians in a great battle, sent over many of them hither to inhabit, where they did good service to the Romans when any insurrection happened in the Isle. After whom Carus, emperor going against the Persians left Carinus, note post Christ 280, returned to text, one of his sons to govern among other western provinces this island with imperial authority. But him Dioclesian saluted emperor by the eastern armies overcame and slew. About which time Carousius, note post Christ 284, returned to text, a man of low parentage born in Minapia about the parts of Cleves and Girier who, passing through all military degrees, was made at length admiral of the Belgique and Armoric seas, then much invested by the Franks and Saxons. What he took from the pirates he neither restored to the owners nor accounted for it to the public, but enriched himself therewith and yet not scouring the seas but conniving rather at those sea robbers, he was grown at length too great a delinquent to be less than an emperor. Note, post Christ 285, returned to text. For fear and guiltiness in those days made emperors often of an merit and understanding that Maximilianus Herculius, Dioclesian's adopted son was come against him in Tugalia, passed over with the navy which he had made his own into Britain and possessed the island. There, note, post Christ 286, returned to text. He built a new fleet out of the Roman fashion, got into his power the legion that was left there in garrison and detained there other outlandish cohorts and listed the very merchants and factors of Gaglia and with the allurements of spoil invited great numbers of other barbarous nations to his part and trained them to the sea service wherein the Romans at that time were grown so out of skill that Carasius with his navy did it see what he listed robbing on every coast whereby Maximilian being able to come no nearer than the shore of Bologna was forced to conclude a peace with Carasius and yield him Britain as one fittest to guard the province there against inroads from the north. But not long after, note, post Christ 291 returned to text. Maximilian having assumed Constantius Chlorus to the dignity of Caesar sent him against Carasius who in the meanwhile had made himself strong both within the land and without. Gullford of Monmouth writes that he made the Picts his confederates to whom lately come out of Scythia he gave Albany to dwell in and it is observed that before his time the Picts are not known to have been anywhere mentioned and then first by Eumenius a rhetorician. He repaired and fortified the wall of Severus with seven castles and a roundhouse of smooth stone on the bank of Caran which river Sethneneus was of his name so-called. He built also a triumphal arch in remembrance of some victory there obtained. In France he held Gesserorica or Boulogne and all the Franks which had by his permission seated themselves in Belgium were at his devotion. But Constantius hasting into Gaulia besieges Boulogne and with stones and timber obstructing the port keeps out all relief that could be sent in by Carasius who, Air Constantius with the great fleet which he had prepared could arrive thither was slain treacherously note, post Christ 292 returned to text by Electus one of his friends who longed to step into his place when he during seven years and worthily as some say as others tyrannically had ruled the island. So much the more did Constantius prosecute that opportunity before Electus could well strengthen his affairs. And though in ill weather putting to sea with all urgency from several havens to spread the terror of his landing and the doubt were to expect him in a mist passing the British fleet unseen that lay scouting near the Isle of Wight no sooner got ashore but he fires his own ships to leave no hope of refuge but in victory. Electus also though now much dismayed transfers his fortune to a battle on the shore but encountered by Asclepiodotus captain of the Praetorian bands and desperately rushing on unmindful of ordering his men or bringing them all to fight save the accessories of his treason and his outlandish hirelings is overthrown and slain with little or no lust to the Romans but great execution on the Franks his body was found almost naked in the field for the purple robe he had thrown aside lest it should describe him unwilling to be found. The rest taking flight to London and purposing with the pillage of that city to escape by sea are met by another part of the Roman army whom the mist at sea disjoining had by chance brought thither and with a new slaughter chased to all the streets. The Britons their wives also in children with great joy went out to meet Constantius as one whom they acknowledged to be their deliverer from bondage and insolence. All this seems by the account given of it by Eumenius who was living at that time and was of Constantius's household to have been done in the course of one continued action. So also thinks Sigonius a learned writer though all others allow three years to the tyranny of electus. In these days were great store of workmen and excellent builders in this island whom after the alteration of things here the Eduans in Burgundy entertained to build their temples and public edifices. Diocletian having hitherto successfully used his valour against the enemies of his empire uses now his rage in a bloody persecution against his obedient and harmless Christian subjects. From the feeling whereof neither was this island though most removed far enough removed. Among them here who suffered gloriously Aaron and Julius of Caerron upon us but chiefly Albon of Aerellum were most renowned. The story of whose martyrdom soiled and worse martyred with the fabling zeal of some idle fanciers more fond of miracles than apprehensive of truth deserves not longer digression. Constantius after Diocletian dividing the empire with Galerius had Britain among his other provinces where either preparing for or