 When we talk about the BJP's rise, let's also put it, for a long time, the same platform was contained on defeat. It was defeated in the national movement where Hindu nationalism was a platform that the BJP put, the RSS had put forward. That was the Hindu nationalist agenda they had put forward. And for a good 60 years after the independence, also they didn't really get traction. The communal politics, which is what the Hindu nationalist agenda is supposed to be, what it is, that started gaining traction only when the colonists vacated what I will call the economic nationalism space, which is the basis of the Indian national movement and also what we saw later as the development of what's called the Nehruvian state, which is really building a relatively more autonomous economic space for itself. Of course, the big issues here as well. So I think we need to really reflect on what kind of nationalism BJP is building and can it be contested on the basis of what was called neoliberalisation or an economic agenda of untrammel import of foreign capital into India and really try to integrate with global capital. I think that agenda we have to examine. I would say on one hand we have to look at the economic agenda itself, what it meant, what it means today. And we have to talk about the class agenda that if we want to unite the poor sections of the people who are Muslims, who are Dalits, if we try to unite them on the basis of identities, you get a BSP, you get an SP, you can get different kinds of parties, but you're not going to get something which brings everybody together. If we have to defeat the BSP, we need to get those sections who are really being today increasingly impoverished, who are really being relatively much more poor. If we want to get them together, we need a transformative agenda which rises beyond identities. I think it can help a few people as we have seen, it helps in a section, but it doesn't help the communities as a whole. It is not that the Dalits have benefited out of BSP, some sections. And I think that kind of transformative politics, neither the SP or the BSP can go forward. And it really depends on how this transformative agenda to be put, that the Dalits, the poor peasantry, the landless labor, the artisans, which is what the Dalit communities and the peasant communities represent. How do you bring them together with the working class politics and how you can transform, therefore, an India which empowers the people, really gives power to the poor and takes away the power from the rich. And essentially a redistribution of wealth is the transformative agenda. We have to put power over the country. The analysis of the crisis of what I would say is neoliberalism must be also coupled with the crisis of what I would call liberalism. Neoliberalism grew out of a crisis of the state itself. The state which was seen by both liberal, bourgeois liberal parties, social democracy, and the left, the working class parties, the communist parties, as an instrument of redistribution. Neoliberalism started by attacking this concept of state itself. Now that legitimization of the state as an instrument of redistribution has proceeded to the extent, even if neoliberalism has run out of steam, which it has right now economically, the de-legitimization of the state still continues. So you are seeing, therefore, the rise of a Trump-like phenomena, a billionaire, who is, the people are not bothered about the fact that it is a billionaire, but is promising to curb the so-called Washington Beltway. So this is one part of it. The second is, you have seen also the rise of larger forces, which are not now just pure German nationalist, French nationalist, English nationalist or American nationalist, but they are really xenophobic, white nationalism. And therefore anti-Muslim, it is an interesting issue that you are seeing the rise of imperial powers whose earlier demand was that we shall go and conquer the rest of the world and they must open their doors to us. Now say we need to have barricades, preventing Muslims from coming in, immigrants from coming in, by the way, a lot of the Modi-Bhakts love Trump and they think that he is a great guy because he is a white nationalist and therefore an alliance with Hindu nationalist. Well, Barron's one of his famous books is by a French author who shows how Indians can come into various places, can flood white countries and looks upon Indians as completely dirty. Modi appeal in UP did work. The polarization that we had, the communal polarization we had seen in UP also remained where it was. What we have to add to this is essentially what the BJP has been calling its social engineering, which is that it has appealed to among the OBCs. It has appealed to the non-Yadav OBCs, given them seats on the ticket, has been also able to cobble together a coalition even amongst the Dalits which are the non-Jatav Dalit votes. Now here is the issue that identity politics has this limitation that you base your appeal on identity. Somebody else can come and engineer a set of micro identities if you will, within the identity you have created and then you get into the problems of you being identified with one section of the OBC or one section of the Dalit and somebody else can then cobble a different identity alliance together. Do you have a long fight ahead? It's not going to be simple and it's also clear identity politics has reached its limits in India and unless we take up the issues that are really far more important to the people on identities we are not going to get anything but fractured mandates and that is always going to help finally the ruling parties which are there.