 Ond yn ddweud yn Cydnid wedi cymdeithasol oedd gennym ni cyd-fynghwyr yn Europol, ac mae'n dweud yn wneud o'r disgustio arall y Llywodraeth gwybodaeth a'r cyd-fynghwyr yn Cydnid, ac mae'r cyd-fynghwyr yn Cydnid yn y dyfodol yna yn ymdweud. Chynddaeth wedi cydnid yn gweithio'r cyd-fynghwyr yn Australia, Ie'r cyfnod i'r unigwdu allanodau byddus gyfnodmwych Cynllewyr arall, ei wneud ei wneud yn mynd i ei fod! The new leadership creates a great deal of excitement and we would assume that it is going to bring new things. I think eventually it will do, but we have to remember I do not think that this was ever a leadership transition that was about policy. Mae'n oed bod i chi gynnig i llwyddo o ddau o'r bod yn llwyddoedd页ur pan o'r rhan genedlaethon llwyddu sifftol rawr yn Hwijint-Tawdd, Wens pasex? A'r anhygoel ydw'r anhygoel e'n ei ddweud o'r llwyddoedd sy'n storio mewn fy mod i niwed. mae'r anhygoel rywhais fel ymgynnu'n gydweud efallai cael anhygoel i niw'r anhygoel efallai cael hwnnw i ceisnodd gyda Llywodraeth. ynghylch i'r gwanhwyl yr ysgol yw'r cyfrifoedd gyda'r fanlyniol, dwi ddim yn gwneud o gael o'r ffordd o enwedig o polisi. Wrth gwrs, mae'n gwneud o polisi, oherwydd mae'n gyfrifoedd i'r gwanhwyl, oherwydd mae'n gwneud o hyd o'r hwn o'r gwanhwyl, oherwydd mae'n gweithio'r gweithio a'r gwybod o'r gwybod o'r gweithio ar gyfer y gwaith, oherwydd mae'n gwneud o gweithio ar gyfer gweithio ar gyfer gweithio, Mae'r ydych chi'n dŵer yn cyhoeddfyn nhw. Rydyn ni'n gweld fel y gweithio mor daeth o'r gweithioerdd, roedd y peth sy'n gweld I knoweth I There, a fan hynny dych chi'n gw fe'n gweld gan y peth. Mae hynny'n gweld i'w ddaeth hynny. Mae'r gweld i'w i'w ddweud am rwylo, yn gweithi'r amlwg ac yn gweithio hwn y twg mewn cyw mor strawsch yn yna, os byddwch yn ei wneud, ar y golygu eich latrfaeth yng nghylch ar y gredswod oedd. byddwn ni fydd y gallwn lle'r cyfnod. Roeddwn ni'n gobeithio cyfnod y byddwn ni'n gweinio'r lle fyddwn ni'n gweithio'r cyfnod o fewn ymddangos cyfnod, wedi'i gweithio'r ddweud o'r ddweud, yma'r fawr gweithio'r gweithio'r cyfnod, a yma'r fawr gweithio'r hwyl. Yn 2001, ymwybeth Cymru yn gweithio'r gwrthwynt. Mae'r gweithio cyfleoedd yng nghylch o gweithbeth. was a big, big source of productivity, and no one can contest that. China is now richer, a bigger economy, in almost all grow global rankings, it's risen in the last decade under Hu Jintar and Wenjabal. But actually, within Chinese language material and assessments of the Hu Jintar-Wenjabal period, there's a lot of surprisingly negative things. You think of the Tibetan uprising, you think of Xinjiang, Os yw'r Rhaid Ngoedau'r Llywodraeth yn 2011, rydyn ni'n dda i'w ddechrau'r cymdeithasol yma. Os yw'r ddweud o gweldio ysgrifennu o'r ddiwylliant, beth yw'r ddiwgau'r ddweud yn ddefnyddio'r Unedig, rydych chi'n gweldio'r ddweud o'r ddiwylliant wedi'u ddechrau'r ddweud o'r ddweud o'r ddweud o'r ddweud. Mae'n cyhoedd i niw ffleddydd ymwy ingenion o'r newid cywirol am gyfwyrddau i'ch dweud o'r modd byd i ni'w gwaith, mae'r paljon o hynny o rhaid i'r iawn fynd i'ch ddweud o'r cyfeithio strategaiddau ekonomicolau'r pan fyddai. Abyddo'r hyn roedd ombr yn siarad pa y mynd i ni'w yw'r gweithio'r gweithio rhaid i ni'n mynd i ni由 croes yn ysgrifennu gyrfaedd hon i cherddau agoith. oes y trofnodiad, yn cael ei gweithio oherwydd mae hi wedi gweithio'r trofnodiad yn unig unig, yn cael ei gweithio'r trofnodiad yn unig yn unig. Mae'r rei ddim yn ddu yn y llai o ran y cyfrifio arhefyd o'r ffordd. Mae'r trefyn o'r rei ddiwedd yn 2021, a'r unig o'r deilig o'r llai o'r llai o'r gweithio arhefyd o'r rei ddiwedd, oherwydd mae'r rei o'r llai o'r rei o'r deilig o'r llai o'r rei o'r llai o'r llai o'r Menonwch, dwi'n credu, mae'n dweud i ni'n meddwl, ond mae'r sufysgau ar y dda, ym mwynhau yr polynes yn y 90s. Y jangzorming maen nhw ym mwynhau'n dweud i'r ddefnyddio. Felly, rydyn ni'n meddwl i'r brif, yn gwneud. Ond y gwaith ynglynig yma wedi chi'n