 Okay. Welcome to what the F is going on in Latin America, Code Pink's weekly YouTube broadcast of hot news out of Latin America and the Caribbean. We broadcast every Wednesday, 12pm Eastern, 9am Pacific. Today is actually a special episode of WTF. This is part two of a two part series on Chile and the national plebiscite held there on October 25. Yesterday we had the privilege of talking with Patricia Zamorano from Washington DC. And today I am really thrilled to introduce all of you to Andrés Hidalgo. He is speaking with us from Santiago Chile today. He is vice president of the political party comunus, but first and foremost, he wants me to let you know he is a Chilean citizen above all else. So he is vice president of his political party, and he has also a very strong voice for the past 25 years in the Chilean youth movement. So welcome Andrés. So wonderful to have you join us here from Santiago Chile today. Hi, Teri. I am very happy to talk with you. Thank you for receiving me. I would like to tell you about many, many things. Well, I'm so excited that you're here to do that with us. Why don't we first start with what actually happened on Sunday the 25th with the Chilean national plebiscite. What exactly was it, and the significance of the of the results that were resoundingly in favor. Yes. Well, this plebiscite was an historical event. The people, the Chilean people, vote by a constitutional change completely from zero. And that means in a concrete, the constitution of 1980 will be suppressed. And that is a historical situation. Many, many, many political party had like a, they had a depth with a, with a people, with a Chilean people about a new constitution. And the people in 18 October of last year go to the street and broke the social contract, burning all, breaking all, this is a huge outbreak. In October of 18 2019, these were all the street protests that we were seeing in the US media, or we didn't see a whole lot of it from Chile, unfortunately, but yes, okay. Yes, I mean, and the people don't have people broke old. And they, they say, well, I don't live with dignity in my country. And then, well, I broke my country. I think so obviously. And, and the politics, the political party, the government, the Congress people say, okay, we have to make something before. I don't know, this are going to explode very, very, very, very wide. Exactly. And I think, because I'm a militant, and I think like a militant of many years. And this is very necessary and very good for my, for my country, for the people who live in my country. Well, last fall, the government basically conceded to this plebiscite in order to quell all the political and all the social unrest. It was, it was, it wasn't what was planned, was it. I mean, it was just basically became it become a concession to to unite the country and make sure there was not widespread national not only a concession, not only a concession, he was forced to make this plebiscite but not only the plebiscite, the government, until the government is of the right wing. Very right wing. They change all their management completely, the laws, the budget, the discourse, and the plebiscite is, I mean, is the most profound demonstration of that change. It must. It's, it's the most deeply, but not only this government have a biggest trouble, and that, and that big trouble is nobody want to nobody believe in government. This is a, this is a revolution, peaceful revolution, but by the revolution and government know that, and people don't want the people will don't permit. It was not permit. Don't permit and no, and no change that that's the, that's the important. Okay, so the people were not going to accept the continue to accept the way things were there had to be changed there was no other acceptance of the people other than to change the government and to start with the Constitution. That completely change. I mean, in this, in this, in this country. There are no exit, there are no access to social rights, there are no access right to housing, health, education, environment and work, and they're not exists. All that social rights are delivered by the market. Everything is privatized. Everything is privatized. There's no, there's no citizen rights, it's all whether you can achieve it in the private market. The public service are poor. They are of the of the they can't prove it, the population, a good service. I mean, the COVID show the COVID did not break the system of health public care. Now there's the COVID show a broken system. And here in the United States the same in the United States it revealed how poorly the neoliberalism exactly is the neoliberalism. Yeah, exactly. Well, here the neoliberalism implicate not social rights. Absolutely. And that's the people in October 18 last year. The government was broken. They will say they would say they say no more of this. That's that for that there's no one demand. There's no leader, there's no speaker, there's no political party was no, no, nothing of that. No, the people in the street. Again and again and again for a year in the street. It was so powerful to see so that footage, you know, in the United States, nobody, nobody control this. Humanly popular. Sorry, this is genuinely popular. And the strength in that is so profound that it is a popular movement and that it is just, it's, as you said, it's not anyone political parties agenda it's an entire popular majority of the populations desire, as we saw on Sunday because there was so much more and was such a resounding yes vote to rewrite the Constitution, and the percentage of people that voted yes included more than just progressive and leftist people it was also more conservative people want to change in the government as well and am I correct and understanding that is a population as a whole that's demanding a change. 