 A continuació, Linda Jones i Tania Berge llegiran la laudatio d'Àngela Davis com a doctora honoris causa de la Universitat Pompeu-Fabra. Now, Linda G. Jones i Tania Berge will read the commendations of Angela White Davis as an honorary doctor by Pompeu-Fabra University. When Jim Crow segregation laws were in force and the Ku Klux Klan perpetuated such a rain of terror in the neighborhood where she grew up, that the area acquired the infamous moniker of Dynamite Hill due to the number of terrorist bombs unleashed by the Klansmen. In 1959, Professor Davis moved to Manhattan where she attended a private high school as a beneficiary of a Quaker educational program. Durant aquest període, ella va estudiar marxisme i va ser a un grup de joves associat amb la part de la Comunitat. Ella va ser, després, avançada a la escola a Brandt als Universitats de Massachusetts, i, per a les experiències de estudis enllocs de la Sorbonne i la Universitat de Frankfurt, ella va tenir l'awarença de les lliures de les altres persones al món. Ella va tenir l'apartament de la deslodació, i actant d'aquestes lliures ha estat una motivació tard per a ella, com que es discussa en la segona part de la nostra tribut, a Professor Davis. A part 1, la liberació ha de ser liberada per a tot. Una de les més significatives de les contribuències de la professora Davis és la manera que ella ha systematically integrat la gent, la classe i la raça, en les anàlisi acadèmiques. Ella ha estat una crítica formidable de la gent, la racisme i la classe, que, històricament, ha escurat la participació de les dones i les contribuències, marxisme, comunisme, abolitionisme i altres moviments de liberació. Professor Davis ha forgut un nou lliure en acknowledir la existència de molts feminismes que reflecten les experiències diverses de les dones i altres dones de color. En el mateix lliure, ella ha poderament argued contra la falsa dichotomia que expecta de pressa a les dones de color per posar-se en lliure entre el lliure per la liberació política de la col·lectiva i l'empowerament de les dones. A part de la achievimenta de la professora Davis, s'acaba de recuperar les dones i l'agència de dones forguts, com la de la Marietge Terrell, que va fer atenció a les línies entre la ciutat i l'esclavament. The Women, Race and Class, published in 1981, was groundbreaking in its analysis of how the legacy of racism in class produced profound differences between elite white women's feminist struggles for suffrage and liberation and the experiences, struggles, and goals of black communists and working class women. In 1989, Professor Davis published Blue's Legacies and Black Feminism. while this book illuminated the particular contours of black feminism by demonstrating how blues legends Maw Rainey, Bessie Smith, and Billie Holiday influenced black feminism, women culture and politics published in the same year, broached the subject from a comparative perspective. Dr. Davis combined in-depth analyses of specific issues such as black female empowerment and the impact of structural racism on African-American women's health i la integritat física, amb una perspectiva global sobre l'interconnectivitat d'esquerres feministes internacionals de l'Africa, Kenya, l'Egypte i altres altres. Els seus insults a les manifestacions de l'equalitat deformada de l'esquerra americana han revelat que les escoles d'esquerres eren subjectes a la violència de la gent de ser raigues i sexualment brutalitzades per les seves mestres d'esquerres, fins i tot que eren tractades de les mateixes men, en termes d'exploitació econòmica i opressió. Simultàriament, l'esquerra ha produït la social, existencial i, a vegades, fàcil emasculació d'esquerres men d'esquerres. Professor Davis va dir que el concepte de l'equalitat deformada d'esquerres men d'esquerres ha contribuït a la disrupció de les normes d'esquerres feministes. La seva investigació sobre l'abolització de l'esquerra further demostra que les regimes repressives de l'esquerra no puedan ser completamente comprendidas a l'esquerres d'esquerres men d'esquerres, ni que la classe genderi o la línia estiguin considerades. La seva investigació es exposa a diversos i molt contradictories de les quals de forma deformada l'equalitat de african-americans i altres minors es perpetuït a l'esquerres d'esquerres men d'esquerres, i, al meu procés militàrice, de nou, no sé, are particularly vulnerable to gendered forms of violence and degradation, and are far more likely to be labeled as mentally unstable in comparison with male prisoners. And yet, in her book, Abolition Democracy Beyond Empire, Prisons and Torture, published in 2005, we find another significant observation that, quote, gender equality in the military is represented as the equal opportunity to participate in every aspect of military life, including equal opportunity to participate in the violence, previously assumed to be the purview of men, unquote. Hence, the spectacle of female soldiers who, rather than challenge the status quo, willingly participated in the torture of male prisoners at Abu Ghraib. As is well known, Angela Davis' earliest writings on the US prison system are informed by her activism on behalf of black political prisoners, such as the Soledad Brothers, and her own incarceration on political grounds, which she recorded for posterity in her memoir, If They Come in the Morning, Voices