 Mae cyfnodd yn fwy o bwysig yn oed, o hynny'n gweithio y mae'r cwyrd yn gweithio'r cwyrd, a'r pwysig yn oed o bwysig yn y cyfrannu cyfnodd yn fwy o bwysig yn y cyfrannu cyfrannu cyfrannu cyfrannu cyfrannu. Ond o'r llyniwb yn ymgyrch yn fwy o bwysig, gwneud hynny'n gwybod yn y bwyllfa, rhaid i'n mynd i'n gwybod i'r bwysig. I haven't got my glasses on today. So there are two primary tasks. The first is to do with analysis and the second is to do with vision. When we're doing analysis we're basically looking at the current economic system in order to identify the institutions within the current economy that generates the class system.unt, a'r ysgol chefnodd i ddim yn gallu i'r troi cyfliesol yn hyn, amdion gael y sydd ar gyfer y cyflym. Yn y sgol am gyflym, mae'r ysgol yn adroddiad yn ddim yn ddim yn cyflym i'r ddim yn cyflym i'r ysgol chi yn ddim yn swydd Pryddiad, ond mae'n ddim yn i'r cyflym ymdweud yng Nghymru, a'r ysgol felly we'n bwysig i'ch gwahau'r bywyd cynferfyniadau a'r wyliadau angenololau, a fawr yn llweithio i gyda'r bodi'n gwybodolol â'r newydd. Roeddwn i'n ddod i'n gwybodol fydd ymddangos Ditwyr, nesawdd y gwyrdd ar fy nesawd a'u gogolol yn erbyn y sefynau bod yw'r ysgrifennu'r gwahodd ar gyfer rydym yn cyflawn i'w cyflawn i'r analysau i fynd o bod yn gwneud ffordaeth y four yn fywyd i gyflosio gyda'u washerr. Rhaid, we've got our institutions, our four categories that we're going to put institutions within those and these are the institutions that we want to organise to construct. Collectively these four represent the key institutions within a capitalist economy, and these four represent the key institutions for a participatory economy.ûch. So y ëThe First Institutioní I want to highlight is a private ownership. Private ownership is a source of the class system because it elevates a class. Basically if youíve got anarchyist economy youíve got a class of owners. Those owners make their money by taking the profit, The rest of the economic actors are the working class and they make their money by renting themselves out to the earlier class. Because the companies want to maximise profit naturally, the working class want to maximise the hourly wage naturally. This creates conflict of economic interests. O'ch cyffin hon, mae'r ddweud yn cael eu ddweud yn cael eu ddweud hefyd. Ac mae'n ddweud yn y profiad yw'r gŵr. Ac mae'n credu ystod o'r gyffin economi. Yn yw'r unrhyw bwysig o'r cyffin yw'r disbynedd o'r cyffin ei ddweud ar y lefyd yn y cyfrifoedd. Yma ben hynny'n ddechrau'n gwrthach. Ac mae'n ddweud i ni'n gwrthodol oedd. Mae'r cwrthodol o'r cwrthodol o'r cydweithiau. Mae'n gwrthodol o'r cydweithiau. Yn ymwyaf, yn ymweld, ymweld yw'r cydweithiau yn ymweld. Na'n gwybod â'r ysgolio, mae eich cydweithiau yn gwybod â'r analysau. Mae'r ymweld â'r cydweithiau yn ymweld â'r cydweithiau. is the corporate division of labour. The corporate division of labour comes about as a result of certain job formulations. So if you think of a job as being made up of a bundle of tasks, so we've got a job here, a job there, and these yellow dots are tasks, that's basically what a job is. But if the corporate division of labour comes about as a result of certain jobs being made up of empowering and desirable tasks, and other jobs are being made up of tasks that are not so empowering, not so desirable. So this job, Job X, the yellow dots are basically empowering tasks, desirable tasks. The red dots are tasks that are disempowering and not so desirable. So this creates a corporate division of labour. OK, so the corporate division of labour gives rise to a second class that I want to identify, which you can call the coordinate class. And as we can hopefully see in this illustration, they monopolise all the yellow tasks, which are the empowering and desirable tasks within the economy. And the working class do all the red tasks, which are the disempowering and less desirable tasks. So the corporate division of labour, if you want a classless economy, corporate division of labour has also got to go. So I just want to say a little bit more about the coordinate class, because it might be a new concept for some of you. The coordinate class are classic professional managers who monopolise empowering tasks within the economy. And basically work is to carry out the orders of the coordinate class in their traditional role on the receiving end of orders from the board. And the important insight here is that an anti-capitalist revolution does not equal classlessness. This is an important, very important insight. So, for example, if you remember the hierarchical system we showed, if we get rid of the capitalist class at the top, if we recognise the coordinate class as a third class that sits between a capitalist and a working class, if we get rid of the capitalist, we still are a class system. And people advocates of participatory economics tend to see that what happened in, say, like Russia and China in the 20th century was essentially a coordinate class revolution. OK, so we've got coordinate division of labour as our second institution that I think we should be organising to dismantle it. The third institution, this is quite straightforward really, the third institution is remuneration for ownership and bargaining power. Now I think this is quite straightforward because we've already identified that we need to get rid of private ownership. So we're not going to be remunerating for ownership if we've already got rid of private ownership by definition. And if we've got rid of the corporate division of labour, we've also got rid of remuneration for bargaining power. We can come back and explore these. I'm going to talk about 20 minutes and then we can