returning with a victory from an expedition against the Caledonians he died at York. Note post Christ 306 return to text. His son Constantine who happily came post from Rome to Bologna just about the time Scythiumenius that his father was setting sail his last time hither and not long before his death was by him on his deathbed named and after his funeral by the whole army saluted emperor. There goes a fame and that seconded by most of our own historians though not those the ancientest that Constantine was born in this island and that his mother Helena was the daughter of Coilus of British Prince but this Prince Coilus could not surely be Coilus the father of King Lucius whose sister she must then be for that would make her be too old by a hundred years to be the mother of Constantine. But to save this incoherence another Coilus is feigned to be then Earl of Colchester. To this therefore the Roman authors gave no testimony except a passage or two in the Panagerics about the sense whereof much is argued. Other writers who lived nearest to those times clear the doubt and write him certainly born of a mean woman Helena the concubine of Constantius at Nicis in Dardanium. Note post Christ 307 return to text. Albeit ere his departure hence he seems to have had some bickering in the north which by reason of more urgent affairs being amicably composed he passes into Gaulia and after four years returns either to settle or to alter the state of things here until a new war against Maccentius called him back leaving Pacotianus his vice regent. He deceasing Constantine his eldest son enjoyed for his part of the empire with all the provinces that lay on this side the Alps this island also. Note post Christ 340 return to text. But falling to civil war with Constans his brother was by him slain who with his third brother Constantius coming into Britain seized it as victor. Against him rose Magnentius one of his chief commanders by some affirmed the son of a Britain he having gained on his side great forces contested with Constantius in many battles for the sole empire but vanquished in the end slew himself. Note post Christ 350 return to text. Somewhat before this time Gracianus Funarius the father of Valentinian afterwards emperor had chief command of those armies which the Romans kept here and the Aryan doctrine which then divided Christendom wrought also in this island no small disturbance. A land saith Gildus greedy of everything new steadfast in nothing. At last note post Christ 359 return to text. Constantius appointed a synod of more than 400 bishops to assemble at Arminian at the emperor's charges which the rest all refusing three only of the British poverty constraining them accepted. Though the other bishops among them offered to have borne their charges esteeming it more honourable to live on the public than to be obnoxious to any private purse. Doubtless and in generous mind and far above the presbyters of our age who like well to sit in assembly on the public stipend but liked not the poverty that caused these to do so. After this Martinus was deputed of the province who being offended with the cruelty which Paulus an inquisitor sent from Constantius exercised in his inquiry after those military officers who had conspired with Magnantius was himself laid hold on as an accessory at which enraged he runs at Paulus with his drawn sword but failing to kill him turns it on himself. Next to whom as may be guessed Ellipius was made deputy. In the meantime Julian whom Constantius had made Caesar having recovered much territory about the Rhine where the German inroads before had long insulted to relieve those countries most ruined causes 800 penises to be built and with them by frequent voyages plenty of corn to be fetched in from Britain which even then was the usual bounty of this soil to those parts as oft as French and Saxon pirates hindered not the transportation. While Constantius yet reigned the Scots and Picts breaking upon the northern confines Julian being at Paris sends over Lupicinus a well-tried soldier but a proud and covetous man who with the power of light armed Herulians Batavians and Mycians in the midst of winter sailing from Bologna arrives at Ritupiai seated on the opposite shore and comes to London to consult there about the war but soon after was recalled by Julian then chosen emperor under whom we read not of what happening here only that Palladius one of his great officers was hither banished this year Valentinian being emperor the Atticots Picts and Scots roving up and down and last the Saxons with perpetual landings and invasions harried the south coast of Britain slew Nectaridius who governed the sea borders and bulkobades with his forces by an ambush with which news Valentinian not a little perplexed sends first Severus high steward of his house and soon recalls him and then Juvenus who intimating the necessity of greatest supplies he sent at length Theodosius a man of tried valor and experience father to the first emperor of that name he note post Christ 364 returned a text with selected numbers out of the legions and cohorts crosses the sea from Bologna to Ritupiai from whence with the Batavians Arulians and other legions that arrived soon after he marches to London and dividing his forces into several bodies sets upon the dispersed and plundering enemy laden with spoil from whom recovering the booty which they led away and were forced to leave there with their lives he restores all to the right owners save a small portion to these weary soldiers and enters London victoriously which after having been for some time involved in many straits and difficulties was now revived as with a great deliverance the numerous enemy with whom he had to deal was of different nations and the war scattered which the Edocious getting daily some intelligence from fugitives and prisoners resolved to carry on by sudden parties and surprises rather than by set battles