 We have 13 and a half minutes to go and so I would invite you to raise your fingers as you already are doing and I would probably take three, four speakers in a row and then give the chance to you to come back. Would you, the lady here in the front row, would you please, Asia, of course, I should have, I should have other glasses. Asia, please, you have the first go. Well, thank you very much enough for your thoughts. However, I'm so sorry that there is nobody from North Africa because we are having some hot issues too. Let me just ask three or four very quick questions. First to the panel, I would like you please to clarify the respective role of your states, Turkey, of course, GCC, since you have the Gulf think tank, in the first place, the regional powers, what is their involvement in North Africa, the Sahel, and West Africa, and especially in the insecurity continuum from Libya to the Sahel. Second, I'd like to move very quickly to China, since you said to more global powers, since China is taking a more active role in security in Africa, we know it especially in larger frameworks, but what is the price you would be ready to pay since the US wants it a lowest cost? What is the one you want to pay to see a more stable region, which would be very favorable for your trade, and what type of development would you be respected, respecting since Africa now is looking for a more inclusive, more self-reliant in development, what would be the role of China in that respect. I turn to you Volker because I would like you to answer me about Europe involvement beyond the role of France. What could Europe do just to contain the risks from inflaming North Africa and further destabilize it, and of course to try to contain the increase of the immigration flows. On a much wider scope, I would like you, all of you, please to tell us what would be the game changer to go beyond and avoid organized crime to take roots in the whole region, which it is doing right now, and avoid failing states more in this region of Africa where states sometimes are much more fragile than the big organized crime. Thank you very much for these very precise questions. I see Joseph, I saw Doroté and Zadalia at the very end there, so let's take these three speakers and then we go to the panel. Thank you Volker. Thank you for the panelists discussions and the panelists themselves. Three quick questions going into the debate that you have triggered here. Very interesting. But my first question would be about Palestine, about the Israeli-Palestinian issue. Shall I have to understand that the whole question of Palestine and the Israeli-Arab conflict has become totally irrelevant when it comes to the Middle East? Where do you stand? Where do your countries stand regarding this question? My second question would be to the big change that has occurred in the Middle East, which is the role of Russia. We're not being talking very much about Russia, since Russia has this tremendous role that it is playing today in Syria. So Russia has not welcomed the incursion, like Volker said, of Turkey. But now, beginning from today, I think that Russia would have to manage relations with the Turks and with the Iranians. What are the outcomes? What are the perspectives about that? My third question would go to the gentleman from Saudi Arabia. And a very interesting thing. Do you think, sir, that when it comes to the Iranian and the tensions in the Gulf area, do you think that today we would be able, I mean, talking about global diplomacy, to solve the problem by focusing only on one part of the problem, which is the nuclear issue? The European diplomacy is focusing very much on this issue. Don't you think that Iran has been very much successful in setting up a linkage policy that would trigger us or would drive us in order to solve the problems? To discuss at the same time, nuclear issues, Syrian issues, Afghanistan issues, maybe, the Houthis issues and the Hamas and the Hezbollah issue. Since Iran is having a very important role in linking all these questions together. Thank you. Thank you, Joseph. I have Dorothee Schmidt and Daria and Khatih. But you already have the mic, so you start and then Dorothee goes. Good morning, everyone. I'm the gentleman from China. He said that the different parties in the region are tired. I don't think so, because if you go back in history, to the history of Europe, to the 30 years war that shattered Europe, and it was also driven by ethnicity, by sectarianism, you know, the war stopped only when the different countries didn't have any money or any young people to fight. And we are far away from that. There is still money in the region and there are still young men who are ready to fight. So, and we have this political competition between three blocks. Iran on one hand, Turkey and Qatar on one hand, Saudi Arabia and UAE. Unless we have some serious mediation, what we have, the bloodshed we see now can go on for another 20 years. So we need to have a serious effort. We need to have awareness by the regional actors as well by the international community to pressure everyone to enter into an agreement. Thank you. Thank you very much, Dorothee Schmidt. Thank you to all the speakers. I'm more interested in the escalation, escalation in Syria currently. And so first simple question is who could mediate in Syria? Who should we mediate between? That's a sub-question like Chuck Hertz, the Turks and Bashar al-Assad soon. Second question, who will reap the benefits of the operation? Which I think personally is extremely risky for the Turks. And third question is what is your take? This is maybe for you, Volker. What's your take on the future of NATO? So we have 10, we have 10 questions. I'm not actually a panelist, but I would probably try to say a word in my closing remarks. 