 Commissioner Hogan, here to the Institute. I first met him in November 1983 when he had just started, or he was at least in his early days, on the County Kilkenny Committee of Agriculture, a great training ground for future political career. So I've been following his career with some interest ever since. And that career has, he's currently serving as the EU Commissioner for Agriculture and Rural Affairs since November 2014. Prior to that, he served as Minister for the Environment, Community, and Local Government. He was first elected to the DAW in 1989 and was elected at each subsequent general election between 1987 and 89. He was a member of Shana Darin. So I think he doesn't need a lot of introduction to this audience. He was chairman of the Finnegale Parliamentary Party between 1995 and 2001 and a graduate of University College Koch. He's doing, I think, by common consent an outstanding job as Commissioner for Agriculture. And this evening, he's going to discuss the future of Ireland in the EU and the EU's role on the global stage in the post-Brexit era. He will also discuss the need to defend European achievements and values in the face of growing populism. And at the end of the address, he is open to taking some questions from the audience, which I will moderate. Commissioner, you're most welcome. Thank you very much, Tom, Mr. Chairman. Ambassadors, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen. I always knew I was able to draw a crowd as Minutes of the Environment. But I didn't think as commissioner for the agricultural and rural development, but it's nice to see a welcome party as well outside. Outside the European Commission headquarters in Brussels, in case and glass, is a fragment of the Berlin Wall. And its potency as a symbol and indeed rallying call for European unity has never been stronger or more relevant. And today, I want to impress upon you the necessity of renewing our European boughs, not only here in Ireland, but also in Brussels and throughout the European Union, 27. When the Berlin Wall came down in 1989, and the Soviet Union along with it, academics heralded the end of history and predicted a long period of peace and prosperity underpinned by the liberal democratic market ideology dominant on both sides of the North Atlantic. European leaders seized the moment and swiftly moved to the next phase of integration and sovereignty sharing. The Maastricht Treaty, which was signed 25 years ago this month, provided the legal base for the European Union and set in motion the forces that would create a shared European currency and the integration of the former Eastern Bloc states. Indeed, there was an optimism and confidence that the process of European Union was irreversible and would benefit all of our citizens. Here in Ireland, the deepening process of European integration gave life to the next phase of our development as a nation, our European Union membership and significant amounts of money, both to the Northern Ireland peace process, the adoption of the single currency untethered the economy from the pound sterling, and a stronger sense of Irish independence was gained through the interdependence of the euro. An Ireland's track record of delivering successful European Union council presidencies showed that a small country like Ireland could do a big job when it gets the chance to take the steering wheel. And even during the dark days of our economic meltdown, continuing through the subsequent years of fragile but unmistakable recovery, Ireland's national conviction that the European Union membership generated more positives than negatives has remained rock solid, albeit with a few blips here and there. But that has not been the experience of other EU member states, most permanently our nearest neighbor, the United Kingdom. In most countries, the political center ground is broadly pro-European. This makes sense, given that the Soviet Union fell less than 30 years ago, and World War II ended barely 70 years ago. But when that center ground is relentlessly attacked by the fabrications and exaggerations of Euro-skeptic politicians and media, and is allowed to do so largely unchecked by mainstream political parties, naturally enough the center cannot hold. Brexit was the child of this lengthy and often ugly gestation. The commission's first vice president, Mr. Timmermans, reported very well when he said that for 20 years, the people in the United Kingdom have been told that the European Union is flawed. Then at the end of the process, when people are asked whether they still want to vote to stay, no one should be surprised when the majority say no. David Cameron is perhaps the most prominent victim of the European wide failure to fight back Euroscepticism, and he may not be the last. The Netherlands, France, Sweden, Poland, Hungary, Greece, and Italy, political parties that are at best Eurosceptic and at worst Euro hostile are gaining ground. And we should not naively think and believe that Ireland is immune. It is true that our European conviction, coupled to our electoral system among other factors, means that there is a stronger general awareness of the benefits of EU membership. Ireland routinely scores among the highest of Euro barometer polls asking people if they feel well informed about the activities of their MEPs. But there is a creeping narrative among certain sections of the commentariat that Ireland should not rule out following the UK's lead. Or at a minimum invoke the fear of a domino effect to extract concessions from European partners. This is dangerous thinking. Instead we should invoke the spirit of the late TK Whitaker, who understood with his usual clarity that the European Union was Ireland's safest and best bet as a platform upon which to magnify our position in the world. Brexit has sent a shockwave to the foundations of the European Union. And far from being over, history has come roaring back with troubling echoes from the past. Anti-European rhetoric has become a convenient fleece with which to disguise the resurgent wolves of Europe's history. Nationalism, xenophobia, and appeals to our lowest instincts. This is the existential wake-up call that European democracy perhaps needs. There is no time like a crisis for clarifying the mind. Yes, Brexit was an entirely avoidable certainty. And calamity. But it did serve the very healthy purpose of bringing Europe into people's conversations and more and more into their consciousness. And maybe a realization that what we share together is important and indeed worth fighting for. Anyone who participated in Irish referendum campaigns, and there are