nor omits he to proclaim indemnity to such as would lay down their arms and accept a peace which brought in many yet all this not ending the work he requires that civilis a man of much uprightness might be sent him to be as deputy of the island and Delchitius a famous captain thus was the Edocious visit besetting with ambushers the roving enemy repressing his inroads restoring cities and castles to their former safety and defense laying everywhere the firm foundation of a long peace when Valentinus note post christ 368 returned a text a panonian or some great offense banished into Britain conspiring with certain exiles and soldiers against the Edocious whose worth he dreaded as the only obstacle to his greater design of gaining the isle into his power is discovered and with his chief accomplices delivered over to condine punishment against the rest the Edocious with a wise lenity suffered not in position to proceed too rigorously lest the fear thereof appertaining to so many occasion might arise of new trouble in a time so unsettled this done he applies himself to reform things out of order raises on the confines many strongholds and in them appoints due and diligent watches and so reduced all things out of danger that the province which but lately was under the command of the enemy became now holy roman and received the new name of Valentia from Valentinian and the city of London that of Augusta thus the Edocious nobly acquitting himself in all affairs with general applause of the whole province accompanied to the seaside returns to Valentinian who about five years after sent hither frau marias a king of the almonds note post christ 373 returned a text with the authority of a tribune over his own country forces which then both for number and good service were in high esteem against Gratian who succeeded in the western empire maxillus a spaniard and one who had served in the British wars with the younger the Edocious for he also either with his father or not long after him seems to have done something in this island and now general of the roman armies here either discontented that the Edocious was preferred before him to the empire or constrained by the soldiers who hated Gratian assumes the imperial purple note post christ 383 returned a text and having attained victory against the scots and pics with the flower and strength of britain passes into france there slays Gratian and without much difficulty during the space of five years note post christ 388 returned a text obtains his part of the empire but is overthrown at length and slain by the Edocious with whom perishing most of his followers or not returning out of armorica which maximus had given them to possess the south of britain but this means exhausted over youth and what there was of roman soldiers on the confines drawn off became a prey to savage invasions note post christ 388 returned a text of scots from the irish seas of saxons from the german of pics from the north against them first chrysanthus the son of marcian a bishop made deputy of britain by the Edocious demeaned himself worthy note post christ 389 returned a text then stillico a man of great power whom the Edocious dying left protector of his son honorius either came in person or sending over sufficient aid repressed them and as it seems new fortified the wall against them but that legion being called away when the roman armies from all parts hastened to relieve honorius note post christ 402 returned a text then besieged in Asta of piedmont by alaric the goth britain was left exposed as before to those barbarous robbers lest any wonder how the scots came to infest britain from the irish sea it must be understood that the scots not many years before had been driven all out of britain by maximus and their king eugenius slain and fight as their own annals report whereby it seems that wandering up and down without any certain seat they lived by scumming those seas and shores as pirates but more authentic writers confirm us that the scots whoever they might be originally came first into ireland and dwelt there and named it scotia long before the north of britain took that name erosius who lived at this time writes that ireland was then inhabited by scots about this time note post christ 405 returned a text though troublesome belagius in britain found the church and is largely writ against by st austin but the roman powers which were called into italy when once the fear of alerc was over made return into several provinces and perhaps victorinas of toloza whom rutilius the poet much commands might be then prefect of this ireland if it were not he whom stilico sent here mucannon writes that endeavoring to reduce the pics into a province he gave the occasion of their calling back furgusius and the scots who maximus with their help had quite driven out of the ireland and indeed the verses of that poet speak him to have been active in those parts but the time which is assigned him later by bucanon after grassianus municeps by camden after constantine the tyrant accords not without which follows in the plain course of history note post christ 407 returned a text for the vandals having broke in and wasted all belgia even to those places from whence easiest passages into britain the roman forces here doubting to be suddenly invaded were all in uplaw and in tumultuous manner set up marcus who it may seem was then deputy but him not found agreeable to their heady courses they as hastily kill for the giddy favor of a mutiny route is as dangerous as their fury the like they do by grassian a british roman in four months advanced adored and destroyed there was among them a common soldier whose name was constantine with him on a sudden so taken they are upon the conceit put in them of the luckiness in his name as without other visible merit to create him emperor it fortune that the man had not his name for naught so well he knew who they hold and make good use