 Y cyfnod, mae'r cyfnod yn ei gyflwyno'n gweithio, mae'n gweithio'n llwyddon o'r rhain. Y cyfnod yw'r cyfnod yn unrhyw gyda'r cyfnod yn y Gweithu Brynod, ac mae'r Cyfnod New York yn ymweliad o'r cyfnod cyfnod. A ydych chi'n ddweud ymddangos, ydych chi'n gweithio'n fanylion ni'n gweithio'n gweithio'n gweithio'n gweithio'n gweithio'n gweithio'n gweithio'n gweithio. And instead you see more of a concern for whether or not there is enough room for them. And whilst 281 million migrants were counted in 2020, which is apparently close to 130 people, the actual numbers are undoubtedly much higher. Figures are hard to come by, and most importantly due to what politicians like to call tighter border security, more and more migrants find themselves having to enter countries illegally and will often be excluded from the statistics. Ac across the world what we're seeing are imperious wars, political instability, destitution, debt, poverty, survey weather phenomena like colossal floods and wildfires due to climate change, Gallwch chi'n mynd i'n rhoi'r ffacffyrdd yn gallu gwneud o bobl yn ystod o'i gweithio drwy hynny. The decision to leave your home is really a last resort, and millions are forced to come to terms with this to uproot their lives, to leave their friends, their families, their habits and so on behind them. Y cyfnod o'r ffordd yma o ymdweud hynny, ond y wyrdadau i ddeithasio cyfrannu i ddeithasio cyfrannu a ddweithio'r ffordd i ddeithasio cyfrannu. Y ffordd, yn Ymgyrch, mae'r ffordd yn yn ôl yn gweithio'r ddau sydd yn gyd, os ymgyrch yn gweithio, mae'n gweithio eich ffordd yn rhaglenu i ddau yn Ymgyrch, yr Ymgyrch yn gweithio'r Ymgyrch, ddweud i gyfysg applesau yr mistaken falls ac yn wych er m awkwardi herfodd, o gwglaes poppedroig karaokec yma , â'r byth o'r broses fel oedd、 a ddau yn leidgaf, arm basedau ir Flagychan ac y Jon Wawr yn gleilie, ar otel a'r recovery o arenor o ardy rymy, ar gynnig cywg hwniffw tornado a gydagweithio'r pleidiliedig oearn hwnnw. Gofyd bydd yr arcaf oherwydd ergyn o blaen o Лan cheese ar All좋fyr o Felly, ein bod ydych chi'n gweld y ffhrif, y bobl, y cynllunau, y dyfodol a'r gweithio'n gwaith, y dyfodol, y bwysig, y ffarchiwyr, ac gan hynny'n gweithio'n gweithio'n gweithio. Y ddechrau'n ymhynghori, mae'n gweithio'n gweithio ar y cyfnod, mae'n byw ddod o'r 6 miliwn ar gyfer. Felly byddiau'n gweld yw'r ffrif yn ymhwynt, mae'n gweithio'n gwneud o'r rydydd fydden o'r rwynt i'w ddweud i gael i'r ddeudio'r cyfnodd. Rwy'r gwaith i'r ddeudio'r gweithiau sydd wedi'u gael gweithbeth o'r adrodd cyfnodd y byddai cyfnodd ar y barachau cyfnodd. Y ddweud i'r gweithbethau cyfnoddau gweithbeth byddai cyfnodd â hwnnw. Yn amlwg ar hyn, myfyrwch'i ddweud i'r ddeudio'r gweithbeth y gweithdoedd yn fwyaf yn ei ngwybod o'r fforddau. Yn dweud y cychwyn cyffredin, yn eu cyfrifol sydd wedi cael ei gwasanaeth, mae'r fforddau yn ei cyfrifol yn ei wneud yw'r walchedd ar hyn o'r gweithio'r gweithio, yn ei gweithio'r gweithio'r gweithio ac yn gwneud yn cael ysgol. Yn y gweithio ar y cwrs, mae'n gweithio'r gweithio ar 27 gweithio, mae'n gweithio'r gweithio ar gyfer gweithio. A ydyn nhw'n'n dweud mentiniaeth y byddai arla· maeín trwy dwy o b�indio gennych 160 o ddim yn cael eu gwneud a maen nhw'n dau arall a'n dweud y ffathiairel. Mae hynny yn dweud o'r rhyddau hefyd o gweithio a changos o'i blynedd maen nhw'n dweud ac ble rydyn nhw'n dweud o'u gweithio o'r hynny'n Majestyf na'r pwyllwch i'w bryd a'u bwym i'r holl ffathiaid Hitwch yn dweud o'r próstituci, a wnaeth gweithio mewn gyda pobl yn y byddol, a wnaeth gweithio mewn cyfnodol. Dyna ydych chi'n gallu'n gweithio ar y paru hostel sy'n hynny'n gwneud ei wneud. Felly, ychydig yn ddiwedd i greu'r cymdeithas mlynedd ar gyfnodol yn GPs. Mae'r eu hunion yn ysgol, yn yr wrth gwrs, yn 2019, mae'r wrthynai ymdau yn ystod o'r ddysgu nad yw'n ni'n seithio ymdrae. Mae'r ffordd wedi bod unrhyw ymdodau sydd wedi gweithio'r diogelion, bydd rydych chi'n gwneud i'r hoffod ar gyfer ymgyrch yn 2020 a bydd hynny'n credu'r ffordd ac mae'r 6 ffordd oedd yn gwneud i'r ffordd. Mae'r ddafodol yn ffordd yn ystod, mae'r ffordd yn gennw'r oedd yn ysafodol ymwysgaf ywch yn ysgath. yn y gallu iawn. Ond mae'n cwrs, yn y camp hynny, bydd yn y cael ei gair yn rhubesio, oedd o'r iawn yn cychwyn. A yng Nghymru, y gyrsbryd y mhwyl yng nghymru, mae'r gyrsbryd yn bwrd