 Hello everybody. Thanks for joining us here. I am also in London, you can see there's some rare sunshine for this time of year. I hope you're having a good start of the weekend and for those of you who celebrate Lunar New Year, Happy New Year. I'm going to quickly introduce myself and then talk a little bit about my own research just to give you sort of an impression of what anthropology is like. So my name is Fabio Gigi. I was born in Switzerland. I was raised and educated in Switzerland, Germany and Japan. I lived eight years in Japan and Japan is also my regional specialization as an anthropologist. So if you're an anthropologist, usually you have sort of a focus of particular region where you do fieldwork in and you also have thematic focus. So I'll be talking a little bit about the things. And let me start by sharing my screen. Here we go. So I called the talk today, the anthropology of stuff from clutter to robots, because this is really the two topics that sort of link my research interests together. But of course, that is not representative of anthropology more broadly. That's just what I'm interested in. Hey, Joel, I could just see you coming in. Excellent. So first things first. So when you think about what is anthropology? Again, there's a broad range of different ways of answering this question. And I just brought in a few of those in the broadest possible sense. And apology is the study of cultural differences and similarities. That's sort of the kind of definition that you find in the dictionaries. But over the last 50 years, of course, interest has also shifted not only in describing cultural difference and similarity, but also to understand how power relations with the state and other institutions shape individual and collective experiences. So it is trying to understand the world from a particular point of view, which may not be the mainstream point of view, right? And this allows anthropology to really investigate a very broad range of different questions. So anything to do with human beings that refers to the cultural, to the symbolic, to the embodied aspects of existence really is the object of anthropology. So for me personally, I like to think of anthropology not so much as sort of a predefined set of ideas, but really as a way of asking questions. So the most basic question that you always ask, of course, is why are things the way they are? And sort of trying to find out about that makes you think about common sense makes you think about what is taken for granted? What do you assume automatically to be part of a particular cultural world? And it is in many ways, the an understanding and analysis of this common sense and understanding that this common sense may be very particular to your own experience or very particular to your own cultural backgrounds that this is really where anthropology starts. So understanding what is taken for granted is really an extremely important sort of starting point. And we'll see in some of the examples later, how that works. Now, this question, why are things the way they are? For me, automatically leads to the question, well, could things not be different? If they are not naturally the way that they are, if the way they are is the result of a particular historical and cultural situation, then of course, we can imagine things to be different. And really here, I think is the liberatory potential of anthropology to think about things, not just in a descriptive manner, but also thinking about how could things be different? What would have to change? What changes when we change our assumption about what is right and what is real? And so often, anthropology in a sort of a shorthand is described as making the strange familiar and the familiar strange. And this has to do with the particular method that anthropology uses. Now, we call it simply fieldwork. And it's usually a kind of it is, well, it is a transformative experience, because it changes not only the way you think, but also the way you behave and the way you comport yourself. So really what we do as anthropologists, we immerse ourselves in a particular field, usually for one or for two years, we do participant observation, which is exactly as it says on the tin, we participate in the social life of a particular place, and we observe what's happening. And we do in-depth interviews to find out what makes people pick, what makes certain ideas circulate. Now, this includes learning local languages and learning local codes of behavior. It means to keep extensive field notes and diaries. And crucially, it also implies thinking about your own position as a researcher. What is the particular relationship that you have with your object of research? And what makes that possible? Which also has to include a reflection on the larger context in which your research happens, right? And the result of this fieldwork is called ethnography. It's usually a book-length study that tells you that, well, basically, you try to put in everything you know about the thing into one book. Now, add to this picture. This is one of the founders of Anthropology, Bronislav Manilnowski, the Trobriand Islands in the 1920s. He