of an unexpected offer he therefore with a weakened spirit to the extent of his fortune delaying his mind which in his mean condition before they contracted and shrunk up orders with good advice his military affairs and with the whole force of the province and what a british was able to bear arms he passed into france aspiring at least to an equal share with an aureus in the empire where by the valor of eudubicus a frank and gerontius of britain and partly by persuasion gaining all in his way he came to our with like felicity by his son constans whom of a monk he had made a Caesar and by the conduct of gerontius he reduces all spain to his obedience but constans after this displacing gerontius the affairs of constantine soon went to wreck for he by this means alienated set up maximus one of his friends against him in spain note post christ 409 return to text and passing into france took Vienna by assault and having slain constans in that city calls on the vandals against constantine who by him incited breaking forward overrun most part of france but when constantius comes the emperor's general with a strong power came out of italy gerontius deserted by his own forces retires into spain where also growing into contempt with the soldiers after his flight out of france by whom his house in the night was beset having first with a few of his servants defended himself valiantly in slain above 300 though when his darts and other weapons were spent he might have escaped at a private door as all his servants did not enduring to leave his wife nonikia whom he loved to the violence of an enraged crew he first cuts off the head of his friend allenus as was agreed next his wife though loathe and delaying yet by her in treated and importuned refusing to outlive her husband he dispatches for which her resolution so zomenous an ecclesiastic writer gives her high praise both as a wife and as a christian last of all against himself he turns his sword but missing the mortal place with his poneyard finishes the work thus far is pursued the story of a famous britain related negligently by our other historians as for constantine his ending was not answerable to his setting out for he with his other son julian being besieged by constantius in oral and mistrusting the change of his wanted success to save his head poorly turns priest but that not availing him is carried into italy and there put to death having four years act to the emperor while these things were doing the britains at home destitute of roman aid and the chief strength of their own youth that went first with maximus then with constantine not returning home vexed and harassed where their wanted enemies had sent messages to onorius but he at that time not being able to defend rome itself which in the same year was taken by allurec advises them by his letter to consult how best they might provide for their own safety and acquits them of the roman jurisdiction they therefore thus relinquished and by all right the government relapsing into their own hands thenceforth betook themselves to live after their own laws defending their bounds as well as they were able and the amoricans who not long after were called to britains of france followed their example thus expired this great empire of the romans first in britain and soon after in italy itself having borne chief sway in this island though never thoroughly subdued or all at once in subjection if we reckon from the coming in of juda caesar to the taking of rome by allurec in which year onorius wrote those letters of discharge into britain for the space of 462 years and with the empire fell also what before in this western world was chiefly roman learning valor eloquence history civility and even language itself all these together as it were with equal pace diminishing and decay henceforth we are to steer by another sort of authors near enough in situation to the things they write of as they happened in their own country if that would serve and in time not much related some of them being of equal age but in expression barbarous and to say how judicious my suspend of oil this we must expect in civil matters to find them dubious relators and still to the best advantage of what they term holy church meaning indeed themselves in most other matters of religion blind astonished and struck with superstition as with a planet in one word monks yet these guides where can be had no better must be followed in gross it may be true enough in circumstances every reader as his judgment guides him may reserve his faith or bestow it but so different a state of things requires a several relation end of the second book of the history of Britain by John Melton recording by Thomas Copeland the third book of the history of Britain by John Melton this LibriVox recording is in the public domain recording by Thomas Copeland the third book this third book having to tell of accidents as various and exemplary as the intermission or change of a government have anywhere brought for may deserve attention more than common and repay it with like benefit to them who can judiciously read considering especially that the late civil broils here in England had cast us into a condition not much unlike to what the Britons then were in when the imperial jurisdiction departing hence left them to the sway of their own councils which times by comparing seriously with these latter and that confused anarchy with this interrain we may be able from such two remarkable terms of state producing like effects about us to raise a knowledge of ourselves both great and weighty by judging hence what kind of men the Britons generally are in matters of so high enterprise how by nature industry or custom fitted to attempt to undergo matters of so main consequence or if it be a high point of wisdom in every private man much more is it in a nation to know itself rather than puffed up with vulgar flatteries and edcomiums for want of