of Resistance, published in 1971, while she was still held in the Marin County Jail. During the same year, she penned Political Prisoners, Prisons and Black Liberation, a manifesto that documents the awareness of black Chicano and Puerto Rican prisoners, that they were essentially political prisoners victimized by, quote, an oppressive political economic order, unquote, and dominated by a network of authoritarian mechanisms that it transformed prisons into veritable fascist concentration camps. Professor Davis first described the genealogy that directly links the modern American prison system to the legacy of slavery in her lectures on liberation, and her important essay from the prison of slavery to the slavery of prison, Frederick Douglass and the convict lease system. Here, she convincingly showed that while the 13th Amendment to the US Constitution abolished slavery, it simultaneously paved the way for its continuation under the disguise of legalized practices of involuntary servitude, such as the convict lease system and the chain gangs. These institutions redefined and identified blackness with criminality, and in so doing ushered in a racist penal system that disproportionately deprives African-Americans and other racialized minorities of their freedoms. In a devastating critique, she argues that in purely economic terms, the conditions of imprisonment were actually worse in slavery, whereas slave holders were responsible for the entire collective of enslaved peoples, including non-working children and the elderly, less seas were only responsible for individual convicts. Accordingly, imprisonment cheapened black lives and made them expendable in ways not contemplated under slavery because this would have been economically counterproductive. While Professor Davis was not the first intellectual to observe these connections, and she acknowledges the insights of WB Du Bois and Mary Church Terrell, she went further than her predecessors by exposing how the criminal justice system perpetuates notions of black criminality and by interrogating the structural role of the expanding networks of penitentiaries in convict labor camps in constructing and affirming these racist ideologies. In her provocative groundbreaking book, Our Prison's Obsolete, published in 2003, Dr. Davis investigated the structural parallels between the chattel slavery, lynching, and Jim Crow segregation practice in the U.S. and South African apartheid, and proposed that the prison industrial complex should be abolished along with these other avatars that the prison industrial complex, oh, sorry, that should be abolished along with these other avatars of the institutionalized racist tyranny and exploitation. Her subsequent book, Abolition Democracy, elaborates on the three goals of abolitionism, the comprehensive abolition of slavery, the abolition of the death penalty, and the abolition of prison, which she proposed should be replaced by, quote, the creation of an array of social institutions that would begin to solve the social problems that set people on the track to prison, thereby helping to render the prison obsolete. Not only have Angela Davis's writings deepened our understanding of the underlying structural, economic, and political functions of the criminalization of African-Americans and other racialized minorities in the United States, she has also increasingly adopted a global perspective by highlighting parallels between Black, Latinx, and Native American experiences of systemic racism and the oppression faced by minoritized populations across the globe, from South African apartheid to the second-class states of Algerians in France. In 2016, she developed these global connections further in the publication of Freedom as a Constant Struggle, Ferguson, Palestine, and the Foundations of a Movement, where she analyzes how the malignant triad of racism, political oppression, and economic exploitation operates in the global war on terror. Professor Davis argues that the war intensified anti-Muslim and anti-Arab racism in the United States, Europe, and Israel, and other countries of the global north, and evolved into a global prison industrial complex whose technologies of racist violence are increasingly indistinguishable from its military counterpart. Freedom as a Constant Intellectual Effort and an ongoing social struggle. Professor Angela Davis is known worldwide for her outspoken commitment as a scholar and activist organizer to combating all forms of oppression. Academic knowledge and knowledge generated in the course of actively struggling for social change have converged in the life of Professor Davis, oftentimes at a high personal cost. Her communist affiliation resulted in her removal from her teaching position at UCLA in 1969, and her advocacy to free the Solidar Brothers, free African-American imprisoned leaders of the California Prisoners' Rights Movement, who had been falsely accused of murdering a police guard, led to her incarceration in 1970 on false charges of conspiracy, murder, and kidnapping. The FBI placed Professor Davis on their 10 most wanted list and branded her an enemy of the state. Thanks to local and international pressure generated by the free Angela Davis movement, she was acquitted of all charges in 1972. In spite of these attempts to discipline and silence her voice, Professor Davis has lived up to one of