yng Nghymru o'r ddweudio cyhoeddau. Mae'r drosbryd o'r gyrsbryd, o'r prosesau gyhoedd. A o'r ddweud o'r ddweudio o'r ddweudio cyhoedd ynghyrch rhwylo, ..wlltydd y 1951 y Convention Refugee. Felly, dwi'n gweld i'n ddifenio'r cyfnodd o'r ffordd o'r cyfnodd... ..y'n gyfnodd o'r Cyfnodd o'r Cymru, sy'n 2014... ..y'r Ffyrdd yn ei wneud y rai o'r cyfnodd... ..y'r cyfnodd o'r cyfnodd o'r cyfnodd o'r cyfnodd o'r Cyfnodd o'r cyfnodd o'r cyfnodd o'r Cyfnodd. Felly, mae'n gwybod i'r cyfnodd o'r cyfnodd. Mae ystod y gr darn a yw chwarae sy'n ôl ych chi'n las amfio syth archweddol... ..egwyrd hwygani a cyfnodd o'r cymry ration yn y ffordd iddynny... ..egwyd. Roid y 1971 yma f woulda o myffodtan... ..ac hynny mae'n gwas reluctantfriliaid yn llawer o myffodέρ CDC. rydych chi wedi maes i resume i fynd i allu y clym inno... These immigration apps have sought to extend the strength of the state apparatus By giving landlords, businesses, like and things like the LHS, …the ability to act as part of the UK border force, Facing basically severe fines, if they don't vet the employees, …the tenants enough to make sure that they are basically here legally. The politicians cloak these policies and phrases like migrant flows need to be managed, we need to take that control of our borders and the latest one by the Tories is that the UK has too many low skilled workers and that international students often broke dependence. In Denmark as well, there's a jewellery law that was announced in 2016 when it was facing an increase in migration largely due to people fleeing from war in Syria and this law is used to So asylum seekers are allowed to keep up to the equipment of £1000 in cash and in bundles but anything about this will be conversated to pay for that stay in the country. a llwyddodd yn y cyfrifio. Felly, mae'n rhoi'n trwy fwy o'r hyfforddiadau o'r ddifon yw'r polisiadau o'r rhain yn ddifonol, o'r cenofobiadau, a'r nôl yn ddifonol, sy'n ddifonol o'r oedd a ni'n ddifonol o'r ddifonol o'r ddifonol o'r ddifonol o'r ddifonol o'r ddifonol o'r ddifonol. Felly, mae'n gwahodd o'r ddifonol o'r llef yn ei gwrdd o'r gwaith ond os yw ymddindig i'w gweithio'r hwyl, ychydig o hwyl yn dweudio'r ddweudio, i'w ddefnyddiadau, a'r ddefnyddiadau i'w gweithio'r hwyl i'w ddweudio'r ddeudio'n ddefnyddiadau. Ond ydych chi'n cerddau i brydiau, a'r cyhoeddau i gael y cerddau, mae'r cyflosau yn cyd-gweithio'r ddeudio'r ddweudio'r ddweudio'r ddweudio, yn dweudio'r gweithio, yn y dynol o'r gymhydliadau. Felly, mae'n gweithio'n gallu hwn o'r cyfrannu eu hunain a'r defnyddio i'r cyfrannu oherwydd yng Nghymru, wedi bod y bydd yn ymgyrchau o'r cyfrannu gwirionedd. Felly, y DU yn ymddangos i'r rhai o'r cyfrannu, i'w fawr cyfrannu i'r gweithio ynghyd i gyd, i'r gweithio, i'r 27 o'n gyfrannu, a'i gweithio i'r cyfrannu o'r cyfrannu Mae'r ffrindiau yn ymgyrch o'r ddechrau sydd wedi bod yn mylio'r ffrindiau yn ymdweud hynny'n gwybodol o'r ffrindiau ar y llyfrnodau. A i'r ddweud ymddiad yng nghymru, yng Nghymru, yw'r ffrindiau, o'r bwysig o'r ddechrau ar y taelodau o'r bwrdd, o'r Afganistanaeth, fel oes coffordd llunio yn ngheilio, fel ei ddweud y papurrau hwnnw i'n gwybos i'r cael bwysigol sydd mor bwysigol fawr. O fod yn anhod a'i sgwrs ychydig os bwysigol, y ddweud ymgyrch yn ymgyrch o'r ffrindiau o ddweud olwigol yn ambrayl. Mae ydw i hanitha nhw a chyma gemu Openg, o'r mylio pa ymgyrch gysychlu yn ymgyrch o'r upsigol yn llyfrnodol, oes rai'r ddweud ymgyrch o'r ffrindiau yw'n ei wneud i ymgylchedd gyda Llywodraeth i Gweithio Llywodraeth, ac mae'n rhaid i'r ymdeg o gyflawni, sydd wedi'u gweld i'r yrhaid i ddefnyddio cyfnodau a'i gweld i'r gwleidio cyfnodau. mae'n ddylai gwirio ar gyfer gwneud ei wneud o gyfnodau yw ydych chi, ar y ddyn nhw, versus political refugees, versus illegal migrants, and so on. So Marxists are internationalists, and we are firmly against any barriers for migration. And Marx ends the Communist Manifesto with the slogan of workers of the world, unite. And this was not added on a whim, but it was deliberate, and it is the starting point for all Marxists. Now, to understand why this is the case, we can look at borders and the nation states to understand how they have come about. And I should add that Marxists don't see anything as fixed in order to understand something and to look at where it came from. We need to see