self-knowledge to enterprise rashly and come off miserably in great undertakings note the following paragraphs marked with inverted commas have been omitted in all the former editions of our author's history of Britain except that published in the collection of his works 1738 second volume folio and the subsequent edition in quarter returned to text of those who swayed most in the late troubles few words as to this point may suffice they had arms leaders and successes to their wish but to make use of so great an advantage was not their skill to other causes therefore and not to the want of force or war like manhood in the Britons both those and these lately we must impute to the ill husbandry of those fair opportunities which might seem to have put liberty so long desired like a bride into their hands of which other causes equally belonging to ruler priest and people above have been related which as they brought those ancient natives to misery and ruin by liberty which rightly used might have made them happy so brought their these of late after many labors much bloodshed and vast expense to ridiculous frustration in whom the like defects the like miscarriages notoriously appeared with vices not less hateful or inexcusable for a parliament being called to redress many things as it was thought the people with great courage and expectation to be eased of what discontented them chose to the behoof in parliament such as they thought to be best affected to the public good and some indeed men of wisdom and integrity the rest to be sure the greater part whom wealth or ample possessions or bold and active ambition rather than merit had commended to the same place but when once the superficial zeal and popular fumes that actuated their new magistracy with gold and spent in them straight everyone betook himself setting the commonwealth behind and his private ends before to do as his own profit or ambition led him then was justice delayed and soon after denied spite and favor determined all hence faction then stretchery both at home and in the field everywhere wrong and oppression foul and horrid deeds committed daily or maintained in secret or in open some who had been called from shops and warehouses without other merit to sit in supreme councils and committees as their breeding was fell to huckster the commonwealth others did thereafter as men could soothe and humor them best so he would give most or under covered of hypocritical zeal insinuate basis enjoyed unworthily their rewards of learning and fidelity or escaped the punishment of his crimes and misdeeds their votes and ordinances which men looked should have contained the repealing of bad laws and the immediate constitution of better resounded with nothing else but new impositions taxes excises yearly monthly weekly not to reckon the offices gifts and preferments bestowed and shared among themselves they in the meanwhile who were ever faithfulest to this cause and freely aided them in person or with their substance when they durst not compel either were slighted and bereaved after of their just deaths by greedy sequestrations and were tossed up and down after miserable attendance from one committee to another with petitions in their hands yet either missed the obtaining of their suit or though it were at length granted your shame and reason oftentimes extorting from them at least a show of justice yet by their sequestrators and subcommittees abroad men for the most part of insatiable hands and noted of disloyalty those orders were commonly disobeyed which for certain durst not have been without secret compliance if not compact with some superiors able to bear them out thus were their friends confiscate in their enemies while they forfeited their debtors to the state as they called it but indeed to the ravening seizure of innumerable thieves in office yet were with all no less burdened in all extraordinary assessments and oppressions than those whom they took to be disaffected nor were we happier creditors to what we call the state than to them who were sequestered as the state's enemies for that faith which ought to have been kept as sacred and inviolable as anything holy namely the public faith after infinite psalms received and all the wealth of the church not better employed but swallowed up into a private gulf was not ere long ashamed to confess bankrupt and now besides the sweetness of bribery and other gain with the love of rule their own guiltiness and the dreaded name of just account which the people had long called for discovered plainly that there were of their own number who secretly contrived and fomented those troubles and combustions in the land which openly they sat to remedy and would continually find such work as should keep them from being ever brought to that terrible stand of laying down their authority for lack of new business or not drawing it out to any length of time though upon the ruin of a whole nation and if the state were in this plight religion was not in much better to reform which a certain number of divines were called who were neither chosen by any rule or custom ecclesiastical nor eminent for either piety or knowledge above others who were left out only as each member of parliament at his private fancy thought fit so were they elected one by one the most part of them were such as it preached and cried down with great show of zeal the avarice and pluralities of bishops and prelates declaring that one cure of souls was a full employment for one spiritual pastor how able so ever if not a charge rather above human strength yet these conscientious men ere any part of the work was done for which they came together and that on the public salary wanted not boldness to the ignominious scandal of their pastor like profession and especially of their boasted reformation to seize into their hands or not unwillingly to accept besides one sometimes two or more the best livings collegiate master ships