 I would like to thank Professor Robert and Professor Hugo and Tobias for their kind invocation to participate in this session. Much progress has been made in our knowledge of the shunt race of UVM, a social of the archaeological field war and the study of finds carried out during the last decades by a wide number of scholars and institutions. The available evidence shows that every century constituted a complex and changing microcosm for different multifaceted practices took place. Actually, the location, the inception and the development of the UVM centuries cannot be explained without taking into account the special geographic position and feature of UVM. The wide range of the island's economic activities, the social changes that occurred during the first millennium BC and the turbulent political history of the insular polis. In this respect, the northern sanctuaries are especially attractive. Yet there were many other important sanctuaries in UVM. Dr. Robert has already mentioned some of them in his lecture. Sadly, most have not yet been extensively excavated. Let me turn to the analysis of existing data regarding one of these UVM sanctuaries and share with you some reflection and hypothesis. I will focus on the sanctuary of Artemis which was situated according to Herodotus in a coastal region of northern UVM called Artemisian. Herodotus also told us that Artemisian was controlled by Eicea. From his testimony, we can deduce that the area had taken on its name because of the importance of the cult and the shrine. We can also infer that the inception of both cult and shrine may date back at least to the archaic period. The location of the sanctuary was identified in the 1880s by Lorin at the hill of Ios Georgios near the modern village of Pefin, i.e. in a liminal position on the east edge of the plain of Sirius River, west of the Brisas Brook and close to the shore. The German archaeologists carried out limited excavation at the site which was still surrounded by a forest and lush vegetation at the close of the 19th century. Lorin brought to light a good number of finds including two inscription, several architectural members, as well as a few pieces of sculptures. Sadly, most of these artifacts are lost. And nowadays, a small church and a cemetery stand on the hilltop. An epigram engraved on a marble block which was discovered at Megara constitutes the earliest reference to the sanctuary. Description dates to the 4th or 5th century AD by the text, but the text is attributed to Simonides by most scholars. The epigram stated that the UV and Temenos shrine was dedicated to Agni, or Agne, the pure, the chase, and toxophoros, the archberra, Artemis. The epithets refer to Artemis' role as protectors of wildlife, mistress of the animals, and goddess of hunting. It should noted that both titles, Agni and toxophoros, are consistent with the previously mentioned hilli, forested, and liminal location of the sanctuary. As we will see next, later evidence confirms that the epithets used by Simonides are not mere literary devices on the contrary. They may well reflect the actual traits of the cult. The testimony of Simonides, along with the location of the shrine, suggests that the sanctuary could have served as a common meeting place for the neighboring agrarian, pastoral, and hunt-out gatherer communities. We could further suppose that the goddess could have been ordered with the first foot of the land, as is Agni, as well as the sacrifice of domesticated or wild animals. She could also have been the recipient of other humble offerings evocative of the economical activities carried out by these populations. For example, axes, arrowheads, and spears, as well as clay and metal figurines, representing humans suffer. And animals. In ancient Greece, the epithet Agni, Agnée, pure taste, was also connected with the role of Artemis as the goddess who presided over the transition of females from childhood to marriage. I will return to this point later. The sanctuary probably gained white-spade popularity after the seabed of Atatemision, which was held in 480 BC between Xuxes' navy and a coalition of Greek naval forces. Actually, classical, Hellenistic, and Roman poetry has been detected on surface during recent field service at Iosiorios Hill. Lawline maintained that some architectural members he recovered during his excavations could have belonged to a small classical temple. Yet, the hypothesis of Lawline concerning the existence of a classical temple in the sanctuary of Artemis pushes possibly in question. Should we suppose that the edifice was elected by the Sien between 480 and 446 BC as a part of building program which followed the Persian devastation of the territory? Or was it constructed between 446 and 405 BC, i.e., during the period in which the Athenians spanked the Sien from their territory and then settled 1,000 to 2,000 lot-owners there? Or could the temple have been built after the Peloponnesian War when the Sien recovered their territory and were ruled by successive politics of different affiliation? Changes affecting the demographic composition of the local population, as well as stasis, i.e., civil strife, could have led to respective changes in religious practices. A fourth or third century BC inscription found by Lawline at Iosiorios Hill seems to attest to the warship of Artemis in the Hellenistic period as Parthenos, Virgin Maiden, and Agrotera, the goddess of the fields, are hunting. These two titles are almost synonyms with the epithets Agnir and Dr. Forrest mentioned by the Simonidian Epigram. Thus, we can assume that Artemis continued to be ono as an agricultural deity who guaranteed the fertility of the fields and flocks, but also as a nurturing goddess who protected young people in their transition from