10 questions, please don't try to all answer the 10 questions. There will be 40 answers for six minutes. So if each of you would pick the three questions or so, he seems to be most relevant. And maybe, Mohammad, we start with you again. Yes, what would be the game changer in the Sahel and West Africa? And incidentally, the issue that has been raised about transnational organized crime is real, is serious. In the Guinea-Bissau, Senegal area alone in the last few months, the seizures of drugs has just been phenomenal in terms of the quantities. We're talking of more than a ton, in one case, 800 pounds in another case. It's huge quantities that are coming through. And there is a good reason to believe that this is part of the network for financing of terrorism, precisely because we know the routes of these drugs goes through territories now that are controlled by terrorist groups. So we need to take that serious. And therefore, within the perspective of the UN, this integrated approach will call for first and foremost, scaling up on the security approach. We all know that MINUSMA was well intended, and we're doing our best to use that peacekeeping force in Mali. But legitimate questions are being posed by the Malian people. And it's not making any of us look good. So we need to have serious discussions as to what type of force do you deploy in an area where the adversaries are using what someone has called unconventional and asymmetric warfare, terrorist attacks, et cetera. Do we have the right march of force to the security threat? Legitimate issue to be discussed there. And I have suggested that this cannot be left just to the French. As I think one of the contributors from the floor has also said, which has deployed Balkan, we know that others are coming on board. But in my view, in not sufficient vigorous force that we need to deal with terrorism at the same time that we must address the root causes of poverty and allow this region to harness the tremendous resources that are available to grow the economies, tackle climate change, and change the narrative of violence and extremism to one of creating growth and opportunity for the young people and the women very dynamic, ready to move their countries forward. Thank you very much, Mohammed. Memdul, you've got quite a number of precise and short questions. Very difficult ones. The Russian issue. Now, I think the criticism of the operation in Syria by the Russians is very contained and sort of subdued. So that signals quite a bit. At the end of the day, they managed to put a wedge between the US and PYD. They managed to get US mostly out of it, the northern Syria. So they're probably quite okay with what's happening, provided they've been very clear about this. They do not want this operation to harm the constitutional process in Syria. They're very clear. They do not want this to harm the territorial integrity and unity of Syria. And hence they do not want a permanent presence of Turkey in Syria. And I think that's very clear. And I think that sort of aligns with the current statements by the Turkish president Erdogan. So we will hope that this will work out. And in the end, as we were exchanging words with Volker, the odds are the Russians will try to nudge Turkey and Syria together for a rapprochement. And that may well be the end game if it happens. But I don't know whether that will happen or not. We'll see. And Iran. I mean, Iran is obviously also sort of watching very closely. And Iran I think will be quite okay with that as well. Because at the end of the day, both Russians and Iranians seem to be very intent on having Assad rule a sort of an integrated unified country. So that seems to be, it's heading there. In terms of who negotiates with whom, who mediates, it seems really the only external power at this point that can really mediate is the Russians. Unless the Europeans are willing to start talking about the reconstruction effort, which will be a whole other thing, but I don't think we are there yet. So it'll be, again, I think the Russians will try to do something between us and the Syrians. I don't know whether that will sort of bear any fruit. And if that works out and we finally have our, the corridor free of terrorism, the Syrians gradually going back. The Turks will benefit from this. Hopefully the Syrian people will benefit from this. But I agree with you, Dorothea. It is this will be a very difficult, complicated and risky process. I mean, there is a good scenario going really through these very complex and dreadful scenarios. I'm just hoping that that sort of tenuous line is the one that will materialize in the end. That's, and we'll talk about it next year, hopefully. Thank you, Mamduk. Don Manian, I think there were two questions which you should answer. The one is the price tag on your engagement. How much are you actually prepared or do you think China is prepared to involve in terms of resources? And maybe you should also take the question about who is going to mediate or who could mediate. I just prefer the three points, point one. China attached great importance to her relations with the Minna region, with Africa. Because in the Minna region, except for Israel, all the countries in the African continent, all the countries are developing countries. China is the largest developing country. So first, we share same historical experiences. Second, we face same tasks, how to develop our country, how to better off people's living standards. So we have 1,000 reasons to consolidate, to upgrade our relations, our friendship. So let me determine, let me define the nature of the relations between China with Minna countries, with African countries. That is, we are, this is my first response, and second response, a Palestinian issue, Palestinian just cause. China, since the founding of New China 70 years ago, and from 50s of last century until now, China, strongly, persistently, continuously support Palestinian cause. So in Arabic, a lot of shuf shuf, so whole Arab world, whole Islamic world are shufing what is China doing in terms of support Palestinian cause. So I think currently, the whole Arab world, whole Islamic world face a real challenge, that is how to deal with the so-called deal of the century. I believe, even though there is a imbalance of power between Israel and Palestine, and between that Israel and that Arab world, Islamic world. But I think the fundamental interests of Palestinian people, the national dignity of Arab people, Palestinian people, and Muslims cannot be trade off or swap. So China will continue to support Palestinian cause and stand shoulder by shoulder, hand in hand with Arab countries, with Islamic countries, to stick to the relevant UN Security Council resolutions and to support two states' solutions and support Arab peace initiative. And lastly, the third point to the question raised by that beautiful lady about, because she doesn't believe the