in the universities and rich lectures in the city setting sail to all winds that might blow gain into their covetous bosoms by which means these great rebukers of non-residents among so many distant cures were not ashamed to be seen so quickly pluralists and non-residents themselves to a fearful condemnation doubtless by their own mouths and yet the main doctrine for which they took such pay and insisted upon with more reverence than gospel was but to tell us in effect that their doctrine was worth nothing and the spiritual power of their ministry less available than bodily compulsion persuading the magistrate to use it as a stronger means to subdue and bring in conscience than evangelical persuasion distrusting the virtue of their own spiritual weapons which were given them if they'd be rightly called with full warrant of sufficiency to pull down all thoughts and imaginations that exalt themselves against God but while they taught compulsion without convincements which not long before they complained of as executed un-christianly against themselves these intents are clear who have been no better than anti-christian setting up a spiritual tyranny by a secular power to the advancing of their own authority above the magistrate whom they would have made their executioner to punish church delinquencies where of civil laws have no cognizance and well did their disciples manifest themselves to be no better principal than their teachers trusted with committeeships and other gainful offices upon their commendations for zealous and as they stick not to term them godly men but executing their places like children of the devil unfaithfully unjustly unmercifully and were not corruptly stupidly so that between them the teachers and these the disciples there hath not been a more ignominious and mortal wound of faith to piety to the work of reformation no more cause of blaspheming given to the enemies of god and truth since the first preaching of reformation the people therefore looking one while in the statists whom they beheld without constancy or firmness laboring doubtfully beneath the weight of their own too high undertakings busiest in petty things trifling in the main deluded and quite alienated expressed in diverse ways their disaffection some despising those persons who before they had honored some deserting some invading some conspiring against them then looking on the churchmen whom they saw under subtle hypocrisy to have preached their own follies most of them not the gospel and to be time servers covetous illiterate persecutors not lovers of the truth and to be like their predecessors in most of the vices where they had accused them looking on all this the people which had been kept warm for a while in the counterfeit zeal of their pulpits after a false heat became more cold and obdurate than before some turning to lewdness some to flat atheism but beside their old religion and foully scandalized in what they expected should be the new thus they who of late were extolled as our greatest deliverers and had the people holy at their devotion by so discharging their trust as we see did not only weaken and unfit themselves to be dispensers of what liberty they pretended but unfitted also the people now grown worse and more disordnet to receive or to digest any liberty at all for stories teach us that liberty sought out of season in a corrupt and degenerate age brought Rome itself to a farthest slavery for liberty have a sharp and double edge fit only to be handled by just and virtuous men to the bad and dissolute it becomes a mischief unwieldy in their own hands neither is it completely given but by them who have the happy skill to know what is grievance and unjust to a people and how to remove it wisely what good laws are wanting and how to frame them substantially that good men may enjoy the freedom which they merit and the bad feel the curve which they need but to do this and to know these exquisite proportions the heroic wisdom which is required surmounted far the principles of these narrow politicians what wonder then was it they sunk as these unfortunate Britons had done before them entangled and oppressed with things too hard and generous above their strain and temper for Britain to speak a truth not often spoken as it is a land fruitful enough of men stout and courageous in war so it is naturally not over fertile of men able to govern justly and prudently in peace trusting only in their own mother wit who consider not justly that civility prudence love of the public good more than of money or vain honor are to this soil in a manner outlandish grown not here but in minds well implanted with solid and elaborate breeding too impolitic else and rude if not headstrong and intractable to the industry and virtue either of executing or understanding true civil government valiant indeed and prosperous to win a field but to know the end and reason of winning undudicious and unwise in good or bad success alike unteachable for the son which we want ripens wits as well as fruits and as wine and oil are imported to us from abroad so must right understanding and many civil virtues be imported into our minds from foreign writings and examples of best ages we shall else miscarry still and come short in the attempts of any great enterprise hence did their victories prove as fruitless as their losses dangerous and left them though still conquering under the same grievances that men suffer when they are conquered which was indeed unlikely to go otherwise unless men more than vulgar read up as few of them were in the knowledge of ancient and illustrious deeds invincible against many and vain titles and free from partiality to friendships and relations had conducted their affairs but in the late times from the Chapman to the retailer many whose ignorance was more audacious than the rest were admitted with all their sordid rudiments to bear no mean sway among them both in church