 President of France. You have received me this famous old office. Yes. Yes. We saw how well you look when you spend it for the gentleman's son. Yes. You look very fit in full form. I see that they are still under the same iron hand. That's Mary Nasserini ruling every now and then. Yes. That's Mary Nasserini. She's the general of the press. I've been putting money on the cabinet. I don't think so. What's going on? I don't think this is... You have to be very careful. You're going to be sent to the street. You need to be very careful. You need to be very careful. You need to be very careful. You need to be very careful. I think that we might learn something from the French because they've been able to get their hostages back from Iran. Might you be discussing with the President how they succeeded? Well, I don't know whether we'll have time in our meetings all the time to talk about it. Yes, I'd be interested. Mr. President, what kind of message do you hope to convey to the ethnic leaders you're going to meet with at Chicago tomorrow? What message are you going to take there? Well, it's going to be a message about the part they play in America how we're probably the most unique country in the world in that regard, that we are all of us. We came from someplace else. Mr. President, do you have any understanding of what is happening in the Soviet Union with the Politburo meeting and Mr. Shepard Nazi's abrupt departure? I would be hesitant to guess, but it seems to me that there is some controversy there among the government figures about proposals that the general secretary has made. I imagine that's what they're going to talk about. Are you hoping that the general secretary is successful in quieting the country? Yes, because I think most of the things he's suggested are in truth very good and very progressive. Mr. President, do you really have the hope to bring up the issue of chemical weapons? And why did you change your position in France on the destruction of the security staff? I wanted to contribute to a general agreement on the real cessation of chemical work. You know that there are already conventions on this subject, but I think they haven't been respected. So it's necessary to end with this. On the other hand, I think it's good to say that for France to hold on to the position I indicated we are maintaining the position in the future when this future can be determined in the future. And it's already a necessary clarification I think in the future. Cameron, this way please. Thank you. Thank you very much. Yes, here are the progress that you have made for the last year. It was made remarkable with the reaction of the United Nations and since the members of the jury of the Nobel Prize have decided to make their choice on the United Nations to make the specification that they would approve of this education that it is an effort to favor the jury and not the members of the jury. So I don't know what the members of the jury are deciding what they are saying. I would like to thank you. Thank you very much. Thank you very much. Great coming here. You said that I think it was a fine decision. Stephanie, thank you very much. Ok. Hello, hello, hello. This way please. This way please. Hello. Hello. Thank you. This is the presidential parliament. Althea. Althea's. And Petunia's. You know them better than I do. That's an L. That's an L. That's a L. I didn't see how it was connected to the main body. It was to the central wing. I think we'd better get in the wire. I think we'd better get in the wire. You are right. This is the... The early days used by the... The president was here. He was the president of the private residence. He was the chairman. He was in his cellar. They copied this room. Yes, yes. That's the idea. It's a very famous room. It's very famous room. It can be anything. It can be anything. It's the room of the prime minister. It's the room of the prime minister. It's the room of the prime minister. Mr. President, gentlemen, I could we begin maybe with a discussion of East-West relations and perhaps I could start by providing a brief summary of our meetings last week with the Soviet Foreign Minister. Our discussions with Chevernadze last week were cordial and useful and covered our full agenda. Overall, the talks produced no breakthroughs. We had little new to add on the START Treaty, which you know is the name for the strategic missile treaty, where we're trying to work out a 50 percent reduction in those weapons. Or on the defense or space talks, but on nuclear testing I think we're close to completing the verification protocol for the Peaceful Nuclear Explosions Treaty. And we hope to finish this and a similar protocol for the Freshhold Test Ban Treaty this year. He asked that we take seriously Gorbachev's proposal to convert Krasnoyarsk to an international space station. And we don't think this is an acceptable solution to that problem. It is a violation of the ABM Treaty. And it would be too easy, say even if he didn't, but in some successor, use that again in the way that it violates the treaty in spite of their proposing that it be something for tracking space. There was a spirit of exchange on regional issues, but no real surprises. On CSCE, the Soviets are anxious to conclude the Vienna review meeting. And they told us they would drop their demand to exclude fighter aircraft from the mandate for new conventional talks. But we need a balanced outcome in Vienna, which shows progress on human rights, and we're prepared to stay in Vienna until we get one. Last year we told the Soviets what it would take before we could consider their proposal for a human rights conference in Moscow, and they've begun to meet a few but not all of our conditions. We appreciate that Mr. Gorbachev is pushing an ambitious domestic reform program in his country. We don't know whether he'll succeed, nor do we know what this all means for western security. And looking at Soviet internal changes, we mustn't lose sight of what really counts, whether there be any real and elastic change in their defense programs. In New York on Tuesday I met with all the NATO foreign ministers and representatives from Japan and Australia and South Korea. I think we came into an agreement that the western alliance was in good shape, and that we must continue as we have for 40 years to work together. There are some difficult decisions that will have to be made. Conventional weapons, arms control, burden sharing, and weapons modernization. In particular, NATO will have to tackle the short-range nuclear force modernization. The Conference of the Secretaries of the 1925 General Protocol and other interested parties to spread the international norms against the use of chemical weapons. And I understand that all NATO countries have endorsed this idea as well. Mr. President, would France, because it is the depository of the Geneva Protocol, consider the relationship with the cause of our change? Can the build on its growth and prosperity be enjoyed?