regional actors, they all get tired. I think they get tired just one of the reasons. More important reason is that I think the main players in Middle East, their top priority is how to rejuvenate their country. For you take Turkey as an example, Turkey under the leadership of Type Erdogan Bay, Turkey formulated 2023 strategic vision. So I believe Turkey's domestic policies and foreign policies should serve for this strategic vision. And also the same story for Saudi Arabia under the leadership of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Saudi Arabia formulated 2030 strategic vision. So that's the top priority for Saudi Arabia to realize. And that will lead further solid foundation for the leadership of Saudi Arabia in Arab world and Islamic world. So thank you. Thank you. Thank you very much. We are already in the negative when it comes to our time schedule. So last remark by Abdulaziz. Maybe I'd like to start by commenting a little bit on the Chinese side, you know, just very quickly. No, it's okay. Until the China start to liberate the economy post-1991, yes, we used to have a very firm position from the Chinese when it came to 1956, 67, 73, 71. And but post that, you know, I mean, lately, unfortunately, we start seeing much more interest from China in the economic side and the economic relation, the economic participation in the region. Yes, China import today 1,550,000 better a day from Saudi Arabia, almost 17% of China import comes from Saudi Arabia, which is a very important. I myself take a lot of pride that I was one of the very few Saudi visited China in November 1980, when it was a different country at that time. But at the same time, what today might concern me, the Chinese have followed the Russian when it came to the Syrian case. They have joined them in the V2 that have in the Security Council without stating their clear position, you know, away from the Russian, you know, following them on such a decision as so. But anyhow, it's a very important relation. We appreciate a lot of the Chinese position there. But yet we don't like to see a buyer and seller relation only with China. We would like to see a much more, you know, holistic approach and a much more constructive approach from the Chinese. Yes, the questions from the floor. Yes, the floor. I will go through the flute very quickly with regard to the North Africa and the Sahel. Well, when it comes to a country like Libya, Saudi Arabia would like to see a unified Libya, a constitutional that, you know, taking consideration everybody. Some of the Gulf country have taken a step of intervention there. I'm not so sure whether it's based on their own interest or based on another alliance that they have, you know, with other countries. But at the same time, I can't speak on their behalf. I can see that, yes, Egypt and the UAE is involved in Libya. Qatar and Turkey is involved in Libya. I think if we leave the Libyan issue to the Libyan and we try to help them to come up with a much better structure, it will be better. In the Sawah, yes, we are a big supporter for counterterrorism issue. And Saudi have contributed to that. And we understand, you know, the situation there quite well. On the Palestinian, no, it will remain to be the key issue in the region. I don't think, you know, the Palestinian is coming down in the list. Maybe there are, you know, it used to be the only case, the mother of all cases and the mother of all battles, as they call it. But now we have many different cases at the same time. We have, you know, many issues to deal with. But that would not because otherwise, you know, when we had the Arab summit in the Ma'am in Saudi Arabia, King Salman called it the, you know, Al Quds summit, Saudi continue to support the, you know, Palestinian government with no changes there. Are we in support, not in support, you know, with the deal of the century? I was one of those who met with Kushner when he came to Saudi Arabia and when we talked to him. I don't think there is a real clear picture at this stage today that you can really judge whether the deal of the century has a clarity or not. Russian role, as I said, you know, I will close it, don't worry. You know, Russia role, as I said, if it wasn't the U.S. decline, I mean, Russia will have their own difficulties. The Russian economy is almost the same as Spain. Can they really afford that expansionist policy? Their trade relation with the region is primarily in military and some mineral, but not much. It's not like the Chinese. For instance, you will compare a 3 billion China, I mean, Russia trade with the region to almost 170 billion from China. You know, that's a big difference on that one. Ablaziz, last word, we are getting signs that we are taking over time. Can we really solve the nuclear issue? You know, there is two divisions. There is the strategic and the non-strategic issue. The non-strategic issue, we are willing to continue with the Iranian. Had Amra, diplomat establishing the relation, organized crime, maritime issue, in all of these issues, we differentiate. The key strategic issue for us that we will not compromise about it is their interventionist policy, their expansionist policy, and the JCPO, which include the missile program. The Iranian, they used to insist in blinking them all together, but today, according to the last statement from Minister Zarif, he's willing to separate, he's willing to deal on the both side. The last word, thank you. I mean, we need to thank the great country of Kingdom of Morocco for their hosting us and providing the platform. We need to thank Terry and all his team for organizing the world policy. We are very happy with what you see. This is becoming the daffos of the international affairs. Thank you for already sort of making the last words here, which usually belong to the chairperson. I'm not going to answer as an idle question because that's not the panel. On Asia's question, would be great to have a panel on European engagement with this region. My very short answer is containment is not an answer. Our strategy would should be a mix of continuing transformative engagements plus empowerment of the states that work and function in the region, but that would need more time to elaborate. Please join me in thanking these four gentlemen here for enlightening about the situation in that region. And that was it. Thank you.