80% 80% or some. I don't know. In my country there's a 350 township and three times she won the reject the township of the rich people. And in another 347 township want the yes option. Wow. I mean, I mean, this is a fight between poor people and rich people between the people and the elite. But a very but the elite is a very small percentage. Very small, but they're the ones who have been power since we talked about seven families. Yeah, we talk about seven families they're real power for people, they're real power, the people who own the water, the people who own the land people who own the sea people who own the mountain people who own the forest. We talk about seven family, one of these families is being a family. The president is the president family, they control the country. They control the country, the economy of the country, the police, the politic of the of the country. They control. They don't control the people. Well, clearly. They are so uncomfortable with this because they don't control the people. And the people, it's the people know that seven family control. No, I will. They don't permit. Never more. It's my opinion never more and I'm happy for that. Absolutely happy for that. We can see your enthusiasm and the pride in this movement. Sorry for my English. I want to, I want to tell you everything. I want to hear everything. It's so wonderful to hear a voice from, you know, from Santiago proper and your enthusiasm is really, really contagious and it would be so nice to have some of that enthusiasm spill over into the, into the United States and it's a great part of the community. It's a very, very rewarding population. It's such a, what where's it what we've seen the past year in Chile is what is possible with peaceful revolution. With people in the streets day after day after day. And to see how it all well, the beginning of the end of the old Constitution was Sunday the 25th. The beginning of what's possible. So there's a couple of things I want to personally ask you about. And then we can get back to the plebiscite technique, you know the technicalities of it and the ramifications for the rest of the Americas, but you told me you're a dentist, and we were talking a moment ago about the erosion of public health care services in Chile, which were revealed during because of the covert 19 pandemic and we've seen the same in the United States that come. And so tell me, let's talk a little just a little bit about your experience in the health care system in Chile. Well, I worked for 10 years in the public health. And the system is broken that that's the real I can, I can know I can't, I don't know express from another way. And we have people in waiting for three years for surgery. And is this because the system is underfunded because there's because constitutionally there's this huge push, as we've as you mentioned to privatize everything. Because the neoliberalism model, say, and the subsidiary state, say, well, all the service, all areas of the social development are delivered by the market. And when the market works, well, the state simply just look. And where the market don't solve the trouble, I mean, in the public health, the public health for poor people, for people can't pay for their own system of health. Well, the state put a little of resources, money, and, and well, do it like you can. And, and obviously, and force the system to, to answer a COVID can't, it can't, it's so simple and the people die. We have 1500 1500 1000 of people get people. And every day are more and more. And, and people know that but they can't do nothing except to go to the street and go to the march and, and reclaim and they will not stop. They will not stop. It's so powerful. It's so powerful and it's such a wonderful example of what's possible. So let's talk about it. So in my, in my country, there's no system of pension system over time. There are no exist. It's only exist of companies, private companies, okay, who management, your, your money, your savings. But if you don't have savings, you don't have pension. This is the fact this is the fascinating thing to me and the real horror of neoliberalism to me with all services privatized. You have the cost of living going up. People need more disposable income because they have to pay more and more of services on their own, and you have declining wages or suppressed wages. So where is the money if the state, if you have stagnant wages suppressed wages, the state takes away anything that it was helping to provide people with public education, healthcare, good infrastructure. How do you survive and this is how do you save for retirement, it's impossible to say for retirement, when you're not earning anymore and yet you have to become responsible for pain for more and more and more. It just, it simply doesn't work. I mean, it just, it just doesn't work, it doesn't take a rocket, you know, a rocket science to figure that out it doesn't work anywhere I mean we're seeing the extreme in Chile but I would argue we're beginning to see, you know, an equal extreme in the United States, particularly because people have woken up with the pandemic. We don't know how the people solve this, this trouble. We don't know. And I say, real the, the, the, the research about this, this, this, this, this, this item. We don't don't know the people don't win the enough money and live. We don't know how nobody, nobody knows, nobody knows, nobody knows because you say, well, the cost of the service are here are people when here, how that nobody know you can't close the gas it's impossible. Unless you rewrite your constitution to guarantee some rights. That it's fascinating. The people understood that the Constitution, finally, solved or not solved their own troubles, their own conflict, their own live life, their own life. And that is true. The politics of the right wing say no, no, no, but, but it's true the Constitution defines finally, finally, the, the life of the people and their social rights. We say, we say the social right from born to death. All, all the life. I mean, well, education housing retirement, et cetera, et cetera. And they say no, the Constitution don't solve that trouble. People understood normal people. Generally popular. Normal people understood that. And that's take for surprise to everyone to everyone. We thought the know the people don't understand know the people don't interest political, political base, political terms and know the people and know