was one of the first anthropologists to use fieldwork to use the full immersive experience. But many of you may think that this is still what anthropologists do, but that is actually very misleading, because contemporary anthropologists are as likely to do fieldwork on contemporary protest movements. You can see here the removal of coast in Bristol, or do fieldwork in a robotics laboratory, which you can see at the bottom on the right-hand side. So you don't just take the question of cultural difference and sort of assume that this is only applied when you work with native tribes, but you think of it in a much broader way about the contemporary world. And this is really what makes Anthropology interesting. So I just thought I'd take you briefly through some of the topics that I've been working on. I've been very interested in my early fieldwork in what it means to own stuff. Now, think about the things that you surround yourself with. You use pen and paper and probably books, but also machines like computers and cell phones. And all of these come to you because of elaborate systems of production and consumption. You don't know who made them. You have actually very limited knowledge in general about how they work. They are the result of long technical production and creation processes, but they really are quite enigmatic. Now, if you look at before the Second World War, the average person used to own about 500 objects. If you try to count everything you own in your house in a sort of in an average London house, and this is some kind of some fieldwork that Daniel Miller at UCL has done, you'll find that people no matter what class do they belong to, no matter what socioeconomic status they occupy will have between 10,000 and 15,000 objects, right? So where does it all come from? More importantly, where does it go? Of course, this question intimately linked to the idea of disposal and waste. And how do we deal with them in your everyday life? So my research is about hoarding, hoarding basically defined as a psychological problem when you cannot get rid of things of little or no value. And my fieldwork took place in Tokyo, as I said, as I said, I lived in Japan for eight years. And I basically my fieldwork was helping people clean up their flats, and sort of finding out what makes them attached to things, and what consequences that this phenomenon has. It's very interesting, because when I started my fieldwork in 2006, it was sort of there was quite a bit of media attention given to it. But this all sort of starts in the 90s. Before the 90s, you never hear the term hoarding. There's one case in the States before the Second World War. But it only really comes into being sort of, you know, at the end of the 90s, when consumerism, you could say reaches its most extreme place, especially in Japan, where you have a bubble economy, a very buoyant economy in the 80s, where people basically buy new furniture every year, or every two years, and throw everything else away. Now, after the economy crashes, there is a massive change. You suddenly have 100 yen shop, which is like a one pound shop popping up everywhere. We have recycle shops, things are no longer thrown away, things are recycled. And it's really comes only sort of into being in the 90s. And this is where hoarding in Japan becomes visible as a social problem. Right, I'll just give you here on the left hand side, you have the psychological, the psychological definitions of hoarding. But of course, as an anthropologist, my interest is not so much what is how can I describe this as a particular mental disturbance or a pathological state of mind? But how can we understand the relationship that people have with objects? Now, this is from the magazine spa. It just give you a sense of Japanese media reports on what is called Gomiyashiki rubbish houses, or Kadatsukerari-nai on that women who cannot tidy up. And you can see here, I'll just give you a very short summary of what I found in the field is the interesting thing is that the phenomenon of hoarding, which in Western psychology and psychiatry is understood as, you know, non gendered phenomenon, meaning that both men and women are equally like it, are equally likely to be hoarding things in Japan. There is actually a very clear distinction made. So when a man holds that sort of part of the deal, so to speak, that's just it's been being male makes it okay to be untidy. But if you're a woman, that is considered to be socially very problematic. So what you have is a whole discourse in society that pathologizes these women. And that's why the term used is explicitly gendered, right? So this for me was quite surprising. When I set out to do the research to find out that gender plays a big role in Japan, but does not play a big role in the States. And in Germany, where I did comparative fieldwork with it. So this is sort of one, I just give you a very brief overview, because I also wanted to talk a little bit about my current research interest. So from thinking about what interests us in objects, what is the particular attraction that an object has for us? My interest moved towards dolls, because they