gweithio'n gweld, maen nhw'n dod i'r gweithio. The Olympics was achieved before securing the Olympics and it's just an event. Will that really be something we think of as an historic important occasion in a decades time? Thinking of how we really look at the Huijintal-Wendja Baal period, what is the big historic achievement? This is tougher. Growth, yes, but in other areas, in fact, we can say it looks like it was a period of stagnation. A wnaeth yw'n credu y peth yw'r gwaith yn gweithio gwaith yng Nghymru. Byddwn ni'n ddod o'r ddod o'r Hwg-ynt-hael, arwain yn ymgyrch yn gwahanol yn fawr, a wnaeth yn ddwy'r wahanol yn ymgyrch, 111 blion US dollars, yn gweithio'r Llwg Llyfrgell Man i'r ymgyrch, ac mae'r 5 blion US dollars yn ddifeniau. Mwneudant yn wneud i'w ffordd yw'r cyffrediniedig ffyrdd o'r ddynon hŷtol yw'r Daun Lwctave. Byddai yn ei bod yn gadw'r daun hŷtol a'r Fyrofod Ieluol, ond mae'r ddynon hŷtol arall, a ddynon hŷtol mewn i'r daun flynyddio cyfod ymlaen i'w ddysgu'r wneud. Fyro yw'r llif yn hawddio carddlu a'r ysgrifennu o'r ddeuun, oherwydd o'r ddawn fwy awr ac oed cynllun i'w ddeuun hŷtol. Yn 2004, 2005, Gweinja Bawn wedi'i gynnwch i'r talog o'r ddweud o'r ffordd o'r cyfnodol, o'r cyfnodol yn oed, o'r cyfnodol, o'r cyfnodol, o'r cyfnodol, o'r cyfnodol, o'r cyfnodol. Mae'r ddweud o'r cyfnodol yn y cyfnodol o'r cyfnodol, a dyma'r newid ym mhwyaf. Yn ymgyrch yn Chijing Pym gyrdyn nhw, o'r 15 o'r nofembeth, o'r ddweud o'r cyfrifnodol, Mae unrhyw golygu cwmence yw'r令idwyd o'r mhwyl iawn. Dyna gweithio cyflef ystod yr awgig yn ymlaen i am hyn sy'n slyg. Haudiwn Tilef yn ymlaen i gwmethwyr. Mae, dyna'n meddwl hwnnw, gan ddiwedd sy'n golygu iawn. Ar y cyfaint sydd gyda chi'n fwy o'r awysgwmp yn gyfeidio dyma'r rai fyddi. Mae'n gallu cyfaint. Mae'r rai fyddi, mae'n rhaid i'n rhaid i'vwgwil ''rhyw fy ddystdwr, y gwybodaeth o'r gweithio cyflawniol, y gwybodaeth o'r pryd yn fwy o'r Chino ac yn brydol, ac yn y dyfodol yn ystodol iawn, am y cyfnodgymau ac yn ymgyrchafol, i fyno'r gwaith yw'r gwybodaeth gwaith yw mewn gwirio hefyd. Felly, ond rwy'n ddweud o'r gweithio gwerthwydau i'r gwybodaeth, y gwybodaeth o'r gwaith o'r gwybodaeth ar y gaf i fod yn y gweithio a'r gweithio, y gwybodaeth o'r gweithio ar y gyfnod, a fwy o ddefnyddio'r fforddol i gweud o gydyddiannol'r cynhyrch. Yn wydd y gweithio, dyfyniaeth yma yn tyfu cyffredinol. Mae gweithio'r dynnu fydd iawn i ddenud. Felly ond mae'n fwy o ddysgwyddiadau o'u cefnod gan feddwl ydych i ffwg Cymru. Felly ond nid o'n cefnod yma felly brakewag iddiw yma yn ffwy o gydag yma. Fwy o'r cyfrifiadın oes ymddur â gweithio arweinyddio gyda tyfiol ar Tywan. ac rwy'n gweld drwy'r panodol. Ac felly rwy'n gweld i'n meddwl i'r ymwiyn am yr ysbytyngen y Chyno yw'r gwaith yma drwy'r ysbytyngen o'r gyfer o dda iawn hefyd, y pryd yn gorfod yn gyweithio'r cynyddiadau, rwy'n gweithio'r cyd-diadau iddynt, ac mae'r gweld i'r gwaith cyhoedda i'r gwahau a'r effithiol pryd, ond mae'r effithiol yn Jordan i'w pwyllgor l continuar ar Y 2, TREG, 2, 2, 7, 2, 3, i'r pwyllgor l выглядiaeth, ac gan pethau Secretary Cianhai yn 2007, ydy'r gael cyfnodiad yma. Mae'r rhaid o'r cyfnod i gyd wedi'u llwyfa ar y cwrdd i'r 23, 24 ymgyrch, mae'r cyfnod yn 1990, mae'n gwaith i gyd yn gwneud y wneud yw'r cyfnod i gyd, ac mae'n gweithio o'r cyfnod i'r cyfnod i gael. Fe oherwydd mae'n gweithio a'r cyfnod i'r cyfnod i gael, unhwynt hwtyn cymaint yn gwahanol, ac mae gennymheaniaeth fel ydyw'r gweithiau yma i gweithio'r cy Reginau. Mae hynny yw'r gwirionedd, mae oedd y repliedd y gweithio'r gwirionedd, mae mae vidaid yw'r gweithio'r gweithiau, at ni gennymhefig sy'n edrychwch y mor nghyn sydd wedi eu cyfliadau. Mae'r gwirionedd yn gyfar段 yn y flwygoedd, ac mae'r gwirionedd yn cyfliadau. Ielwch chi am ydy o'u ei yw'r ddif iefynol chi wedi'u gwirionedd yn gweithio'r cyfliadau, a ddegwelio i fy nghaenfod bod dweud yn eitemall a thysgaf hwnnw o'r ffordd y parodyd, nad yw'r lleif iawn yn gynghwm moddol i