and state from the confluence of all their errors mischiefs and misdemeanors what in the eyes of man could be expected but what befell those ancient inhabitants whom they so much resemble confusion in the end but on these things and this parallel having enough insisted I return to the story which gave us the matter of this digression the Britons thus, as we heard, being left without protection from the empire and the land in a manner emptied of all her youth consumed in wars abroad or not caring to return home and those who remained in the island being through long subjection grown servile in mind slothful of body and with the use of arms unacquainted sustained but ill for many years the violence of those barbarous invaders who now daily grew upon them for although at first greedy of change and to be thought the leading nation to freedom from the Roman Empire they seemed a while to bestow themselves with a show of diligence in their new affairs some secretly aspiring to rule others adoring the name of liberty yet so soon as they felt by proof the weight of what it was to govern well themselves and what was wanting within them not stomach or the love of license but the wisdom, the virtue, the labor to use and maintain true liberty they soon remitted their heat and shrunk more wretchedly under the burden of their own liberty than before under a foreign yoke in so much that the residue of those Romans which had planted themselves here despairing of their ill deportment at home and weak resistance in the field by those few who had the courage or the strength to bear arms nine years after the sacking of Rome removed out of Britain into France note post Christ 418 return to text hiding for haste great part of their treasure which was never after found and now again the Britons no longer able to support themselves against the prevailing enemy solicit honorius to their aid note post Christ 422 return to text with mournful letters embassies and vows of perpetual subjection to Rome if the northern foe were but repulsed he at their request spares them one legion which with great slaughter of the Scots and Picts drove them beyond the borders rescued the Britons and advised them to build a wall across the island between sea and sea from the place where Edinburgh now stands to the frith of Dunn-Britain by the city of Alclouith but the material being only turf and by the rude multitude unartificially built up without better direction availed the little note post Christ 423 return to text when no sooner was the Legion departed but greedy spoilers returning land in great numbers from their boats and penises wasting, slaying, and treading down all before them then our messengers again posted to Rome in lamentable sort beseeching that they would not suffer a whole province to be destroyed and the Roman name so honorable yet among them to become the subject of barbarian scorn and insults the emperor at their sad complaint with what speed was possible sent to their succor who coming suddenly on those ravenous multitudes that minded only spoil surprised them with terrible slaughter they were escaped fled back to those seas from whence yearly they were want to arrive and return laden with booties but the Romans who came not now to rule but charitably to aid declaring that it stood not longer with the ease of their affairs to make such laborious voyages in pursuit of so base and vagabond robbers of whom neither glory was to be gotten or gained exhorted them to manage their own warfare and to defend like men their country their wives their children and what was to be dearer than life their liberty against an enemy not stronger than themselves if their own sloth and cowardice had not made them so if they would but only find hands to grasp defensive arms rather than basically stretch them out to receive bonds they gave them also their help to build a new wall not of earth as the former but of stone both that the public cost and by particular contributions traversing the aisle in a direct line from east to west between certain cities placed there as frontiers to bear off the enemy where Severus had walled once before they raised it 12 foot high and eight broad along the south shore because from thence also like hostility was feared they placed towers by the seaside at certain distances for safety of the coast with all they'd instruct them in the art of war leaving patterns of the arms and weapons behind them and with animating words and many lessons of valor to a fainthearted audience did them finally fare well without purpose to return and these two friendly expeditions the last of any hither by the Romans were performed as may be gathered out of Pida and Diachonus the two last years of Honorius their leader as some modernly right was Gallio of Ravenna Eucannon who departs not much from the fables of his predecessor Boethius names him Maximianus and brings against him to this battle Fergus king of scots after their second supposed coming into Scotland Dirstus king of pigs both their slain and Dionuth an imaginary king of Britain or Duke of Cornwall who improbably sided with them against his own country hardly escaping with no less exactness of particular circumstances he takes upon him to relate all those tumultuary inroads of the scots and pigs into Britain as if they had but yesterday happened their order of battle manner of fight number of slain articles of peace things where of Gildus and Beda are utterly silent authors to whom the scotch writers have none to cite comparable in antiquity no more therefore to be believed for bare assertions however quaintly dressed than our Geoffrey of Monmouth when he varies most from authentic story but either the inbred vanity of some in that respect unworthily called historians or the fond zeal of praising their nations above truth that so far transported them that where they find nothing faithfully to relate they fall confidently to invent what they