were a category of things that were extremely difficult to throw away. As you can imagine, think of, you know, teddy bears, or stuff that that remained from your childhood, for example, it's very difficult to get rid of, because there's both memory embodied in it, and there's emotional attachment, but also, because these things are relational artifacts, they are there because they have a particular relationship with us. But interestingly, over the last 20 years, this understanding again, has been revolutionized, because now when we talk about a relational artifact, what we mean is an object that reacts to your presence, right? So what kind of object would be that think of your phone, right, you touch it, it comes alive, it recognizes you, it scans your face, it has an idea of who you are and who isn't you. So it's can only be unlocked by you. And think also about the almost symbiotic relationship that we have with technologies. Now, of course, this is also something that is exploited by companies who create, who create technology. Because of course, it's much more attractive to interact with a machine, or an object that has a state of mind that has a particular mood, right? So a relational object really is an object that engages our affect and amplifies our reaction. And the American anthropologist, Sherry Turkle, who's at MIT, sort of summed this up in one sense, a sentence saying, we connect to what we nurture. So most of you, I assume, will be too young to remember the tamagotchi. But that was sort of one way that started. It was this little tamago watch egg watch, literally translated, where you could hatch a little chicken, but you had to feed it, you had to push the button regularly, otherwise it would die. And this was sort of a swept the world before Pokemon, and was sort of a big hit. But of course, the implication that this has go far, why it go far further than just, you know, it's not just the question of the toy. Many of you may remember Sony eyeballs, this is the original incarnation, there's a new one now, where really the question is, what is this? What kind of object is this? Is this a pet robot? Is it a high tech toy? Or is it a new family member? And in order to find out if you do fieldwork, if you spend a lot of time with people who have eyeballs, you find that often what people do with the technology is quite different from what the technology was initially intended to be. And this gap really is only something that you can find out about through a longer engagement, right? So for example, Kubo Akinori, a Japanese anthropologist has written about eyeball. And basically, his conclusion was that the owners were much more fascinated by dancing and dressing their eyeballs rather than to have them behave like a real pet. So they didn't really think of them as pet robots. And when he asked them, well, do you think the eyeball is actually alive? They didn't say yes or no straight away, but they said it is some kind of enigmatic existence, right? And if you think about any kind of object that enters your own space, there is an enigmatic dimension to it, because you don't know where it comes from. It is usually packed in a particular way to suggest a pristine state that comes completely new. You unpack it. And if you search on YouTube, you'll find hundreds of videos of people unpacking things. It's sort of the unpacking itself has become a ritual. Oops, that was one too fast. But of course, there's always a thin line between technology and social engineering. And so relational artefacts have been used in the research and development stage to add a further dimension, a further social dimension to the care of the elderly in Japan, perhaps. For example, this is parol, the robot seal. It can't really do all that much. It can react to your touch. It can react to voices. So it does have a particular reaction that is partly random randomized, but it's precisely the fact that it's randomized that gives the people who engage with it the idea that this thing actually does have a particular state of mind, and that it does have a mood. So the reconstruction of human emotions or human interaction through technology, really, in a sense, is the holy grail that all the big tech firms are hankering after at the moment. And of course, from an anthropological point of view, that raises a lot of questions about how we think about the human, what is it that we consider to be human, and what is non human and how can the human and the non human come together. Now, often that is considered to be a question of the connection of the relationship that we feel, but not in all cases. And I'll finish up with a case that that is sort of a goes in the other direction, right. So here you have Azuna. Azuna is a reception Android. It can't actually walk or move around. It's basically it's just a torso of a robot. And also the software wasn't quite developed enough for it to actually function in a receptionist capacity. But the interesting thing, of course, there were all kinds of other uses. And so Azuna launched her own book, for example, sort of belonging to the Japanese genre of, well, picture books really, where