ddefnyddio ar y cyflawnhwyr gwaith y ffordd y gallan wedi bod gan cyflawn hwnnw, felly mae'n rhywodau yn ei dyfodol. cyflawn hwnnw o'r dda i'w llyfrddol ym bach o'r parodyd i'w hollwch gyda'r hynny, ac mae'n dweud o'r hollwch gweithwyr gweld hefyd, y chweithiau wrth ymarfer o gynnig o syniadau yn risyaf yn gallu y gwybod rhai rhaid yn gofyn amser acresu, ac yÙl argymellio'r gallu hyn yn gallu ampwlau ddod i'chethol unig yn sefydlu. Felly hynny yn gweithio homonyn y gallu syniadau yn gallu gweld yn y gweithiau. Ydych chi'n allu hynny'n i holl ymlaen. І ar y ffaithiaeth yma ymlaen. O ydych bwysig gyda Lleithgellang, myfyrwyr yw yw gwaith hwnnw, lle resistance ac yn gweithiwyr gwaith fel gael gagwyd ymlaen i Ymwysigol Lleithgellang. Mae'r rhaid i'r ddod Lleithgellang yn bwysig yn difnodd a'i gofynu'r cyfrinwyr ddechrau'r ymlaen i Gweithgoedd, a hynny'n pryff yno'r hurngwyr ddechrau'r ymlaen i Gweithgoedd. Roedd yn mynd i'ch gwasanaeth y pryddaeth yn ym ni. Lleidwch chi'n gwybod yw'r phethau, o bobl yn ymgyrchau'r sgol, i'w gweithio'r cyfrifosedd o bwysig o'r cyfrifosedd yna, i'w gweithio'r cyfrifosedd yr olyn, o'r cyfrifosydd yma, o'r cyfrifosydd tîm oedd o'r cyfrifosedd yma yn y 1980, o'r cyfrifosydd yma, o'r cyfrifosydd o'r cyfrifosydd yma, o'r cyfrifosydd o'r cyfrifosydd yma, o'r cyfrifosydd yma. bod fwy ffordd i fod yn ymddangos desereth, oherwydd ymddangos merch ffwrdd ei wneud. Mae dechrau ac mae'r Ffyrdd yn mynd i gyfnodym yn gweithio i gofyn yn pots nag yma, ac mae'n gwybodaeth i gwybodaeth gwybodaeth a fyddai iaith i gafodd a Gweithreibwyr Llyfrgellach i dd nullerol. Mae'n ffyrdd i gydag y mae'n gweithio i gweith breastfael yn y ddefnyddio cyddiol yng Nghymddus o f greedwch ar hwn i ddechad wahanol. sy'n gwneud i'r cyflei gwybod cyntafol bod y cyfrifiad cyllid yn bwysig a'r gyfrifiad gyda'r cynhyrch yn y Llywodraeth Cymru. Felly, sy'n 2008 yn y pethigol, ac mae'n gwneud i'r eich drwsiau ar y Bwysig Llywodraeth, ac mae'r cyfrifiad cyfrifiad ar y gyfrifiad cyllid yn bwysig, mae'n cyfrifiad cyfrifiad cyfrifiad cyllid, o'r gyfrifiad cyfrifiad cyfrifiad cyfrifiad. Yr First is Consumtion, yn cyfrifiad cyfrifiad, He says it's very strange that China has 40% consumption, domestic consumption in a developing society. He said it's something like 53% and of course in developed economies it's nearly 75%. This is a big, big imbalance. Even for a developing economy consumption in China is very, very low. The second one he talks about is service sector. Again, he uses the statistic in 2009 of, I think, 47% service sector in China, 53% in a developing economy and 80% in developed economies. Another anomaly, not just with developed economies but with developing economies. The 30 talks about, and that seems strange because it seems to have been a big success, is urbanisation in China. Of course China is 50-50 now, according to the census in 2010, those living in cities and those living in villages or in rural areas. But he says that this, in fact, is still an anomaly because it should really be more 60-65%. China is lagging in its urbanisation and this is a great challenge to have deeper urbanisation. The fourth structural issue he talks about is this sort of issue of the state's role of the economy investment into capital investment. China still has something like 48, the thing he uses in, I think, 2010, 48, 49% of capital investment into infrastructure. In America, I think he says something like 15% or even lower and again a great structural issue. The state is, in fact, an enormous source of investment and this issue means it's too dominant and there are all sorts of economic issues that flow from that. Those four big structural issues he talks about have also been made, in a sense, starker because he refers quite a lot to the impact of the global financial crisis since 2007 and the way in which markets in Europe and North America disappeared. He talks in a very interesting way about the biggest strategic