her most notorious and inspiring statements. I am no longer accepting the things I cannot change. I am changing the things I cannot accept. Her global struggle for human rights spans from the civil rights movement to the more contemporary Black Lives Matter, from participation in the Black Feminist Movement in the 1960s and 70s to the Women's March on Washington in 2017, from campaigns to free political prisoners in the US, Turkey, or Spain, to the campaigns to abolish the death penalty, from supporting anti-colonial movements to the condemnation of the upper-height and occupation of Palestine, from raising her voice against Western countries' immigration policies conflicted by xenophobia, to advocating for the right of transpersons to self-determine their gender identity. As Professor Davis claims, all the seemingly unrelated movements must stand in solidarity with each other for collective liberation. Her enduring social commitment is informed by the motto that social change does not just happen. As Professor Davis has been pointed in her writings and speeches, legal forms of racial segregation were not disestablished because of politicians or judges' epiphany of the injustice and immorality at entail. Rather, it was the result of ordinary people becoming collectively aware of themselves as active agents of social change, learning to adopt a critical stance toward social realities that allow seeing them as malleable. This requires a commitment to using knowledge in a transformative way, to make the world a better place. In her own words, knowledge does not exist in a dimension of its own, but rather it can be active, it can be practical, that is it can be acted upon. Fortunately, not all knowledge that matters is produced in universities, as Professor Davis constantly reminds us. Nonetheless, academia is an important strategic site for political contestations of injustice. Universities cannot be ivory towers, especially in the context of democratic regression, violation of political and civil rights, and the backlash against women, people of color, LGBTQI people, refugees, or migrants. Professor Davis calls upon universities to expose students to critical habits of perception, analysis and imagination of a world without racism, sexism, classism, xenophobia, transphobia, war, political persecution of dissidents or violence against women. We have to talk about liberating minds while liberating society, as she really nearly put it. For example, as remarking her academic contributions about the abolition of prisons or the police, imagining a world that does not rely on institutions of violence and repression to provide security, leads us to imagine a world in which the physical and mental health of underprivileged communities are guaranteed. In other words, to avoid perpetuating the status quo, universities should contribute to raising radical questions about the organization of the larger society, radical as in going to the root causes. And for Professor Davis, feminism plays a crucial role in this intellectual endeavor. For her, feminism encourages us to adopt critical habits towards the conceptual tools used to make sense of the world. She invites us to regard feminism as a vaccine against these deep-seated ideas that have considered great heroic male leaders as the motor of history, against the imposed forgetfulness of women's contributions to both knowledge and the social struggles for a better world. While the women's movement has been a source of multiple social platforms for justice across the world, feminism also provides a valuable methodology to make connections, to avoid individualizing problems and solutions that leave structures of inequality intact. Particularly, intersectional feminism helps to avoid the compartmentalization of inequality and to question the extent to which the aspiration of reforming institutions that have historically been exclusionary and violent to press people must give way to the aspiration of fundamentally re-envisioning and building a new disinstitutions. Professor Davis also reminds us that the very same boundaries of academic institutions are configured by race and gender, including both biases and silences, such as the absence of an engagement with race and gender as legitimate categories of study. If universities are to address the pressing injustices of our democracies by empowering the students to exchange in their communities and in their future professional practice, the curriculum must be revisited, to provide knowledge about systemic racism and sexism, about white and male privilege, about Eurocentrism and about how economic injustice sustains racial and gender injustice. This profound transformation must be coupled by the creation of welcoming campus environments in which racial and gender equality prevails. For some people, activism on the one hand and teaching and research on the other hand are the separate spheres. Yet such a divide between academia and community is no less of a political positioning than the commitment to liberating minds and society in all spheres in which we participate as students, staff or faculty. Professor Davis' scholarly contributions and activist work constitute a powerful legacy, that of dismantling the faults that caught me between theory and practice. A legacy that continues to inspire many of us, both within and outside the academia.