think may either best set off their history or magnify their country the scots and pigs in manners differing somewhat from each other but still unanimous to rob and spoil hearing that the Romans intended not to return from their Gorochs or leather frigates pour out themselves in swarms upon the land more confident than ever and from the north end of the aisle to the very wall side then first took possession as inhabitants while the Britons with idle weapons in their hands stand trembling on the battlements till the half-naked barbarians with their long and formidable iron hooks pull them down headlong the rest not only quitting the wall but towns and cities leave them to the bloody pursuer who follows killing wasting and destroying all in his way from these confusions arose a famine and from thence discord and civil commotion among the Britons each man living by what he robbed or took violently from his neighbor when all stores were consumed and spent where men inhabited they betook them to the woods and lived by hunting which was their only sustainment to the heaps of these evils from without were added new divisions within the church for Agricola the son of Severianus a Pelagian bishop had spread his doctrine wide among the Britons and not uninfected before the sounder part neither willing to embrace his opinion to the overthrow of divine grace nor able to refute him crave assistance from the churches of France who send them Germanus bishop of Occea and Lupus bishop of Trois they by continual preaching in churches note post christ 426 return to text in streets in fields and not without miracles as is written confirm some regained others and at Verrallam in a public disputation put to silence their chief adversaries this reformation in the church was believed to be the cause of their success of while after in the field for the Saxons and Picts with joint force note post christ 430 return to text which was no new thing before the Saxons at least had any dwelling in this island during the abode of Germanus here had made a strong impression from the north the Britons marching out against them and mistrusting their own power sent to Germanus and his colleague proposing more in the spiritual strength of those two men than of their own thousands on they came and their presence in the camp was not less than if a whole army had come to second them it was then the time of Lent and the people instructed by the daily sermons of these two pastors came flocking to receive baptism there was a place in the camp set apart as a church and tricked up with bows upon Easter day the enemy understanding this and that the Britons were taken up with religious ceremonies more than with feats of arms advances after the paschal feast as to a certain victory German who also had intelligence of their approach undertakes to be captain that day and riding out with selected troops to discover what advantages the place might offer lights on a valley compassed about with hills by which the enemy was to pass and placing there his ambush warns them that what word they heard him pronounce allowed the same they should repeat with universal shout the enemy passes on securely and German thrice allowed cries hallelujah which answered by the soldiers with a sudden burst of clamour is from the hills and valleys redoubled the Saxons and Picts on a sudden supposing at the noise of a huge host though themselves into flight casting down their arms and great numbers of them are drowned in the river which they had newly passed this victory thus one without hands left to the Britons plenty of spoil and the person and the preaching of German greater authority and reverence than before and the exploit might pass for current if Constantius the writer of his life in the next age had resolved us how the British army came to want baptizing for of any paganism at that time or long before in the land we read not or the Pelagianism was rebaptized the place of this victory as is reported was in Flintshire by a town called Guidkirk and the river Allen where a field retains the name of Mace German to this day but so soon as German was returned home no post Christ of 431 returned to text the Scots and Picts though now so many of them Christians that the Lady of Sedican was ordained and sent by Celestine the Pope to be abyssable for them were not so well reclaimed or not so many of them as to cease from doing mischief to their neighbors where they found no impediment of their falling in yearly as they were one therefore of the Britons who perhaps were not yet wholly ruined in the strongest and southwest parts of the aisle note post Christ 446 returned to text send letters to Aetius then for the third time consul of Rome with this superscription to Aetius thrice consul the groans of the Britons and after a few words thus the barbarians drive us to the sea the sea drives us back to the barbarians thus bandied up and down between two deaths we perish either by the sword or by the sea but the Empire at that time over spread with Huns and Vandals was not in a condition to lend them aid thus rejected and wearied out with continual flying from place to place but more afflicted with famine which then grew outrageous among them many for hunger yielded to the enemy others either more resolute or less exposed to wants keeping within woods and mountainous places not only defended themselves but sallying out at length gave a stop to the insulting foe with many seasonable defeats led by some eminent person as maybe thought who exhorted them not to trust in their own strength but in divine assistance and perhaps no other assistance is here meant than the foresaid deliverance by German if computation would permit which gild us either not much regarded or might mistake but that he tarried so long here the writers of his life assent not end of part one of the third book of the history of Britain by John Milton reporting by Thomas Copeland