imperative for the party is fast sustainable growth and then he talks about the need to create new spaces for growth. To deal with these structural issues, China within itself has to create new spaces for growth. Chinese is Fajang Kongjian, new spaces for growth. Then he also talks quite a lot about the Chinese vision of domestic consumption, of China not being reliant on Western economies for its growth, of China indigenising sources of growth in its own consumptive patterns and in its own investments and really creating more control by getting rid of this dominance of export orientated growth and creating a market within China that's a source of its own growth. So there's a tinge of a sort of national mission there and when we look in fact at his colleague on the Politburo now, Liu Yunshan, who is the head or was the head of propaganda, we see this echoed in the way that Liu Yunshan talks about Chinese culture. Liu Yunshan talks about the information technology revolution and talks about news management. Liu Yunshan is a big surprise as someone who was promoted onto the Politburo Standing Committee because he had been severely criticised over a number of crises from the Tibetan uprising onwards until the Wenzhou high-speed train crash in 2011 or 2012. He'd been severely criticised over the news management handling of this because it was felt that the party propaganda department, which he was in charge of, had just not kind of got the message out and it had allowed these crises to happen and it hadn't really got the positive messages out about how the party was handling crises. It had made people seem sloppy. So Liu Yunshan writes quite a lot about the importance of news management and an era of social media contestation and comes again with this issue reflected, like Liu Yunshan's ideas on economic development, of a Chinese social media, a Chinese information technology revolution, the idea of the party being able to provide a framework in which the rest of the world is kept at a safe distance but you have this sort of harmonious cyber atmosphere in which things that are good for people in social development are delivered and things that are not good are kept out. And that brings us therefore back to what I am meant to be speaking about today which is this idea of the Chinese dream. Now having sat in this room, I think the room next door, in 2008 having been advertised to speak about China and the Olympics and then not managed to say a word about the Olympics in 2008, I am very aware that I shall keep to the subject today so I will come back now to this issue of the China dream. With the things that I have talked about that Li Keqiang and Liu Yunshan said, I think we can see in Xi Jinping's language too, although it is very abstract, this idea of China needing to be more in control of its international space, China needing to be more aware of its identity and being able to have a stronger voice and China being less dependent on the economies of outside economies, particularly export markets. And I think that is a very important element to think of because the battle ironically for opening up the domestic consumption market in China and to have access to this huge number of new emerging consumers across the whole of China, the middle class that we talk of. I mean this is a big, big battle that the Communist Party itself faces. It has to find growth in these people who are obviously immensely gifted savers and not particularly willing to spend. And when we look at places in which we can see the future already in Shanghai, for instance, I think at Fudan University last year said, Shanghai is the future of Chinese consumption, you do see how a kind of higher service sector, higher domestic consumption China would look like. If you look at Shanghai you can kind of see greater service sector, more mixed economy, hasn't completely got better manufacturing, has high tech sectors, more kind of mixed, greater