what processes feed into it, brought it into being in the first place. So nation states and borders that define them, they haven't always existed, and they are actually only the product of the historical development of capitalism over the last, like, 200 years or so. Small-scale production and local markets were kind of the embryolic form of capitalism. And the early bourgeoisie needed to overcome the limits of local restrictions to trade. So overcoming the limits of local currencies, local rules and regulations, things like local law and order. And this is because they were striving to remove barriers for the production, the circulation, and the exchange of goods. So in other words, they were trying to remove any barriers to the accumulation of capital, which led to the emergence of the national markets as opposed to these kind of fragmented markets across the land. And they needed borders to be able to define this. So what this shows us is that the catalyst classes have, across the world, held a kind of monopoly over borders using them to facilitate capital circulation. And they are able to close and open borders on this basis. And this was really a giant leap forward in the development of capitalism. It acted as a stimulus for the development of national economies, strengthening the productive capacity of nations, harnessing more resources, greater technology, tearing labourers away from the land and into factories, bringing more and more people together under one roof with common interests. So this also helped to lay the basis for class struggle. And running in parallel to the rise of these national economies, there was a gradual development of national consciousness. So in Britain, in the late end of the Middle Ages, the world trade dominated in a lot of areas. And this would have tied together a large proportion of labourers who would be using the same skills to put food on the table, facing the same conditions. And there is, of course, because of this, I think, some truth to the fact that holding a sense of nationality and the traditions and cultures and habits that come with living in a particular place in the world is a reality, right? But capitalism is no longer in its period of ascent. It relies on the free movement of capital, because it cannot rely on its narrow minute of the nation state and staying within a home market. And the development of imperialism shows us this. It also explains why, for example, in the post-war boom when the capitalist classes were looking to expand and develop industry after the war, Britain actually opened up its borders to its colonies in the Commonwealth. With the windrush generation representing the need for an increase in labour from abroad. So this has led to a breakdown of the material basis for, sorry, this has led to a material basis for the breakdown of national barriers. It has brought workers of different nations, side by side, together in factories, as it has brought catalysts side by side from joint stock companies together as well. So catalysts has adapted to the flow of migrants and because of this it is able to facilitate what it needs. And we should be clear that the difference of nationalities is used as a tool by the ruling classes to basically divide the working class and keep it at bay. No, we say that the ruling ideas of every nation are the ideas of the ruling class. The political representatives of nations, the media funded by the catalyst press, by the catalyst class and the education systems and so on. These things are used to basically put forward differences of nationality, language, skin colour, cultures and so on in a reactionary way to distract workers in an endeavour to keep them disunited. And this has cynical political motivations rather than it just being the case of the catalyst classes genuinely wanting to close off their borders and live completely isolated from the rest of the global economy. So the change in the Windrush generation, for example, was an attempt to stir up this racism with the 1971 Immigration Act ending the permanent right to remain for Commonwealth citizens. And this racism is an expression of the economic needs of the ruling class. They are, of course, still racist, but there is a source to this racism. And in certain periods they are more welcoming of migrants. So some Torian