 Welcome to the Hindu News Analysis by Shankar Iyer's Academy for the date 8th of July 2019. Displayed are the list of news articles taken up for today's analysis along with the page numbers of Chennai, Bengaluru, Delhi and Thiruvananthapuram editions. The handwritten notes in PDF format and the time-sumping of all the news articles taken up for today's analysis will be available in the description section and also in the comment section below for the benefit of the smartphone users. Let us see an open editorial that talks about the non-inclusion of crimes against humanity and then Geno said in Indian Laws. Now the analysis of this open editorial will be relevant in your problems preparation under Indian polity and governance. The analysis will also be relevant in your mains preparation, in your general studies paper too under international relations because the article assesses India's commitment to international rules-based order with respect to crimes against humanity and Geno said. Then this analysis will also be relevant under global groupings and agreements involving India and are affecting India's interest and also under important international institutions their structure and mandate. Now the author of this open editorial talks about a case law which is state versus Sajjan Kumar and others. This particular case is concerned with the mass killings of people who are following the Sikh religion during the anti-Sikh riots in the year 1984 in Delhi. So if you see between the 1st and 4th of November in the year 1984, more than 2,500 persons of Sikh community were killed in these anti-Sikh riots and these anti-Sikh riots also took place in several parts of the country. So the author has told that it has taken place in several parts of the country. Now while pronouncing this judgment in this case law, the judge of Delhi High Court has said that these kinds of mass crimes are engineered by the political actors along with the assistance of law enforcement agencies and these crimes fit into the crimes against humanity. Also the judges told that there is a lacuna or a gap in India's criminal law. Now this lacuna is the non-inclusion of crimes against humanity and genocide in the Indian criminal law and the judges told that this lacuna has to be addressed urgently. Also if you see there is a familiar pattern of mass killings like the ones seen in Mumbai in the year 1993, then the Gujarat riots in the year 2002, then the riots in Odisha in the year 2008, then the Musafarnagar riots which happened in Uttar Pradesh in the year 2013. And in all these riots there is a similar pattern, the criminals have enjoyed political patronage and they have managed to evade the prosecution, so they remain safe. Now we know that India claims that it respects a rule-based international order. Internationally if you see there are some international rules-based framework for crimes against humanity and genocide. So first the author talks about the International Criminal Court. This International Criminal Court deals with crimes against humanity and this works under the Rome Statute. So the Rome Statute established the International Criminal Court as a permanent institution. It was established on 1st of July 2002. Now if you see this International Criminal Court does not have retroactive jurisdiction which means it cannot conduct proceedings for crimes which were committed before its institutional date that is its formation date the 1st of July 2002. We also know that the seat of this International Criminal Court is in the Hague in the country of Netherlands. Now we know that there is also an International Court of Justice and this International Court of Justice is one of the 6 principal organs of the United Nations. But this International Court of Justice does not have the jurisdiction to try the individuals who are accused of war crimes or crimes against humanity. But the International Criminal Court has jurisdiction over persons for the most serious crimes of international concern and it is complementary to the National Criminal Jurisdictions. So it is nothing but whatever the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court will be similar to that of the criminal jurisdiction that are in many of the countries. So this Rome Statute governs the functioning and jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court. Now there is one article mentioned in this Rome Statute. It is the article number 7. Now this article 7 defines the crime against humanity. Crime against humanity means set of actions committed as part of widespread or systematic attack which is directed against any civilian population with the knowledge of the attack. Now these set of actions are murder, torture, enforced prostitution, enforced disappearance of persons etc. Know that India is not a state party to this Rome Statute. Also there are some other countries which are not a state party to this Rome Statute. They are United States of America, then China, North Korea, Pakistan and Israel. Also know that India is not a signatory to this Statute. So if you are a signatory it means that you accept that particular Statute. But once you ratify that particular Statute then automatically you become a state party to that Statute. Then after ratification the state parties have to enact separate legislation or law in order to deal with this crimes against humanity under this Rome Statute. But we saw that India is neither a signatory to this Statute nor a state party to this Rome Statute. Now let us see some of the main reasons why India did not become a signatory or why it also did not ratify this Rome Statute. One of the main reasons is with respect to the definition of crimes