perfectly. And that the importance of the Constitution 80%. Say yes. And it's 80%. People, the powerful people today are very uncomfortable. They have trouble. They have problem with this country. And so how do you, how do you see the powerful people respond, you know, including the government and beyond the powerful people in the private sector that own everything in it. And you also mentioned they own the water and I'd like to come back to that in a minute. But how do you, how do you perceive or envision the, the state responding to this huge majority movement among the people. Well, at the moment, they only can accept the results. And we have a law that say the play beside. It's the first step from a process from a constitutional process. And that's very important because the rules of the play are are are wrote. They were wrote in the in the parliament. Therefore, they can say they can't say no no no no no we're going to stop this. No. But in, but in Chile, the right wing and fight and attack the government palace with with with the regular army in 1973. The president inside the government palace, la moneda. And was no the first time in history was no the first time. They, they can repeat. I think no, but we can say, I put my, my hands and fire, these people, these powerful people. And now it's democratic people. I'm not convinced of that. So we don't, we don't, we don't have, we must know have afraid for that. Yes. Now you have to go. Yeah. With the people with the people with the normal people. Yeah. Well, the fear to have fear would hold you would be holding yourselves back. You'd be at that point. Well, I mean, you know, we don't know what right nobody knows what the reaction is going to be except to move forward and it's so profound and we saw the same thing in Bolivia on on the 18th you know was an overwhelming victory by the Moss Party and a lot of people, a lot of us outside of Bolivia were watching and saying, Oh, the right wing government is never going to allow that to happen. And yet with such an overwhelming victory by the Moss, it's in front of the world. What can the right wing do without appearing to be incredibly violent and oppressive I mean there's, and I think you know with 80% of the population in Chile. And you're so overwhelming. I mean, I listen to you say that and it's just, it's profound that sort of movement. So let's what we lose what we lose with the debt, the debt, dictatorship. We recovery with democracy. Yeah. In Bolivia and in Chile. Yes, we lose our constitution in dictatorship. And we are recovering in democracy in Bolivia. Exactly the same. We are the democratic people. They know. Wow. Yes. What how do you feel. So this is why this is just very profound that dictatorship loses and the democracy wins via the constant via constitutional change, not military change as the right way. And what right we need the military to do it in here 80% of the Chilean people are going to use the Constitution to make the change. How do you see today and I know this is a really, you know, we don't know what's going to happen. But how do you see or what is your opinion of the Americas. Bolivia but now especially seeing, you know, Sunday in Chile on, you know, right there's the weekend right after Bolivia. How do you see this movement in Chile affecting the rest of the Americas. I would like to, they see with hope. We will have a constitutional, a convention constitution. I'm sorry, constitutional convention. I don't know with 50% woman 50% men with a with a native people and with a representation of all the country to not to start. So, this will be a very democratic process. So I would like to, to another country, not just the America, obviously, especially America's was looking, not not only the plebiscite. They were looking all the process, because they, because the Chilean people was looking all the process from day one to finally, and this is very relevant because the powerful people, the elite, the millionaires. want to cut in any moment. And that's real. And then in a country like, like, like Chile, they can, they can do it, do that in any moment. And so hope. Yes, so much hope, but looking with with very with too much attention, what it's happened here, because I told you again, the people with not stop. And we, we, we, we the militant we don't, we don't control the social movement. No, but we are, we are, we are, we are part of that movement, only a part one more, but we are part so we want that this democratic process goes to a new revolution with social rights with individual freedom with a new conception of men and women, obviously, and with feminism animalism with a single list with people from the academic world. We want a constitutional convention like Chile. And it represents, it represents the whole. Yeah, for recovery, the legitimacy for the political activity. And that, and that claims a change, a change, a profound change. So hope, yes. Too much hope, but not only the hope. So we have to be intelligent. I'm not ingenious. The America must be over the process. Yeah, it's a, well, it's, it's really wonderful that just, you know, as you're describing the constitutional convention in that it will be represent the diversity of Chile. The women, the women is the main actor. No doubt the women in my country, they have the flag, the main flag of this moment. Wow, that's inspiring. Yes, no, absolutely. They have the flag, they, they are in the first line. Wow. And we, and we say this woman, I love them. Oh, that's so exciting. It's so wonderful to hear. So I wonder, you know, there's a, there's one thing that, and we're going to digress a little bit, but it's fascinating to me that you mentioned this when you were talking about the powerful elite, the families that basically owning control the country. You mentioned they own the water. This is something we, you know, it's kind of under the political conversation, the economic conversation globally right now, but the privatization of water, not just in Chile, but across the planet is very real. And, and it's horrifying, isn't it? The, I mean the people that control the water are basically going