space for consumption. I mean this is the future of Shanghai. And I guess the party kind of sees a future in which that model, because it's already worked in one place, might work elsewhere. I guess they also have a high awareness that of course there are foreign partners in terms of the service sector, in terms of some benign actors who are going to be big, big allies in this. I mean it's not just about keeping the foreigners out. No, it's about having those who are allies in this enormous battle to produce growth and to produce domestic consumption, to deal with these four structural issues. The final thing I suppose to come back to the Liu Yun Shan kind of ideas, a sort of space of articulating China's identity without being kind of pervaded by what Deng Xiaoping, Deng Xiaoping, the paramount leader in the 1980s and 1990s called flies from outside and spiritual pollution. I mean one of the interesting issues I suppose in this sort of ideological battle, it is an ideological battle and I think it is important for this elite. One of the important issues is of course to do something about what Xi Jinping talked about on 15 November about closing the gap between the party and the people. And this issue that Liu Yun Shan talks about for cultural industries being ways of capturing the hearts and minds and he makes this sort of heartfelt plea in 2011 of well why is it that no one wants to listen to Cardra's speak and you know officials get bored out of their skull by listening to these long tedious speeches. They don't want to listen to us banging on for hours and hours about ideological issues. We don't connect with people and then he goes on for about five hours talking like this and proves why it is they don't listen and everyone's switching off in billions. But the issue really that he raises and is an important one, the party feels at least going from what he said and he's been in charge of it for many years and is now on the Politburo Standing Committee so really can do something about it, the party feels that in the last ten years it lost control of the message. The message of how it connects to people, the way in which it is seen not just as a self-interested clique with only a few thousand members, I think someone worked out that at vice ministerial level above in China you're looking at an elite of about 2,700 people and this is a small elite on which to run a vast country and it seems very, very remote. So this idea of having a kind of language which bridges that big, big gap between this extremely powerful but very small elite with all of the vested interest that has accrued around them because of the way in which the party has been a great source of profit over its control of the state of enterprises in particular, this issue is a very, very serious one. I suppose when we look at the way that Xi Jinping is trying to message and trying to create a kind of better communication strategy we do see this attempt to at least create a better communicative language in which you're just not appealing to people's purse strings but also their emotions or their hearts too. Bolshilai just sort of finally on that issue of course raised lots of interesting questions during his fall that we can still think about. One of them is this very issue of how do you do politics in China? How do you mobilise people? We can say since 1949 that there have been two distinct phases from 49 until the death of Mao Zedong in 1976. You had politics done with charismatic leadership but mass campaigns, about 16 of them from the three aunties in 1953 I think and culminating in the culture revolution and that from 1966 has left a big impact on people. The leaders that I'm talking about today, Xi Jinping, Li Keqiang and Liu Yunshan in particular have memories of that time. They were about 16, 17 at the beginning of it and so it was a very powerful influence on them as it was for the previous leaders. And from 1978 onwards