against humanity. Because India was not in favor of using OR in between the widespread and systematic in the definition. That is the Rome Statute says if a set of actions committed as part of widespread or systematic attack directed against any civilian population with the knowledge of the attack then it is called as crime against humanity. So here India wanted the definition as a set of actions committed as a part of widespread and systematic attack. Not against any civilian population with knowledge of the attack. The reason is according to Rome Statute if any widespread action takes place it can be called as crimes against humanity. If the definition is according to India then it needs proof to prove that the actions are both widespread and also systematic. Then one need will constitute crimes against humanity. Secondly India wants a distinction or a differentiation between international conflicts and internal armed conflicts. This means India is fine with bringing international conflicts under the ambit of crimes against humanity. But India does not want to include the internal armed conflicts under crimes against humanity. The author says this could be probably because of the India's internal conflicts with noxals and other non-state actors in Kashmir and also in the northeastern region. If there is no distinction then all these internal conflicts could also be called as crimes against humanity. Thirdly India objects to the inclusion of enforced disappearance of persons under the definition of crimes against humanity. Here enforced disappearance means forcing the disappearance of a person by arrest or by detention or by abduction which will be followed by a refusal by the government. The government refuses about the deprivation of freedom or the government will refuse to give information on the fate or whereabouts of those persons. This you can see under article 7 sub clause 2 and subsection I of the Roman Statute. There is another process going on at the international level to bring a separate convention on crime against humanity. India is reluctant to actively participate in the negotiations of this proposed convention. This is because of the same reasons we have seen with respect to why India has not become a signatory and why India has not ratified the Rome Statute. One of the major participants in these negotiations is International Law Commission. If you see the International Law Commission was established by the United Nations General Assembly in the year 1947. This International Law Commission was established to undertake the mandate of the United Nations General Assembly under article 131A of the Charter of United Nations. That is to initiate studies and make recommendations for the purpose of encouraging the progressive development of international law and its codification. If you see it has 9 programs of action, one of these 9 programs is Crimes Against Humanity. That is how it is relevant to this context of crimes against humanity. Then there is an international convention called United Nations International Convention for the protection of all persons from enforced disappearances. The author says that India has not ratified it but India has a signatory to this convention. If India ratifies this convention then India has to criminalize the state actions of enforced disappearances through a law. Another international rules based framework is the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. If you see India has ratified this convention but it has not enacted a domestic law to prevent and punish genocide. Therefore the author advises Indian government to show political will and to constructively engage with the International Law Commission and its ongoing work with respect to bringing an international convention on crimes against humanity. And the government should respond to the mass crimes which are taking place in the country and should bring the perpetrators and culprits to justice. If India does this then it will reflect fairly on India's status as a democracy where people enjoy human rights. In the process of all these India should address the gaps or lack in its domestic criminal justice system which the author tells. The gaps can be filled by enacting a law against crimes against humanity and genocide. But this we come to the end of the analysis of this lead editorial. Now have a look at the practice question. Let us move on to the next news article. This editorial discusses about Ayeshaan's role in Indo-Pacific region. The analysis of this editorial will be relevant in your main preparation in General Studies paper 2 on the bilateral regional and global groupings and agreements involving India and affecting India's interests and next on the effect of policies and politics of developed and developing countries on India's interests. Recently we are seeing many news articles and editorials regarding Indo-Pacific region. Let us see now what is meant by Indo-Pacific region. Now as you can see in this map Indo-Pacific region roughly consists of Indian Ocean region and Western Pacific. There is no exact definition if you see for what is meant by Indo-Pacific region. In this Indo-Pacific region you have the most populous countries of the world like India, China, Bangladesh then Indonesia. This Indo-Pacific region consists of countries from Eastern Africa then South Asia then Southeast Asia and it also includes the countries of Japan and Australia. From Eastern Africa you can see countries like Tanzania, Kenya, Ethiopia. Then from South Asia you have countries like India, Sri Lanka etc. Then from Southeast Asia you have the entire Asian members. So all these countries form a part of Indo-Pacific. So