she's posing in slightly risque dresses, you can see here in the background, and the person sitting there on the left hand side with how holding the microphone is the engineer that created her. Toritani Naoshi. So he said in an interview, and this is, I think, where anthropology, again, becomes very relevant. When you create an object like a robot, of course, you don't quite know what it is capable of in the beginning, right? How will people react to it? And the only thing what you can do, you can let it interact with people and then observe what's happening. And this is a bit of a long quote. But this is quite interesting. Showing have these sometimes unforeseen things that happen when you let people interact with new forms of technology. So he writes, when Azuna participated in an event, a disabled person was moved to tears of joy, because Azuna continued to look at them steadily. According to that participant, when people avert their eyes while talking, they suspect that if it's distressing for people to look at them and feel hurt as a consequence. On the other hand, when someone looks at them steadily, they worry that they are being stared at in a strange way. But because the participant knew that the Android had no hidden intentions or judgments and the Japanese term was used. So something that is hidden, that you don't want the other person. No, they felt looked at with pure eyes and did not worry. And this is something that never occurred to us before this event. So in this particular case, it was not about creating a human connection with something that is not human, quite the opposite, it was because Azuna was an Android, because it was non human, that this disabled person felt that there was some kind of real interaction. So yes, I just bring this up to quickly illustrate, you can do quite a lot with anthropology, you can move from clutter to robotics. But of course, if you look at the SOAS anthropology homepage, you will see that there's a lot of people who work on all kinds of different interesting topics. So thank you very much for your kind attention. And I'll stop here to take your questions. So, Fabio, thank you for the presentation. We've got plenty of questions from students in the chat box and also Q&A. There's some questions to our student ambassador as well. So now it's the time to ask questions. Can you see them Fabio in the Q&A session in the chat? Can see, yeah, excellent, yeah. Okay, I can see them. And let me check the Q&A. Yes, I also can see them in the Q&A. Jor, do you want to start off? So I'll have a quick look at the questions while you talk. Yeah, sure. Hello, everyone. By the way, I have introduced myself. My name is Jorwell. I'm currently doing MA in social anthropology part time. So this is my first year. As Fabio, I mean, I haven't I haven't specialized there by intending to focus on Japan and my research as well. So I did East Asian studies for my undergraduate degree and I focus on Japanese culture and society. And yeah, the reason why I decided to do anthropology was because I felt like there was something missing from my degree. I just saw myself burning towards, you know, society, culture, and always speaking modules related to anthropology. I know my life shoes told me, oh, you should really do anthropology because that's why you're what you're good at. And yeah, I like the size. And now I'm here. I'm just going through the questions. Right, shall I take a few from the Q&A box. And then maybe we can change back and forth between the two of us. That's it. Okay, so Laila asked, when studying anthropology, is it more of choosing a culture and looking at the different dimension and aspects or more of choosing an aspect and assessing it across multiple cultures? Or both? Excellent question. Now, this really is something that sort of changes quite a lot in the history of anthropology, right? So there's always sort of a swing back between these two aspects. At the moment, we're moving away from the comparison from the idea of comparison. Because in many ways, it's really, you know, if you focus on collective and subjective experience, it is, it's really difficult to think about a comparative framework that does justice to this particular data. If you have a more abstract notion or something that you can operationalize in a more sociological way, yes, then that is absolutely possible. But I think the important thing in anthropology is always to put facts into their context and to consider how they are also interpreted and understood not only by the anthropologist, but also by the people in the field. And that makes a direct comparison quite different. Sorry, quite difficult. On the other hand, there are many anthropologists who sort of like the people like Tim Ingolt, for example, who recently have sort of shifted more towards sort of a renewed call for comparative work, really to look at what comparison can tell us about the human condition rather than just ethnography. But this is an ongoing debate. And in anthropology, you always have aspects of both. Shall I take this into the second one as well? Just to do a quick, there's not that many. I can go through