many people here in the room who I see have, when people are actually talking about Europe and understanding about it, the majority of people are receptive to good arguments and willing to learn about and appreciate what the Union is bringing into their lives. The energy generated by Brexit can be harnessed to create a European-wide conversation about where we are and where we are going. But this will only happen if leaders at all levels start taking responsibility and ownership of the European project in member states. Europe is more than the European Commission. It's a member state in the council and the elected representatives of the European Parliament which together constitute the final democratic arbiters of European decision-making on behalf of the people. This is not often realized. I've come to know that in recent times. Brexit came, of course, as you know as a hammer blow and while Ireland finds itself in an invidious position, it is beginning to take to the challenge with steel and a spine. If ever there was a time for all politicians and parties to put on the green jersey, this is it. We were very fortunate in Ireland to have the possible implications and challenges of Brexit outlined at an early stage. When the IEA published Britain and Europe, the endgame and Irish perspective, edited by Dahio Kallig and Paul Gillespie, and with contributions from Brendan Halligan and John McGrane, I was at one of the two of your events and they were very informative and very much on the ball. In my address to an Oroctus committee last autumn, I said that the choice was between no Brexit or a hard Brexit. And with the latter outcome now looking somewhat likely or more likely, we must prepare for a difficult road ahead. The Department of Finance estimates that a hard Brexit could result in a 30% drop in exports to the United Kingdom and add 20 billion euro to the national debt over the next decade with the potential for after 40,000 job losses. Accordingly, the Irish government, the Irish Agri-Food community, and the other trading sectors of the economy and manufacturing in particular are preparing for a full spectrum of possibilities. But these possibilities must be grounded in reality and the sympathy and understanding for Ireland's position should not be mistaken for sympathy and understanding for any solutions proposed. It is essential therefore that solutions are acceptable and we work on them to make sure that they are acceptable to our other 26 partners. Reinforcing all coalitions and building new ones is the correct way to go and I've said this already this year. Irish diplomatic outreach is being strengthened in all of our European capitals where the complexity of the Brexit issues and the Ireland's unique exposure may not be as well understood as in Dublin, London or Brussels. Malta currently holds the presidency, as you know, and the next three presidencies of Estonia, Austria and Bulgaria will be absolutely central to our negotiations. So the EU Brexit negotiators are mandated to pursue the broader European interest. The challenge for Ireland, therefore, is to wherever possible ensure that our national interest is built into the negotiating position which outlines the European interest. Potential solutions to the challenges facing Ireland will have to be worked out with the Commission and the Council and our EU partners, but we must be clear that the UK government as a core signatory to the Good Friday Agreement is equally responsible for finding the best possible solution to minimize the impact of Brexit on the Ireland of Ireland. Regulatory issues and potential sources of financial support must be identified and exceptional times weren't exceptional measures. There will be new opportunities for Ireland as well, in business, in banking and trade and as the main English language entry hub into the single market, Ireland will continue to attract foreign direct investment from the United States and elsewhere to take advantage of our European Union membership. Meanwhile, the wider European Union needs to wake up and smell the populist coffee. The European Union institutions need to redouble our efforts in communicating to our people in a much better way about what we are doing and why we are doing it. Member States working together with the Commission and the Parliament bring real added value in a vast range of areas but we have failed pittedly to get this message across and understood. The single market in particular holds untold opportunity for an outward looking country like Ireland. Already it has opened new vistas of possibility in business, employment, education and mutual recognition in so many areas of work and health. The benefits of open skies for an island nation, the personal and educational attainments open to our young people through a rasmus and the improved business environment arising from strong regulation and competition. These factors individually and together have raised the living standards of everyone in this country, driving innovation, lowering prices and more choice for our consumers. And the best news is that the single market is still an evolving entity. As we continue to build it, the improvements to our lives will continue to be improved from it. But to do so will require the support of our people. European leaders can no longer drive integration forward with the assumed consent of a silent majority. The era of softly, softly is over buried under a mound of 17 million British ballot papers. Now is the time for a bullish European assertiveness of manifested through a mixture of offensive and defensive engagement. Offensive because we must connect in a more meaningful way with our people and build up a database of positive European Union narratives in their minds. Defensive because we must fight Euro-skeptic lies and nationalist propaganda at source and no longer maintain a stony silence from the increasingly shaky center ground. And when Mr. Penn of the Front National can make a statement like the following, we know it's time to shout stop. In our glorious history, millions have died to ensure that our country remains free. She said, adding that today we are simply allowing our right to self-determination to be stolen from us by the European Union. Such bombast and hysteria should make it clear to politicians of the pro-European center ground that staying silent and hoping the problem will go away will not work. All stakeholders who subscribe to the benefits of European Union membership should speak up as well. That includes all of what we recall here, our social partners. In my own portfolio, in the Common