we can tell that Indo-Pacific is home to world's most populous countries then it is also home to a lot of natural resources and production hubs. We saw that Indo-Pacific includes the Indian Ocean region and Western Pacific region nothing but the maritime region. Hence this Indo-Pacific region connects European continent and American continent with Asia. So this maritime region means nothing which involves the seas or the sea route. And if you see most of the oil trade of the world happens to this maritime region. The oil from the Gulf countries especially from the Hormones trade has to pass through this region to reach its destination. Not just oil but also every other trade that is done through ships has to pass these regions. So we can see that this Indo-Pacific region has a geostatic importance. Now all the countries which are stakeholders of this region are focusing on this Indo-Pacific region as a part of their foreign policy. If you see the United States has released free and open Indo-Pacific strategy report in the month of June 2019. This report focuses on preserving a free and open Indo-Pacific. The United States has brought this report because it sees China as a threat and that China is trying to dominate this region. Then Japan has also released its free and open Indo-Pacific strategy in the year 2016. Then Australia has released its foreign policy wild paper in the year 2017. Now in one of the chapters in this wild paper released by Australia it discusses in detail about Australia's Indo-Pacific vision. If you see Australia also wishes for a free and open Indo-Pacific then it has also discussed about the security and prosperity of Indo-Pacific region. Then even our country India also has an Indo-Pacific vision. The vision was expressed by a Prime Minister at the Shangri-La Dialogue in June 2018 if you see. In this you have shared some 7 points as a part of this Indo-Pacific vision of India. The first vision is for an open and free Indo-Pacific region. Additionally, if you see India has also set up an Indo-Pacific division in the Ministry of External Affairs in the year 2019. So we can see that India is also having aim at Indo-Pacific region. Now, this editorial speaks about ASEAN's collective vision for the Indo-Pacific region which was shared by ASEAN members during the ASEAN-submitted Bangkok Thailand. The vision document is titled as the ASEAN outlook on the Indo-Pacific. The author tells that ASEAN must involve largely in Indo-Pacific since the southeast Asian countries are located centrally in this Indo-Pacific region from geographical point of view. So it is like where the Indian Ocean region and the Western Pacific Ocean region meet. Now this vision document is a non-bending document meaning it is not compulsory for the member nations of ASEAN to follow. If you see ASEAN is also supported for an free and open Indo-Pacific region in this document. Then in this vision document ASEAN is called for an inclusive vision that is to include all the stakeholders who are involved in this region. And it is also called for a rules-based framework so that both these will help to build trust and cooperation of the stakeholders in the Indo-Pacific region. The vision document has also highlighted the trade and other tensions between U.S. and China and about how such issues need to be balanced by having an open and free Indo-Pacific region. See, foreign policy is always a complex arrangement for any country. One country might have very bad relations with a particular country. Say like how India's very low relations with respect to Pakistan. If both the countries are part of any regional grouping then there has to be some common understanding. This understanding has to be there mutually among the two countries or some other third party like country or regional grouping will help to have a common understanding between these two countries. If you see the author tells that ASEAN will play this helping role for all the countries of ASEAN to have a common approach or a common understanding on Indo-Pacific. The author tells that the Prime Minister of Thailand is stressed on this point. Next the author has explained about the Code of Conduct in the South China Sea. To know about this let us see about the outline of South China Sea dispute. As you can see in this map this red shaded portion is the South China Sea. Now China is claiming the entire South China Sea but it is opposed by other countries that shares borders with South China Sea such as Philippines, Vietnam, Indonesia and Malaysia. China has also built some artificial islands in the South China Sea and it has also deployed huge military in this South China Sea in some of its islands which it has occupied. Always you can see some news related to this South China Sea dispute. So we shall be discussing about this dispute in our later sessions as and when the news occurs. So to put an end to this South China Sea dispute the members of ASEAN have been engaged in discussions with China to have a Code of Conduct. See this Code of Conduct is to manage the maritime and territorial disputes in the South China Sea. The author tells that ASEAN is pushing to complete the negotiations on the Code of Conduct and the first draft of this Code of Conduct will be ready by the end of this year that is 2019. So we can see that ASEAN wishes to be the central point or a key driver in solving the regional geopolitical issues. As a part of this we can see that ASEAN has released the vision document of Indo-Pacific. There is one more concern why ASEAN has published this document. We saw that countries such as USA, Japan, Australia and India have shared their vision on Indo-Pacific but the ASEAN