them and then we'll look at the chat. Okay. So thank you for that. Somebody asked, are there any links between social anthropology and sociology? I really enjoy sociology, which is why I became interested in this course, and was just wondering how similar the two are. Excellent question as well. Now, of course, anthropology and sociology, we share quite a lot of forebears. We share sort of a theoretical ancestors, you could say, people like Carl Marx and Weber. But normally, nowadays, when you think about sociology, do you think about people who work in their own cultural context? And that is the only difference. But of course, if you, if you're a Japanese sociologist working on Japan, basically, you're doing exactly the same thing that an anthropologist would do. So there isn't that clear a distinction. So if you enjoyed sociology, you will definitely also enjoy anthropology. One thing that I may add to that is that, well, sometimes the difference is sort of formulated in a distinction between quantitative and qualitative methods, meaning that sociology is more prone to use statistics that you need to have knowledge and background in or some knowledge in mathematics to do that kind of work while anthropology is usually mostly qualitative, meaning mostly based on interviews, in-depth interviews, and participant observations. And there's a question, hoarding in Japan, does socioeconomic status play a role at all with a rich woman who would be looked down on more less than a poor woman who does the same? Very good question. Now, actually, if you think about accumulation, more generally, you will notice that almost everybody is hoarding to some degree. But of course, if you can afford to put all your things in storage, for example, I call that offshore hoarding, it will not be visible in the same way. So in a sense, you can pay for the hoard to disappear. And that does not make you the target of all these ideas of pathology. So socioeconomic status plays a very important role. But again, in my, I worked with about 56 informants, which for anthropology is quite a lot, but for sociology or for somebody who works statistically, of course, is far too little to make sort of broader generalizations. But I can say I've worked with people from all socioeconomic backgrounds. So it's not just, I mean, that's the common perception that it is experiences of deprivation, for example, war experience sort of lead people to hoard more. And that is something that that makes sense to us when we hear it. But actually, if you look at it statistically, which is what the psychologists have done, there's only a weak correlation there. Okay, and there's a few more. There was one more that's, so yeah, would you say the evolution of relational artifacts has more or less been spareheaded by Japan? And that is a result Japan has experienced relatively less than human interaction between the people that's leading to their aging population, lowering birth rates, etc. I wouldn't say that it has led to the aging population and lowering birth rates. But there is clearly a link. And I think most of these technologies are invented to compensate for the loss of the workforce. That was already very apparent in the 80s, right, where you have the basically the Japanese workplace, the factory was automatized was mostly robots, assembling costs, for example. But the relational objects that really became important in the 90s, they come in, as you as you suggest that when sort of this society is going through transformation, and where social ties are being rethought. And so in many ways, the development of robotics in Japan is closely linked to that. And interestingly, if you talk to roboticists, they will always say, Well, we work on human machine interfaces, we don't work on Android robotics, because we don't want the military to use our technology. Right, so there's also a particular sort of, we could say post war ethics that plays into it, very different from the States, for example, where firms like Boston Dynamic very, but I mean, they, they do all these, I don't know what you may have seen on YouTube, the dancing military robots, they try to cutify them, but they're clearly there as military machines. When we are counting stuff, do we also include a digital clutter? Oh, yes, absolutely. All the emails we don't do current inbox. I would just check this morning is about 5,450, in my case, blocks of the dormant and files on our desk desktop as well, absolutely. So digital clutter is an interesting thing. It's not as obtrusive, of course, as as actual objects that sort of spill out of your desktop. But it is problematic as well, especially once you, you know, if you have 15 windows open in your background, there's a similar thing. And I think it's not only about materiality, but there's a certain fear about losing the information that if you close something, it will be gone. It will be lost. So there's an idea that it's the presence of the object that that that makes it that that with basically, you know, if you don't look at it, it stops existing. That's the implicit fear there. Okay, do you want to take a few as well? And then I'll