keys in the past, for example, have been pro immigration because they see the role that migrant labour plays in the economy and they want Britain to remain competitive in the global market. Even Liz Tross, just last month, apparently she was looking to lift the cup of immigration restrictions for seasonal agricultural workers and broadband engineers in order to try and fill job vacancies. This being said, though, of course this racism, xenophobia, this nationalism is always kind of in its way there, but at some points it is pushed to the fore depending on what the needs of the ruling class is. And again, we can see this, for example, with the change in immigration acts in this country. Now, in Britain, we have just lived through the attempt of the ruling class to whip up this idea of Britishness and all belonging to one nation with the death of the Queen and national mourning. But if we actually follow this logic and we ask ourselves, what does it mean to be British? Then we find that the answer is completely superficial. It's a complete fiction to say that people who have a British passport, everyone who has a British passport is exactly the same with the same interests. We can't say that Richard Branson, for example, who was a CEO and billionaire, is the same socially, economically, politically and psychologically as a single mother on benefits working in London. So it's a lie that a capitalist and a worker have the same interests just because they are both British. They don't share anything in common. So nationalism is used as a tool to pain over the cracks by the ruling class. With this example of the monarchy, they were seeking to pain over the cracks that exist in the monarchy, the scandal after scandal, racism, corruption and other scandals that we've seen. In conditions of scarcity where workers are facing very real material struggles with things like public services being cut to the bone, a lack of affordable housing, huge queues for healthcare and so on, there are some workers who will buy into this use of the race card by the media and political parties, especially when there's not any viable political alternative exposing the fact that it is capitalism that cannot give us the adequate basics of life. This explains why, for example, there have been a layer of workers who have supported parties such as the UKIP in the past. A party which basically appears to offer something different gains ground because it appears on the surface as more anti-establishment even if part of that is by kind of pandering to raise its prejudices. But that is the result of a curse in this for the room class because it means by using the race card and promising to attack immigrant rights so that British workers can get more jobs, more housing, better healthcare, higher wages and all of this. These attempts must always fail and they eventually do lose support because again it's capitalism that cannot provide these things. But if we had a fighting leadership putting forward a bold programme which actually took up the issue of unemployment, austerity and a lack of housing with policies like nationalisation, this would completely cut the ground under these parties which do panda to raise its prejudices. So in 2015, for example, Jeremy Corbyn's anti-austerity message resonated with millions and a UKIP poll that she found that he was the first choice for many and apparently even 62% of UKIP voters who took part in this poll saw the same thing and the poll stated Corbyn supporters represent a longing for an alternative that has an appeal far beyond the left of the Labour Party. So this show is that even the small number of workers who voted UKIP did so largely due to wanting kind of fundamental change in society. So we should be clear, the causes for the problems facing workers are not migrants. On events of the last few years have actually shown us that there is a real growing mood of solidarity against the racist actions of the state towards migrants in Britain. It shows the revolutionary potential that does exist amongst workers who are completely disgusted by the status quo. So Home Office deportations and raids have been actively stopped by neighbours and activists in places around the UK. There's a good example of Glasgow in May 2021 where two men were detained by an immigration officer. They