Agricultural Policy, is a direct and measurable impact on the life of every citizen, but is far from understood. The CAP guarantees the highest food standards in the world, so if we put the food issue at the center of policy, it shows that what can be achieved with high standards, which means that food appears on the table in good quality, which is often taken for granted. But also the policy drives job diversification in rural areas. It preserves local communities and traditions and is doing more and more, and it has to do even more to protect their environment and fight against climate change. But these facts are not as widely known as they should be. In some countries, notably the UK, Euro-skeptic media have been allowed for decades to print fanciful or downright false narratives about the CAP has been a waste of taxpayers' money or a subsidy for lazy continental farmers. And I'm often equally surprised by the failure of farmers to appreciate how fundamental the CAP is to their livelihood, which in turn leads to a failure on their part to robustly defend and communicate the importance of the policy for European society and show leadership as they should have done in the recent referendum in the United Kingdom, and they didn't do so. The Brexit debate in relation to the United Kingdom agriculture was sadly not immune to this fact-free 21st century populism. In spite of the fact that the European Union basic payment accounts for 87% of the farm income in Northern Ireland, some politicians, including many representing rural areas, made naive reassurances to the farming community that all will be all right on the day and that the CAP support they currently enjoy would somehow be replaced by a UK system. Time will tell, but frankly, that's quite a long shot. Farmers on both sides of the border are facing times of great challenge because of this decision. This new deal would maintain their income support, farmers were told, and with far less bureaucracy than imposed by Brussels. Unfortunately, they didn't offer any detail as to how this would be achieved, a point I made in a speech at Queen's University, Belfast, last May. Easy solutions to complex problems are appealing, but they're often very much erroneous. Politicians of all stripes will have to resume responsibility in defending our EU strengths. And I'm conscious that I have to do more as well, and I believe that this attitude will be replicated across the board. Every time I deal with a rural politician or a negative food stakeholder, I try to impress upon them the need to communicate the benefits of the CAP to rural and urban people. As Vice President Timmermans said, and I quote him again, I sit at the table in Brussels and am partly responsible for what has been decided. This is what must be national politicians, must be compelled to explain this to their citizens. In so doing, a more mature attitude may come to the fore when it comes to explaining Europe. Leaders will have to be forced to keep a close eye on the longer term, not just on tomorrow's headline. So, Mr. Chairman, I began by mentioning the fragment of the Berlin Wall outside the European Commission in Brussels. It provides a very useful reminder of the positive forces and the democratic energies that can be unleashed when walls are torn down. Our people understood in 1989 in the most visceral way possible that through the sharing of geography, economy, and polity, that they would be stronger. We need to recapture that sense of urgency and conviction. In a time when populists on both sides of the Atlantic make bold and baseless statements about taking back control or putting their country first, it's time for elected and appointed leaders to stand up for Europe and give our citizens the other side of the story. Alternative facts can only be dispelled when those who defend actual facts speak loudly and with one voice. So on the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the Maastricht Treaty, on the occasion of the 60th anniversary of the Treaty of Rome, EU Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker has called for unity, structural cooperation, and defence of our common achievements. And he has said we can no longer explain European integration through its past. We have to explain the European Union through what it can do for the future. We need to remind our people that pooling sovereignty strengthens rather than weakens or prospects for national prosperity. Interdependence actually makes us more independent. A trading block of 440 million people and consumers certainly has more cards to play at the negotiating table than 60 million consumers like it's the case in the United Kingdom. The Eurozone economy has now posted 14 consecutive quarters of growth. The unemployment rate is back in single digits and the economic sentiment is at a six year high. Courses, it was the other way around, we'd hear a lot about it. From 2016 as a whole, growth in the Eurozone will pace that in the United States. These numbers contrast with the frequent, lazy depictions of the Eurozone economy as weak and stagnating. So we need to inform our people of the many and varied ways that European integration and the single market provide real, tangible benefits to their work and to their lives. This week alone, the European Parliament has signed off on the SATA Canadian trade deal between Canada and the European Union which will save European Union businesses over 500 million euros a year in tariffs and goods. Offer greater tries to consumers while upholding our Europeans' food standards or labour standards or environmental standards and create new opportunities for our businesses and producers abroad. And we need to show our citizens that Europe is not a distant grey office in Brussels but rather a living, evolving, multi-coloured, multi-lingual entity that they can have a clear stake in protecting. In the Salam Declaration of the European Union signed in 1983, the then 10 member states of the European community confirmed their commitment to progress towards an ever-closer Union. Today, I believe the aspiration ever-closer Union can be part until such time as the leaders of Europe and its member states can say with more confidence that the concept enjoys the support of a clear majority of the people. Brexit must be the alarm bell that shakes people out of their complacency and ensured that June 2016 is the starting point of a greater understanding, cooperation and unity of purpose. Instead, I believe we should borrow a neat phrase from our American cousins and aspire in the medium term towards a more perfect Union. Thank you very much.