remains silent because it feared that such a move would make China angry. Slowly ASEAN has realized that it would be left out or marginalized if it is not involved in this Indo-Pacific region even now. So ASEAN has come up with this policy document on Indo-Pacific. In the policy framework ASEAN does not see the Indo-Pacific as one continuous territorial space rather it stresses for development and connectivity in this region. To achieve this development and connectivity ASEAN stresses for maritime cooperation, infrastructure connectivity and broader economic cooperation which is needed among the stakeholders of Indo-Pacific in its report. The author tells that ASEAN is giving a signal to world powers that Indo-Pacific is not the place to show their competition. Instead they should have economic cooperation and dialogue to solve their issues. Then the author tells that till date China has not accepted this free and open Indo-Pacific concept and now with the release of the policy document ASEAN is trying to play a balancing role by not aligning with both China and USA in this matter. If you see China will oppose this policy document of ASEAN which ASEAN has released and this particular policy document which the ASEAN has released does not reflect the vision of the US on Indo-Pacific. So both are nonsynchronous. So the author tells that ASEAN is playing a balancing role in this regard. Next the author tells that India's welcome the ASEAN's policy document on the Indo-Pacific since most of ASEAN's approaches are aligning with India's vision on Indo-Pacific or we can tell that they are more or less the same vision. If you see even India has test for peace, security, stability, prosperity and rules in Indo-Pacific so we can see that India is also trying to play a balancing role with USA and China in this Indo-Pacific region. Very recently on the sidelines of G20 summit which was held at Osaka, Japan our Indian Prime Minister had discussions on the Indo-Pacific region with the United States President and the Prime Minister of Japan on improving the regional connectivity and infrastructure development in Indo-Pacific. So to summarize the editorial we can see that ASEAN is trying to show its importance in the Indo-Pacific region. So the author tells that the other regional stakeholders should also work closely with ASEAN to have a balance of power in Indo-Pacific region and all the stakeholders should work for inclusivity, stability and economic prosperity in Indo-Pacific region. Now have a look at the practice question. Let us move on to the next news article. This news article analyzes the allocation for the children welfare in the budget for the financial year 2019-20. The analysis of this news article will be relevant in your prelims preparation under current events of national importance and also in social development. Then in your main preparation it will be relevant in your general cities paper too under welfare schemes for vulnerable sections of the population by the center and also under issues relating to development and management of social sector services relating to health and education. The national plan of action for children 2016 as recommended that at least five percentage of the union budget must be spent on schemes and programs directly related to children. But if you see in the recent budget it has decided or the government has decided to spend only 3.29 percentage of the union budget for the current financial year that has started from 1st April 2019 till 31st March 2020. We are talking about the allocations made for the nation's supremely important asset according to the national policy of children 1974 and national policy of children 2013 children are the nations or India's supremely important assets. If we compare the amount allocated with the allocation given by the budget of last year there is only an increase of 0.05 percentage from 3.24 percentage. Now there is a non-governmental and non-profit organization which is called as child rights or in short it is called as CRY cry. Now this non-profit organization has carried out a detailed analysis of the amount allocated for children in the union budget. They have classified the grant into four thematic areas. The four areas are education, health, development and protection of children. If you see the share for education for children has marginally increased comparing to last year's allocation but it has decreased if we compare with the allocation made for the financial year 2015-16. The allocation that is made for education to the children is very important as this funding will determine the success of government's programs like Samagra Seeksha, the national program of midday meal in schools and then also the Navodaya Vidyalaya Samiti. Now let us see what is the Samagra Seeksha. It is a program for the school education sector extending from preschool to class 12 and the Samagra Seeksha subsumes three schemes which are Sarva Seeksha Abhyan, then Rashtriya Madhyamik Seeksha Abhyan and next teacher education. The national program of midday meal in schools was initially started as a national program of nutritional support to primary education. This particular program was launched as a centrally sponsored scheme on the Independence Day in 1995. Initially it was for every child in every government and government-aided primary schools. In the year 2002 the program was extended to children studying in education guarantee scheme and in alternative and innovative education centers. Then in 2007 the scheme was extended to cover children of upper primary classes that is that is from sixth to eighth for children studying in more than 3400 educationally backward blocks. Therefore