come back to the question of how secure is social anthropology? Sure. Yeah. So I'm just going to answer Sahana, she did a few she asked a few things. So the first question was, is it difficult learning virtually? Um, I don't think it's difficult. I think it's different. It's definitely, it's definitely a new experience. But it's in my, in my, in my personal experience, it's been quite easy to adapt to. Um, because there's relates to your second question, your lectures pre recorded live. So all all lectures have been pre recorded this year, which is really good. So even if you know, you miss something, or you know, you have another commitment, you can just watch lectures another time. Or if you feel you didn't understand the topic very well, you can always go back and just release the whole lecture, which I do sometimes. Um, and it's been, no, it's it's been really good. Um, I think tutorials are quite engaging as well. Um, you, like, you get a chance to speak whenever you want. Just use the raise hand function, which is quite quite fun sometimes. Um, yeah, I know it's been it's been a good experience for me in these past six months. Yeah. Um, in terms of disabled, disabled access on campus. Um, I can only speak for the library because that's where I've been. And I know there is, um, there is ramps and there's disabled access. I'm pretty sure to like every level in the library. Um, so I would assume the other buildings would also have it, but I'm not 100% sure. But I mean, um, I would, I would think so. Yeah. Um, um, what other question can I ask? Mary, how do you sell into your ethnographic target community? It's not easy unless you're already familiar with the gatekeeper. Um, you know, I'm not sure either because I've never done fieldwork. Um, I'm very excited to do it. Hopefully, fingers crossed next year. You know, things, um, settle, settle down, but from do you want to? I can, I can take that. Yes. Okay. So yes, how do you settle into your ethnographic target community? Now, I was very lucky because I did an exchange year when I was a high school student. And so I lived with a host family in the 90s. And we've been in contact ever since. And, uh, so that's, that wasn't, that wasn't about in a sense, that was my gatekeeping to not to my fieldwork, but really just to, to, to, to, um, you know, to get a sense of living, um, in Japan. Um, the other way, now when you work with, uh, you know, in private spaces, uh, with people who are sort of looked at as the being slightly odd or eccentric or pathological, that of course is much more difficult. So I recruited, uh, people, um, via, uh, an online forum. And of course it was all sort of, you know, I offered them the opportunity either to, to work with me directly or to, um, sort of keep a photo diary, for example, of their tidying up. And we would meet, uh, regularly, um, to discuss progress or to discuss, uh, how this was difficult. Uh, but it is a long process. And that's why really you, you need, uh, I spent, uh, almost a year and a half on my first fieldwork. Um, and it's only really in the last few months where things really start to, uh, to happen. So it is a lot of time going into, um, into sort of relationship building. Um, and, uh, yes, until you actually really get access. And sometimes it doesn't happen in the end, right? Um, so it is, it is a long process and it is not always successful. Uh, but it is that which is really at the core, um, of, um, of ethnography. Um, there's another question. I wanted to ask about the process of finding a specialism in a specific country for your research. For example, how do you go about choosing that country for your research? Again, that's, I mean, it's up to you. Um, if you do a PhD in anthropology, um, we do expect that you speak the language or that you plan extra time to, uh, you know, to acquire the language. So that is, uh, very important and very time consuming. Um, and, uh, so yes, but, uh, but other than that, it's up to you. I mean, so as we're specialized in basically everywhere, everywhere, apart from Latin America, that's, that is probably fair to say that, um, here, right? Um, okay, so one more question. So as a recently closed answer, of course, because of financial difficulties, how secure is social anthropology? I can reassure you that, yes, we are up and running. Um, we are okay. We're a small department. Uh, we're quite flexible. Um, and we're, we're definitely here, um, to stay because, uh, anthropology as such is sort of, is very close to the, the core identity. Also, uh, Fabio, we have significantly improved our financial position this year. So there's actually a sample. So, um, we're doing well. We, um, did, uh, curriculum review last year. That's why some of the programs were consolidated rather than cancelled completely. Uh, so again, in anthropology, I can assure that it's very, uh, anthropology, the anthropology department is, is very safe. Uh, it's one of our, um, most popular departments as well in terms of courses, um, at the UG and, um, PG level. Thank you. Uh, there's another question, what fieldwork opportunities are there for undergrad students? Now, there are fieldwork