come back and re-look at all this. OK, so basically we've got rid of ownership in the corporate division of labour, so we address this already. But we need to highlight it because we do need to have an alternative criteria for remuneration. So that's right in there. OK, so remuneration for ownership and bargaining power is our third institution. That's our analysis leads us to kind of hone in on in terms of what we need to be organising to dismantle it if we want to process it. OK, so the fourth institution, this is probably the most difficult one to explain very briefly. But basically, competitive markets need to go because they essentially generate a context, an overall context with the economy whereby it generates a logic that rationalises the maintenance or the reintroduction of elitist institutions. So, for example, if you imagine two workplaces operating within a competitive market context and say they're both making clocks or something like that, and you've got in order to survive, this business needs to out-compete this business and this business needs to out-compete this business. One of the ways in which you can out-compete your competitive is by cutting wages, reducing health and safety measures, and the only real sensible way of doing that is by having a managerial class to impose it on the working class. The working class are not very good at doing that to themselves. So, basically, we need a managerial class to impose these harsh measures on the working class, on the producers. So, it creates this logic whereby you need to reintroduce a class system. So, this is why we need to get rid of competitive markets. Sorry. Elitist institutions. I just want to follow what you said, elite institutions, like it creates that? Like the corporate divisional aid base, the one we saw this one. So, if you want to market to rationalise the corporate divisional aid base, if you're competing in that context, it makes sense to have some managers above you to impose these harsh measures on you, so you reintroduce the corporate divisional aid base. And if you look at workers when they've taken over factories and they've maintained their operating within a competitive market context, this is what they tend to do. I think this has happened in Argentina and places like that. Okay. So, we've come to the end. We've filled our four categories for our analysis. Like I said, this is very brief, very quick. We're moving quite quick. There's a lot to cover. But we can come back and explore these a little bit more after. We're going to have about half an hour left for questions and answers. So, we've got our analysis done. But before moving on to our vision, I just want to make another general point that I think is very important. I think this essentially constitutes anti-capitalism, if you like, and most anti-capitalists focus on what they want to dismantle, what institutions, what systems they want to bring down. When we're dismantling these institutions, we need at the same time to be constructing new institutions, otherwise it's suicidal. But most anti-capitalists, I think, are actually guilty of this. Okay. So, we're going to look at... Okay, so we're going to now move over and we're going to start working on our vision side of things. So, the first institution I want to highlight here is self-managed work and consumer council. Also, this is like one of the institutions that we advocate for participatory economics. And this is our alternative to private ownership. So, self-managed work and consumer council, basically, this is a venue for production. This is a venue for consumption. Everybody in a participatory economy belongs to both a workers council and a consumer council. And I just want to highlight what I mean by self-management because it's a very important aspect of participatory economics. It's a kind of like a principle that guides decision making within the economy. And basically, what it boils down to is that people have the same decisions in proportion to how much they are affected by the outcome of that decision. That's the guiding principle. So, for example, just to illustrate the point, if I'm going to work and I'm choosing what call sucks to where to work, who gets to make that decision? Following this principle, I get to make it known as. If I'm at work, let's say this is our work, this is our workers council, and us guys over here, we all work in one area and we want to put some, put a radio on. But no one else can hear that radio. We get to make that decision, none of you guys. If there's something like, we want to redecorate our workplace, the colour, and it affects everybody, but we want to choose and ask, we want to have an input into what colour we want to choose. Everybody has a say on that. So that's basically how the self-management works. So there's no central committee, no top-down decision, no top-down. So that's basically the principle. Again, we can explore this a little bit further, if you like, about things. Okay, so that's our first institution for our vision. Like I say, this is what we propose as an alternative to private ownership. The second institution is what we call a balanced job complex, and this is our alternative to the corporate division of labour. So I mean, never really. Jobs are made up of bonds of tasks, and with the corporate division of labour, some people, the coordinator class, get to monopolise all of the empowering and desirable tasks in their work, and the working class get to do the disempowering and less desirable tasks. So to overcome this, this causes a class division. To overcome this, and to create classlessness, we need balanced job complexes, so this is what we propose. And