in 2007 the name of the scheme was changed from national program of nutritional support to primary education to the national program of midday meal in schools. Then the scheme was extended to all areas across the country from 1st of April 2008. Next, let us see the Navodaya Vidhyalia scheme. The Navodaya Vidhyalia scheme provides for opening of one Navodaya Vidhyalia in each district of the country. Under this residential schools which are called as Javaghur Navodaya Vidhyalayas are set up to bring the best of rural talent. So the setting up of these schools was envisaged as per the national policy of education 1986. Next if you see the health related financial allocation for children has decreased by 0.39 percentage when compared to the allocation that was made in the previous year. Now this will have an implication on the Anganwadi services to children and also the national nutrition mission. So this news article tells that the allocation made for the development and protection of children are inadequate and insufficient. Next there is a decrease of 16 percentage allocation to the national child labour project scheme. Many experts who are working in this area are unhappy with this type of allocation for the project. The national child labour project was initiated in the year 1988 and as per this project it aims to rehabilitate the working children in the child labour endemic districts of the country. The project is implemented through a registered society under the chairmanship of administrative head of the district that is the district collector. Now if you see this national child labour project is a central sector scheme where the entire funding is done by the central government and this funding is made through the union ministry of labour and employment. So this particular project comes under this particular ministry the ministry of labour and employment. Now have a look at the practice question. Let us move on to the next news article. This news article talks about the financial decision of India with reference to the Chabahar Port in Iran. The analysis of this news article will be helpful in your prelims preparation under current events of national and international importance and then it will be relevant in your main preparation in your general series paper too under bilateral agreements involving India and affecting India's interests and next under effects of policies and politics of developed and developing countries on India's interests. Then the analysis can also be linked to your general series paper three Indian economy. Now know that the Chabahar Port is located in the southern part of Iran just close to the Gwadar Port of Pakistan. This Chabahar Port is a major access route for India to reach Iran then to reach Afghanistan by bypassing Pakistan and also for India to reach the Central Asian countries. Now during our analysis on 1st of May 2019 we have analyzed an editorial article which was titled as a Washington pipe dream. During the analysis we have seen why US is not objected to Indian investments at that point of time in Iran's Chabahar Port. This is because the foreign policy of the United States supports Afghan reconstruction and Indian investments in Chabahar Port is also an important feature for Afghan reconstruction because this will help Afghanistan economically. Also India and Iran have shared interests in opposing the Pakistan supported Taliban coming to power in Afghanistan so they do not like Taliban to come to power in Afghanistan. So these are some of the strategic concerns why the United States is not objected to the investments that are made by India in this Chabahar Port of Iran. This strategy of United States is called as South Asia strategy in the news article. In February this year we have come across various news reports that for the first time goods from Afghanistan has come to India through the Chabahar Port and India has been the top export destination of Afghanistan followed by Pakistan. This shows the importance of trade relations between India and Afghanistan. The news article states that the recent budget announcement with respect to the Chabahar Port is a blow to the trade between the India and Afghanistan. Usually the government allocates rupees 150 crore every year for the development of Chabahar Port but for this year the government has allocated just rupees 45 crore so you can see that it is less than one-third of the actual 150 crore. The India-Afghanistan trade has already been hit by the Pakistan's decision to ban airspace rights through its eastern border with India. Because of this ban India is not able to use the Pakistan airspace and the commercial flights between Kabul and New Delhi are also not possible to go via Pakistan's airspace. Pakistan banned this airspace after the Balakot Asterix and because of this it has led to the decrease of exports of Afghanistan to India by around 30%. If you see the Afghan fruit and agricultural products which are part of this air cargo from Afghanistan to India are now being shipped to other international markets because of the banning of this airspace. Thus the India-Afghanistan trade was already hit because of this Pakistan's decision to ban the Pakistan's airspace for Indian flights. If you see in the month of February, terrorists from Jaish-e-Mohammad terrorist organization have killed more than 40 CRP of security personnel in Pulwama in India. Therefore India conducted an airstrike on the terrorist camps of Jaish-e-Mohammad in Balakot which we call as Balakot Asterix. After this Balakot Asterix Pakistan has banned the airspace rights through the Indian border. The news article also says that India-Afghanistan trade has