childhood to adulthood, as well as in the process of social integration in their communities. All over Greece, Artemis was believed to preside over sites of passage that included temporary segregation of the participants in frontier structures located in the wild. Artemis Agrotera was widely worshipped, and especially in Athens, an exporter. In both Athens and Sparta, Artemis Agrotera was considered a virginal huntress, but also a war-like deity. We don't know if the cult of Artemis Agrotera Artemisian had a similar twofold nature. However, the sivathel against Cersei's armada and the later presence of Athenians and a sparta at Istheia could have led to the assignment of new trades to her cult. If this was the case, then it would seem likely that the visitors of the sanctuary would have consecrated shorts, seals, and helmets to the goddess, along with the aforementioned spies, spears, and arrowheads. In fact, the UVN inscription also contains a mention to prefect dances. Nevertheless, the fragmentary state of the inscription prevents us from determining beyond any doubt whether these war-like dances were performed in the very sanctuary of Artemis Agrotera's Athenian or elsewhere. If indeed the prefect dances occur at the Artemisian, then we can infer that Artemis was also regarded as a war goddess by Istheians. Furthermore, we could assume that the train had become not only a meeting point, but also a rallying point where civic festivals accompanied by games were celebrated. On the other hand, we cannot exclude the possibility that the inscription could have been the subtle dedication of Istheian, who performed the prefect dances in other places and later decided to put into writing his accomplishment at the Istheian Artemisian. That being the case, then the inscription constitutes a clear example of private self-propaganda. In order to achieve renown among his peers, the dedicator deliberately chose a famous and well-visited train as a place for display of his outstanding act. At Adios Jorgos Hill, Loren found another interesting inscription. The document dates to the second first century BC. It records a list of private donors who contributed different amounts of money to the restoration of the sanctuary of Artemis as well as to the construction of a sculpture. This sculpture is most likely representing the goddess. In this document, the goddess is mentioned with the epithet Prociola, i.e. Artemis who dwells or faces his ward or towards the dome. The title could refer to the goddess concern for safeguarding the local communities for external threats. In the first second century AD, Kutak provided a contest description of the shrine. He stated that the cult place was indeed dedicated to Artemis Prociola as we showed before. The writer also reports that there was a modest temple in the sanctuary. He also mentioned a circle of white slabs that had been erected on the ground. Therefore, he corroborates that investment occurred both in facilities and dedications. Kutak also affirmed that the temple was surrounded by a grove which recalls the relationship between Artemis and the wilds. Kutak stated that one of the slabs in the sanctuary showed the inscription that you can see in the slide above. The inscription constituted a clear case of Asinian estate propaganda containing a distorsional view of the historical events. The text claims that the Athenians were the only Greek fighting the Persian armada. It also attributes the victory to Athens. The date of the setting up of the slabs is a vexed question. Here I will only highlight that the inscription mentions Artemis as Parthenos, Virgin Maiden, a title that also appears in the early Hellenistic inscription we show before 1190. As we have said, Artemis Parthenos was regarded as all over Asingris as the protector of children and as the goddess who kept watch over the light through which the young acceded to the ordered good. Kutak briefly states that the white slabs went off gave off the color and the fragrance of saffron. The writer provides no further details on the issue. However, he was certainly well aware of the multiple connotations of the offering. Indeed, the choice of such a bizarre stone was not accidental. We are told that the stone was white, which is consistent with the virginal character of Artemis, but it was also susceptible of physical changes, i.e., to transitions besides the display of stone slabs that could acquire the color of saffron in the sanctuary of Artemis Prociola, i.e., the Artemis who faces the dawn, would seem appropriate. For Eos, the personification of dawn was usually described as the saffron robe. Actually, both literary and epigraphic records reflect that saffron robes were used by all kinds of females, whether they were goddess, muses, nymphs, heroines, or mortals. It is worth noting that Ifigenia was wearing a saffron robe when she was about to be sacrificed at the sanctuary of Artemis in Aulis, but she was finally replaced in the Ota by Adir. Moreover, saffron garments were consecrated to Artemis Bravoronia. Saffron was also used in the elaboration of perfumes for women, and, again, saffron was used for preparation for the preparation of medicine that promoted conception and procreation. All this data are consistent with the role of Artemis as the protector of the feminine gender. To sum up, the sanctuary of Artemis at Artemis was situated at a limited position, i.e. in a point of contact with the wildness and other threats, including the person. The sanctuary was the venue where, gathering a card, offerings were consecrated, personal and state propaganda was displayed, and possibly threats of passage were celebrated. And here, Artemis was worshipped as a goddess of the wild, but also as a beneficent deity. Thank you very much.