opportunities built in some courses. Obviously, uh, this year, that was quite difficult. So most people had to do some form of digital fieldwork or Zoom interviews. Um, but you, you do a course called, uh, ethnographic research methods for which you do a little, um, uh, an ethnographic project. But there's also courses, um, like, uh, contemporary religious movements, for example, that have, uh, built-in fieldwork part that's usually, um, built around London. Um, if you're an, uh, uh, uh, uh, if you write an independent study project, which is the, uh, anthropological equivalent of a dissertation, you can do, uh, fieldwork. That's a process that, uh, happens over your last year, and you usually do fieldwork over summer. So you have two or three months, um, of fieldwork, and you will be supervised by a member of, uh, staff in the house to do that. So there are, uh, opportunities, uh, for undergrad students as well, but not, of course, not in the sort of the one year, um, uh, time length. Um, to what extent does anthropology try to address historical events? Uh, there is a whole subfield called historical anthropology. Um, and especially recently, you know, with Black Lives Matter, for example, there's, there's, uh, been much more attention being paid to the institutional history of anthropology itself and anthropology's complicities in colonialism, uh, for example. So this is also something, um, that has, uh, led to, uh, uh, sort of a much greater research output in historical anthropology. Um, so, uh, just to take these food, and then maybe you can take some more of the chat. Uh, in terms of field work, how will that play a part in the course? We will have to choose a field of study. Um, so as I mentioned, some of this already, it's, um, it depends on the course that you take. So for one of the courses that was not on offer this year, because of COVID-19, you will participate, uh, in a religious movement somewhere in London and write about it, uh, for example. Uh, and it is quite daunting, yes, but you will get, uh, this peer support. Uh, you'll sit together in, uh, research design groups where you think about what to do. You have methods classes that sort of tell you, um, where to go and what to do. Uh, and, uh, there's a lot of, uh, peer support, uh, as well. Uh, then there's, uh, uh, lately a more specific lesson. Good morning. I'm very interested in exploring the strong emergent countercultures in Japan as juxtaposed with traditionally assigned gender roles and expected societal duties after spending time there. I was curious how you found connecting with people happy to participate in your research initially and how open to involvement they were, uh, if you, uh, of course I don't mind anything. So the, um, the thing, it's, it's really, it's about, often about language ability. If you speak the language fluently, you will be able to reassure, uh, you know, participants very quickly that this is, you know, something that is doable because there's lots of, um, anxiety also about misunderstandings and so on and so forth. But, uh, and again, it, it, um, obviously it also has to do with your own positionality. Um, so if you try to do research on the subculture, for example, but you're a complete outsider, you know, you don't share any of the interests, for example, then that will be more difficult. It would, you would appear as a more strange figure. Um, but if, of course, you share some of the interest and some of the sexual orientation or gender identity, then that will be a way to, um, you know, to address the things. And I have several of my PhD students are doing that. Um, so there's definitely the possibility, to do, uh, work like that. Um, could you give an example of the sort of task assignment you would set in first year? Um, yes, so traditionally what you do in first year is, um, you do a lot of, um, uh, you learn to write an academic essay. But that is not as daunting as it perhaps sounds. So there's usually a broad range of different ways of doing it. Um, so one way, um, for example, this year we had students write a dialogue between two anthropologists or two thinkers for the social theory module, which is, um, uh, one thing, one module that you have to take as a first year undergrad. So imagine what would Karl Marx say, uh, to, um, let's say Michel Foucault, two thinkers that we treat, um, in the course, um, or what would Freud, Sigmund Freud, um, say to, uh, Evans Pritchard. So there's, there's ways in which that, you know, you can, um, make it a bit more creative and interesting. Uh, Fabio, Joao, unfortunately we need to finish now because we have another, um, taster session scheduled. Uh, thank you very much, Joao and Fabio for answering all the questions and for a wonderful presentation. I've shared your email addresses with our students. I hope you don't mind. So everyone, I'm, I'm very sorry we're not able to answer all the questions right now, but if you have any, any questions, any inquiries, please please feel free to reach out to Joao and, um, Fabio. Thank you very much. So thank you very much, that was excellent. Thank you for coming and I hope you have a nice weekend.