been hit by the United States sanctions on Iran. This is because Afghanistan and India were unable to transfer money through the Chabahar port. As a result this has become an impediment or a hurdle you can call it in carrying out the trade via Chabahar port. Though the United States has given India a waiver to develop this Chabahar port, the economic sanctions on Iran affects almost all trade related activities in this particular port. So this has caused lack of interest and lack of confidence among Afghanistan and also among the shippers and cargo handlers from using and servicing the Chabahar port. Now this issue is serious because India's possibility of trade with Afghanistan in three ways. One is via the Chabahar port, the second is via a land route in Pakistan and third is through the air cargo. Now we know that Pakistan airspace is banned and it is still in force and Pakistan has also refused to use its land route for Afghan trucks. So the only option that we have is this Chabahar port and now the lack of feasibility through this Chabahar port may bring the trade between India and Afghanistan to a standstill because this is the third option and even if the third option is closed we do not have any other options. So we can see that the trade relation may be stopped as a result of all of these. Let us move on to the next news article. Next let us see the data point which discusses about the income inequality among farmers. You can use these statistics in any of your income related main questions in agricultural sector. So it will be relevant in your general studies paper 3 under Indian economy and issues relating to employment especially in the agricultural sector and also under inclusive growth. Now know that the source for this data point is from a 2017 Nabhat survey which is mentioned in the news article. The actual name of the survey is the Nabhat All India Rural Financial Inclusion Survey 2016-17. Now we know that the present government is committed during its first tenure in the year 2016 that it would double the farmers income by the year 2022. But today's statistics in the data point show that the income of the farmers is not the same in all the states. We call this condition as income inequality. If you see this map the average monthly incomes of farmers vary from 5842 rupees to 16,020 rupees. The farmers of Andhra Pradesh earn an average monthly income of 5842 rupees which is the lowest in India. And the farmers from Punjab earn the highest in the country if you see they earn an average of 16,020 rupees per month. Even the farmers from Kerala earn as high as 15,130 rupees on an average per month. Next let us see the statistics on how much money remains in the hands of farmers after they spend for their work needs and also for their day to day needs. We call this as the consumption expenditure. So they spend some money for consuming certain things so it is called as consumption expenditure. Now why this consumption expenditure needs to be measured? Measuring the consumption expenditure would give an idea of the average expenses that the farmers make in a particular month and will be able to get a statewide data of the prices that are present in each state. If you see this consumption expenditure will be more or less the same every time it means that it will be less volatile over time. So we can measure the consumption expenditure. Now let us see this graph in the x-axis you have the monthly average income of agricultural households where one unit is equal to 1000 rupees and in y-axis you have the monthly surplus. Here surplus is nothing but the money that is left behind after spending the income that one has earned. So we can call surplus as income minus the expenditure which is nothing but the spending. Now we know that farmers of Andhra Pradesh have the lowest income where they earn just 5842 rupees. Out of this the average expenditure that these farmers make per month is 5747 rupees. So only 95 rupees remain a surplus on an average every month for these farmers. Similarly we saw that the farmers from Punjab earn the highest which is 16,020 rupees. Out of this the Punjab farmers spend 11,706 rupees on an average per month. So the monthly surplus of Punjab farmers is 4,314 rupees. You can see that the expenditures of Punjab farmers is more than double than the average income of what the Andhra Pradesh farmers earn. Next let us see this bar chart. This bar chart shows the income of both the agricultural and non-agricultural households which are received through doing various occupations. First let us see the agricultural households. Agricultural households are those households which get the income primarily from the agricultural based activities. But if you see some of the members in these agricultural households also involvement other activities or other occupation you can tell like they do work in government jobs, then they do work in private professions and they also involve in some other agricultural allied activities like animal rearing. Now in this bar chart we can see that 35% of the total income for the agricultural households is from the cultivation activity that is the farming activity. The second largest income goes to the wage laborers where almost 34% of the total incomes for the agricultural households goes as wages to the laborers. So you can see that the wage laborers constitute a significant proportion of the agricultural households. And more than 10% of the agricultural households receive income by doing government and private professions. Next let us see the non-agricultural households. These are the households that do the activities which are not agricultural activities. So anything other