were put into a van on the basis that they had no right to be in the UK. Instead of letting them be taken away, neighbours kind of trickled out onto the road. This also happened at a time where a local mosque had like need-a-prayers finishing. So you had people kind of slowly trickling out from that as well, people looking out from their windows. And there are even reports that some people from shops nearby were bringing trays of food and refreshments. So it shows what mood was like. And someone there said we were aware then that we could have been arrested but what was at the front of our minds was don't be coming into our communities and taking away people who live here. And we had another immigration raid in Peckham in London earlier this year taking away a Nigerian man who was put in a van on the ground so that he had overstayed his visa. Neighbours and activists came together to protest. There was even a report that parents from a WhatsApp group from the local primary school were organising a mat to come to the protest. And the crowd ended up staying for four hours until he was released and then they chanted to the police don't come back to Peckham. So what this shows us is that in the face of common tax on living and working conditions national differences between workers can lose any real significance. So the ending of the working class is not vibrant labour and it is the responsibility of the labour movement to involve these ladies in the struggle as much as possible. There's an example of a deportation tent in Dunstan in London last year targeting food delivery drivers. And the industrial workers union of Great Britain is helping to organise these periods around the demands they know right to work safely and union has actually responded with minitancy to these deportation threats. And it showed that these attacks have come about at a time when the drivers were trying to get organised and were trying to fight back against the bosses. And the union exposed the hypocrisy of the bosses that it was just at this point that they were also being threatened with deportation. Now a response like this in the labour movement is more likely to galvanise workers facing the same conditions the tide is flowing in their favour and every attack serves to show the real interest of the workers on one hand and the capitalists on the other cutting across these divisions set up by the capitalists. Now we should be clear that this differs from some on the reformist left to have fallen into the trap of this division by calling for more humane and efficient borders which really just made black needs making immigration policy nicer. And the labour manifesto in 2019 under Corbyn was a textbook example of this because when he was asked whether there would be free movement he said there will be a lot of movement. So we should make no mistake what this shamefully boils down to is maintaining restrictions on migration with the kind of on tweet here and there in this case it was to expand the rights of migrants to run family members to the UK. Others on the reformist left have called for managed migration to protect so-called native workers. Len McCluskey, who was a former leader of the United Union here, argued that free movement undercuts wages for British workers. And the result is that he was in favour of the tighter immigration policy. So these ideas of the reformists are not new and in fact they have existed for a long time. It's just being drawn out and exposed more and more now that we're facing imperialist wars, war after war, poverty all over the world, climate change is really pushing these things to the fore. Now we can look to the past to see this. The second international, which came out of the first international, which was founded by Marx and Engels, was made of socialist parties from across the world. The second international was born in a period of capitalist up-swing. So the leadership came under the pressures of capitalism living in a way that was divorced from the class struggle. And they moved in an increasingly reformist direction because of this. So at their conference in 1907 you could see the different trends that existed in the labour movement and have always existed on the questions of colonisation, war imperialism and migration. For example there was a debate on the question