basically, you're kind of reformulating jobs, so you've still got tasks. Everybody has a job, but at the heart of everybody's job, if you like, this is kind of like how I like to think of it, everybody has at the heart of their job something that they feel passionate about, something that they find desirable, something that they find empowering. But in addition to doing that, everybody has a responsibility to also do their fair share of the disempowering tasks and the less desirable tasks, and that's what we've read, dot symbolise, around the outside. So that's a balanced job complex. OK, so that's our second institution for our vision, and like I say, this is our alternative to the corporate vision labour. So this is how we overcome private owned, the capitalist class division. This is how we overcome the coordinate class division. OK, so we're moving on to our third institution, which is remuneration for efforts and sacrifice. We advocate as an alternative to remuneration for ownership and bargaining power. So bargaining power is gone because we've got balanced job complexes. Nobody has more bargaining power than anybody else in a participatory economy. So that's gone, ownership's gone, but we do need a criteria for remuneration, and what we advocate and what we think is a good criteria is that you're remunerated for efforts and sacrifice, which essentially boils down to the hard, if you work hard and you get more, and if you work longer, you get more. That's it. OK? We can come back and talk about this. OK, so there it is. There's our third institution, remuneration for efforts and sacrifice, and our fourth institution, again this is the most complicated one of the four, and this is our alternative to competitive markets. You could do a workshop on this, so nobody should be satisfied with what I'm saying, but it will just give you a lot of taste. So we've already seen that we've got workers councils, and we've already seen that we've got consumer councils. But the idea with participatory planning is that it's a means of arriving at an economic plan, but without central planning or without markets. This is what we propose for a classless economy. So the way in which it works is, the works council submits what it is prepared to produce to a specialised workplace called isolation facilitation board, at Fattys Island. And the consumer council submits what they would like to consume to the facilitation board. And basically these people who work in a specialised workplace do some number crunching, do some analysis, and then feedback to the workers council and to the consumer council. And this process basically goes on for a series of rounds until there is a mutually agreed upon plan for production and consumption. Okay, so that's our fourth institution, and basically that is the four institutions for a participatory economy for a classless economy. I just want to say something very briefly about the transition, because basically that our analysis and our vision here is basically that the transition from private ownership to self-managed work and consumer councils, the transition from corporate version of labour to balanced job complexes, the transition from remuneration of ownership to bargaining power to remuneration for effort and sacrifice, a transition from capacity markets to participatory planning. And essentially that is the revolution. It's the transition from capitalist economics to participatory economics. But we need to just say a little bit about what's going on in here, because this is the most important bit. Okay, so what's important, first of all, I think is just to point out that we've already got this anyway, but just to point out that we've done our analysis, we've done our vision, and these two impact on each other. We inform each other. But both of these should inform our strategy. So when we're formalating out, when we're sitting down as organisers, we should be using our analysis and our vision to inform our strategy. But I just want to make three quite general points about strategy as well. The first is something that I think is just a truism and it's internationally truiling, and that is that to do this, we will need popular movements. The work in Stockholm, for example, will not necessarily work in London, where Jason lives, or in, say, Cape Town in South Africa. So it's context specific. So like if you look at the internationals of the past, they've tended to come off with universal and kind of absolute strategies that they say apply everywhere. And I think this is a major mistake and it causes all kinds of problems and splits and stuff. So we say that strategy is context specific but it needs to be informed by your analysis and your vision. And thirdly, to do with strategy and through the transition, we're not going to see, like capitalism one step overnight jump part of speech economics. It's going to be a series of progressive reforms. This is how we kind of visualise it. So you could have like a, and it's those specific campaigns that you formulate that might be different here than in Cape Town or London. And this is what we call non-reforms reforms. So they're reforms but they're intended to have an ultimate revolutionary outcome. Yeah? Okay, oh that's it. I thought we've got more. So this is, I'm writing this off as a pamphlet. I'm very interested in getting feedback off people. Any areas that aren't clear, any areas you think I've missed, anything you think that I've, I don't know, anything basically. And this is my email address. Anybody who wants to email me after the conference can do so. And also there is a website here. This is the website for further information on participatory economics.