 You have this reputation now in your own district and nationally as the guy who's willing to make the meme or you know do make take the unpopular vote. And I think that one of the prime examples of that is back in the the depths of coven March 2020. Everyone was pushing for this $2.2 trillion COVID relief bill, including the President of the United States. And it was Representative Thomas Massey who was saying if we're going to have a $2 million, $2 trillion vote here, let's follow the Constitution and have everyone come back to DC and actually do it in person. And for that, going back to Twitter, the, you know, now X the kind of locus of political discourse, President Trump's response to that was look like looks like a third rate grandstander named Representative Thomas Massey, a congressman from unfortunately a truly great state Kentucky wants to vote against the new Save Our Workers bill in Congress. He just wants the publicity. He can't stop it. He goes on to say that, you know, the Republicans should win the House but they should kick out Thomas Massey. I mean, what was that like having the eye of Sauron on you for insisting on an in-person vote in March 2020? Oh, well, I'll have to write a book someday, but that those tweets happened about 60 seconds after a phone call ended between me and President Trump, where he basically burned my ear off screaming at me for probably three minutes and said he was coming at me. He was going to take me down. And that's a sobering proposition when you're, you've got a primary election eight weeks away. You've been trying to keep the president out of your race. The person running against you says you don't support the president enough. And the president had 95% approval rating among the primary voters who were going to vote in my election. But I just stood strong. I said, listen, if, if truckers and nurses and grocery store workers are showing up for work, then Congress should show up for work too. And that was, I think, an unassailable message because ultimately I was just trying to get people on record. The reason I was trying to get people on record is I knew this was one of the worst votes in history and nobody was going to be accountable for it. And so I'm, you know, here we are three years later, every bad thing that I said would happen as a result of doing that has happened. And even my colleagues here in Congress, a lot of them admit to me that they were wrong about that. They won't say it too loudly unless anybody hear it. And I got 81% in that primary, you know, with Trump screaming at me and tweeting at me and whatnot. By the way, the reporters came up to me as I walked out of the chamber that day and said, your own president just called you a third-rate grandstander. What do you have to say? And they said I was deeply insulted. I'm at least second-rate. And they didn't have to come back to that. But be careful. If you ask the ex-chatbot or whatever, you know, the AI that Elon Musk has on ex, if you ask it to roast me, it will say that I, you know, like a washed up high school quarterback. I like to talk about that one event back on March 27, 2020, too much. And, you know, it's kind of funny that it roasts me for bringing that up. So you, if ex is listening, if Grock is listening, I wanted to know that you, Zach brought it up, not me. Yes. How much COVID policy remorse is there among your colleagues in Congress? Not enough. Not nearly enough. There should be the policy isn't just the spending, the vaccine mandates, the shutting down of our economy, the compulsory masking, the way people were treated like cattle. There should be far more remorse. But frankly, that's a reflection of the voters as well. Most people have moved on. Even a year ago, most people have moved, had moved on, and it wasn't in the top five issues of what people care about in any congressional district. You can't campaign on, well, I tried to save you during COVID. I mean, look at Ron DeSantis, that was part of his signature issue. And by being the, you know, different governors responded differently, but he most famously opposed a lot of this COVID nonsense after it became obvious what we were dealing with. And he rode that wave and he was polling better than Trump. But I think people have moved on and they've got other issues to think about now. And that's, you know, people have just moved on and so have my colleagues and I think it's really unfortunate. And I wish that I had been able to get that recorded vote that day. We'd have a lot more people who wouldn't be back here in Congress perpetrating bad ideas like FISA. So I have one last question and then we'll wrap up because I know you have other stuff to get to. You're a busy man. But on that topic, you know, one of the things that the CARES Act and that the pandemic stimulus spending led to, you know, at least as far as I can tell is inflation, right? Like that's something that's on American voters minds. Do you see any signs and also you were elected during sort of the era of the Tea Party, you know, reigning in government spending a sense of what we care about our fiscal health. So as a result, we can't just have the money printer constantly print money forevermore. We have to be prudent because the bill always comes to do. Do you think that that message has any hopes of having any sort of revival in the coming years, especially given the runaway inflation that we've seen? Or do you think it's just a totally lost cause and we're all screwed? I mean, it's not a 95% probability to that last proposition, but I'm here in the 5% chance that we can save it. And in the 30% chance that if it all goes to hell in a handbasket, I can still be here and have some credibility in putting it back together. I think what's starting to curb the appetite for spending and bring some realism into the discussion is the only thing that was ever going to curb our appetite for spending. And that is our creditors are starting to balk. The rates at which the government can borrow money now aren't what we want them to be. When we go out to do an auction or a sale for treasuries or bonds, what we're finding is the appetite isn't there even at 4.5%. To get guaranteed 4.5% return on your money from the government backed by the US military, that's not enough to loan that money to the government. They want 5%. That's an indicator that when the private sector and the other countries who the sovereign funds who usually have the appetite for our debt, when they're losing their appetite, that's a sign that things are going south and not to promote it too much because Grock roasts me for this too. But I wear this debt clock that I built in Congress to remind people of it. And one side effect of me wearing this is I've noticed that because it by the way it logs on the treasuries website once a day gets the debt to the penny. It would do it more frequently but they only publish it once a day. It's a consequence of wearing this and looking at it every day. One thing I've noticed is the rate at which the debt is increasing is going up. So like for the math nerds that's the second derivative. And today the debt per second is set average over the last year is $78,000 a second. It's just I don't think people realize it feels like we're going over Niagara Falls right now to me. I'll see you next week.