than agriculture and agricultural allied activities can be called as non-agricultural and those households that are doing these non-agricultural activities are called as non-agricultural households. Now if you see more than half of the entire non-agricultural households are wage laborers. Almost 54% of the total non-agricultural households receive income by working as laborers. Next almost 32% of the total non-agricultural households receive income by doing government and private professions. And finally almost 10% of the total non-agricultural households get income from enterprises that is the businesses. Now let us move on to the practice question discussion session. The first question is which of the following schemes programs are subsumed under Samagra Seeksha an overarching program for the school education sector extending from preschool to class 12 and they have given four items and they have asked you to choose the correct code from the options given below. Now during our analysis we have seen that Samagra Seeksha is an umbrella program for school education which subsumes three different schemes which are the service Seeksha Abhiyan, then rastria madhyamik Seeksha Abhiyan and then the teacher education. The scheme Samagra Seeksha was initiated to treat the school children holistically without any segmentation from pre-nursary to class 12 and this was proposed in the union budget for the year 2018-19. So teacher education, service Seeksha Abhiyan and rastria madhyamik Seeksha Abhiyan are correct. 1, 2 and 4 are correct so the correct answer is option C, 1, 2 and 4, 1D. Now let us see about this national child labor project scheme. It is a central sector scheme which aims to rehabilitate the working children in the child labor endemic districts in our country and this program comes under the Ministry of Labor and Employment. The Samagra Seeksha program comes under Department of School Education and Literacy which in turn comes under the Ministry of Human Resources and Development. So both the ministries are different. Moving on to the first main question, the question is what do you understand by crimes against humanity, examine the challenges in the present Indian criminal justice system in dealing with such crimes and such a suitable way forward. For the first part of the question, you can write the definition of crimes against humanity as given in article 7 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Code. In our analysis we saw this as a set of actions committed as a part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against any civilian population with knowledge of the attack. These set of actions are murder, torture, sexual assault, enforced prostitution, then enforced disappearance of persons, etc. For examining the challenges in the present criminal justice system which is the second part of our question, you may take points from today's editorial such as lack of provisions specifically for crime against humanity in Indian criminal laws such as the Indian Penal Code, then the Code of Criminal Procedure and then under Indian Evidence Act. As a result of absence of these provisions, the police machinery is unable to act effectively against such crimes. Then as a way forward you may suggest addressing the gaps in domestic criminal laws, then the government should respond to the mass killings in the country by bringing the perpetrators and culprits to justice. Then you may add the suggestions such as ratifications of Rome Statute and becoming a state party to International Criminal Code, then the ratification for the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances and then by actively participating the forum for bringing out the convention against crime against humanity. So these are some of the points which you may take from today's analysis for answering this question. The next question is balancing role of Asian will balance the Indo-Pacific region examine. Now the question asks you to examine the role of Asian in Indo-Pacific region. So whenever you get questions such as examine try to bring both the positives and negatives of that particular statement. Now for this particular question try to draw an outline map of Indo-Pacific region first and then try to roughly mark the countries of the Asian grouping which are nothing but the Southeast Asian countries. Then mention the importance of Asian in this Indo-Pacific region. Then you can mention the recently released Asian outlook on the Indo-Pacific which is nothing but the vision document of Asian and explain how Asian tries to play a balancing role because initially Asian was not willing to involve in this Indo-Pacific fearing China but now it has just come out of that and it has come up with this vision document. So try to explain that for this you can also quote the ambitions of certain other countries which are the major powers like USA, Japan, Australia and India. If you see we saw the vision document of all these countries on Indo-Pacific region. So just try to mention that also and tell whether it is contradicting or supporting the Asians visions. And after this also try to add some of the recent initiatives that have been taken by Asian in this regard. So try to mention both the positives and the negatives and finally conclude the statement telling that Asians role is required to balance the Indo-Pacific region. With this we come to the end of the analysis of all the news articles taken up for today's discussion and also the practice questions discussion session. Do like, comment and share the video and do subscribe to Shankar IAS Academy YouTube channel for latest videos and updates. Stay focused and motivated friends. Thank you.