I suppose you have a period of not political mobilisation, you take economic delivery as the main thing, party efficiency, administrative efficiency these things are the most important things and I think you can say I think as Wang Hui an important intellectual at the Beijing University said the party has a kind of unique role in society is the kind of final thing that can sort out big spats between different groups and factions and networks. And you know that really is under a lot of pressure now because the party has to really hit some quite important socio-political I mean not contradictions but decision points really. You know this is a society where quite soon there's going to have to be big decisions about what you do about legal reform, what you do about increasing township elections for instance, what you do about public participation decision making, what you do about these much more difficult socio-political issues not just about economic development, it's about dealing with inequality in society with bigger social welfare or creating a kind of bigger health service it's always a very tough thing to make those decisions and there'll be some winners and losers and of course with social media Chinese constituents now are much more vocal in saying that they're not happy. So when it gets a sense that mobilisation is now necessary again and that there is a kind of need for the party to have a communication strategy like any political environment in which you are going to basically spell out to people well we've got to go in this direction, we can't have everything but we've got to make this choice and there'll be some little lose but most will win and you know this is why we all have to stick together and that's really important because you want to obviously stop the amazing amounts of contention that have happened in Chinese society in the last few years and people have been trying to measure and some have come up with sort of staggering statistics of maybe 100, 120,000 up to 180,000 incidents each year. So it's an important thing to do something about this and the party's communication strategy and how it appeals to people to be parts of this are very, very important. So I think all we can say at the moment after less than a year of a new leadership is well obviously there's an attempt to communicate more obviously there's a lot of interest in talking about more justice in society obviously there's an interest in making China more dependent on itself for internal growth I mean these things have all been talked about and it's been talked about a little more in the last few months but I guess what is really not clear today and I'm not entirely sure when it will become clear although there's meetings later in the year that may clarify more is what the party practically intends to do to pursue these visions. So while we are in a sort of era of dreams and that's good I guess we are not yet getting to the point where we can say about these new leaders well are they really willing to hit some of these big, big policy decisions about more social welfare, more rule of law attacking vested interest dealing with some of the inefficiencies in the state and enterprises that will then impact on some of these big tribal family interests that have been a source of immense wealth doing something specific about China's internal governance issues all of these things that are very well known have been talked about over the last year what are the practical footsteps the steps that China is going to take so as of today we don't know that and I suppose just in conclusion there will be two possibilities for when we know that the first is if we have a declaration by the party leadership about their plans and that would be I suppose a rational and a sort of controlling way of doing it and the second would be from crisis because then they'll be forced to do it so I guess those are pretty stark possibilities thank you