to be able to control the life of humanity. Yeah, humanity. Yes, across the planet. And so it's just how long has the water been privatized in Chile? From the constitution of 1880. We have four years. So 1980 privatized, I didn't know. 1980, yes. 40 years. And the people in the and the poor people and not, not here in the cities. In the world. They don't have water. They don't have water. They don't have. They receive, they receive the water in a big jug. In a truck. Yeah. They receive the water in a truck. But the people who own the water, they use it in a, I don't know, in their forest and their minds and everyone and the people don't have water. And that it's exactly like I'm saying you. I'm not using a metaphor. No, no, no, this is the real. The real water. The, that people, that powerful people have the word and use it for. I don't know for the economy activity. Their own economy activity. I don't know this. The avocado. Avocado for our US. Avocado. Avocado. Avocado. Yes. They, they drink all the water. Yeah. And people don't have in that, in that cities. So the water's been privatized and is being used for private industry by the wealthy families. Yes. Private industry and whatever they want. They decide. So part of the constitution is going to take resources out of the privatization process. That is one of the hundreds of demands that it's one of the mainly. No doubt. No doubt the water recovery. The people wants to recover your water. And I think the people will be recovering the water. Because. And many, many other things. Because they are decided to, to, to, to make that. To make that fight. But, but yes, you, you write the water. The people don't, the world don't understand. No, it's. I don't understand to, I don't understand to. Except, except because that people, that powerful people. You know, you know, the elite in, in my country. They want all for himself. Yeah. They don't care people. Wow. People. So, you know, I guess I promised you, we would keep this to 30 minutes and we keep talking. I could talk to you all day. Actually, this is fascinating. There's. So, you know, you know, you know what's happening with this popular people movement and rewriting and now the resounding result to rewrite the constitution. This is more than recuperating. Water and environment and funding for public education and healthcare. This is about restoring the dignity and humanity of the Chilean people. This is about the families. I'm the LGTB Q. And, and, and old. We want, we want a country for all. Every wall has their space in, in, in our society. And that situation is not the currently situation. That's real. And that's because go, people go to the streets. And they will go again to the streets. It's a beautiful thing. I have 20 years, I have 20 years of militants of the political militants. And I never think that I would say this, this, this scenario. And I'm happy to leave it. But you know, it's a profound moment in, in Chilean history and, and for, for all we need, we need the international community. We need it. We need it. And what can the international community do for you? What's, what would you like all of us outside of Chile? What's the best thing we can do for you? Yes, please. And thanks. Support, support your voices. Do more programs like this. This is why. No, I look to the, to the elite. No, no, no, the people will not permit you. Again. And the international community must be seeing that. Yeah. No more. This is a, this is a democratic process. Absolutely democratic. No, a profoundly democratic process. Exactly. This is amazing. We must defend it. We must defend it inside and outside of Chile. Inside and outside. Exactly. That's the point. That's because I'm talking with you with my poor English. No, no. That's the money. I think that is the responsibility. This is the responsibility we have to take with the process. Defend it in all spaces. I think that's the responsibility. Inside and outside. I say, I say with a very. I have a conviction. Yeah. Very strong. Well, Andres, I'm so thankful you joined us today. I know you told me, well, my English isn't so good. Your English is fantastic. And most importantly, I'm so thankful that you. You're so supportive about that. But it's more important to hear you and your, your passionate story and you, as you said, you are a Chilean citizen first and foremost. And to hear your story and to congratulate the Chilean citizen degree for what was accomplished on Sunday, the 25th, but yes, I fully agree with you and all of us at code pink as well. And those of us outside of Chile have a responsibility as well to keep the voices heard and to support the people to support this popular movement for a move to. To democracy. So thank you so much for joining us today. Really, really wonderful. So thankful for your time. So, you know, thank you very much for the invitation, the deep sense of distress of the people we want to convert in a new constitution. And, and, and that needs this, this democratic process. Oh, thank you for the invitation. If in another moment you, you like to talk with me, I'm absolutely for you. Wonderful. Well, we will, we'll definitely stay in touch and we will definitely want to talk to you and, you know, and follow this whole process along with you because it's so profound and it would be just great to follow what's happening. I will be here. Given the fight with the people. Wonderful. Okay, I'm trying to thank you so much. We're so with you on this and we will continue to, to make sure the voice and the will of the Chilean people is heard outside of the country as well. That your voices are heard outside as well. So thank you everybody. Bye-bye. Thanks again. And thank you everyone for watching today. Again, this is what the F is going on in Latin America. We broadcast on code pink YouTube every Wednesday, 12 p.m. Eastern 9 a.m. Pacific. And today was a special episode part two of two parts. Regarding the national plebiscite in Chile, October 25th. Today we had the profound joy of talking with Andres Hidalgo from Santiago, Chile. Thanks again, Andres. Look forward to talking with you. Okay. We'll see. Bye-bye.