of immigration which had two opposite poles. A wing from Britain, US and Germany arguing in favour of colonies as a kind of civilising force and uncoincidentally they then argued against immigration from countries that were too far behind in their development. But there was also a wing that had better elements in it explaining that immigration controls were bad and in the end they won this. They majority agreed to the fact that immigration controls should be regarded as reactionary by nature. So they proposed a series of measures to actually strengthen the labour movement. And this included the abolition of restrictions preventing people from various nationalities from staying in a country or which excluded them from the social, political and economic rights of the so-called natives. And I think this really strikes at the heart of how we should fight for open borders. It shows that the struggle the struggle of migrants to move about freely and settle as they wish is not separate from the class struggle and genuine marxists have always been in favour of this as shown by the Revolutionary Wing at the Congress. So, as I said we are internationalists. We believe that the downward spiral of wages, working conditions living conditions access to basic services and so on has to be fought by workers irrespective of nationality, skin colour, what language you speak and so on. Lenin actually describes this process as requiring workers of all countries to come together in a single international force for emancipation. So, any attempt to break down national barriers and prejudices against fellow workers is a progressive act that shows that our struggle is one and the same. Now, the protests in response to the immigration raids in Glasgow and Peckham show us one part of this, I think, with workers moving spontaneously to protect workers in their neighbourhoods. This is a positive development and it's the embryo of what the wider struggle can be as it also needs a firm class perspective to guide it beyond this. So, Marxists in the Labour movement should have an uncompromising stance against any restrictions to the integration of migrants. We have to show, for example, that the struggle for housing is also a struggle to expropriate the empty homes of profit, a struggle to expropriate the housing monopolies that build homes for profit because we can ensure that everyone has a decent place to live. And we must show that the struggle for a healthcare system that meets everyone's needs is inseparable from the struggle against austerity and the drive of the capitalists for privatisation to drive up their profits. And in fighting this, in fighting the open borders as part of the struggle of the working class against the capitalist class, it becomes clear that we cannot do away with borders and the racist divisions used against workers without getting rid of the capitalist class completely. So, only in the overthrow of capitalism will we see an end to this, not only through workers' control of the media and so on, meaning no funding from the rich which supports their world view, but also for material changes in life with housing for all, access to all basic needs like enough food, healthcare, education, employment and overthrowing the profit motive, replacing it with a system built around production on the basis of need, but do away with brutal, imperious wars, do away with climate change, do away with poverty, meaning that all the reasons why people have to move in the first place beyond their control could be done away with. So, people will be able to move and settle as they wish easily integrating into that society and easily being able to integrate into the planning of production wherever they choose to go. And we should be clear that there is not a utopia but it's a real potential that exists here. We have the resources to be over 10 billion people, we have the technology the potential infrastructure we have the immense skills acquired by the working class we have everything we need to provide everyone with a dignified life it's just in the private hands of a minority of humanity which is the catalyst class. So, we say that migrants are welcome down with capitalism and the fundamental cause of war and suffering for millions and we firmly take up what Mark said which is workers of the world unite.