 But what I really want to do is start to look at some of the practicalities. We've spent the last six hours speaking about a lot of different theories, a lot of information. But what we want to spend the next 10 minutes doing is looking at what is a practical example of how we've taken this urban metabolism thinking and used it to plan and look at the development of a specific area. I also just want to add a few more lenses and I'm really glad my colleague here brought up the question around social or demographic flows and the influence of that because I want to add that lens to the conversation as well. So I'm going to use a very practical example of work that we're doing in Wittsund informal settlement. I want to add a lens around not pre-deciding a specific outcome, allowing the process of urban metabolism to take its role to really allow you to pinpoint where intervention points can actually look the importance of citizen buy-in and participation as Paul mentioned and then really looking at that wider notion of urban metabolism, looking at the flow of people, the flow of skills and the flow of finance as three levers that we're looking at the moment. So Wittsund is an informal settlement located about 40 kilometers outside of the city. It's in the wider Atlantis area. It's widely considered a settlement that does not have service delivery but is pretty much mixed, falls within an Escom electricity supply area and is a good mix of formalized housing, informal settlements and backyards. In the last census in 2011 Wittsund was halted about two and a half or 2.2 thousand two hundred households. We're now looking closer to about eight and a half thousand households. So quite a rapid growth over the last couple of years in the space. Wittsund has been around for about 30 years. It's a community that is angry. It's a community that is demanding service delivery and it's a community that's reached a point of boiling over where the citizens feel like they no longer have any power so they've reached the point of violent protests. So this was pictures that we took in about September, October last year when the community started to demand service delivery from a number of different organizations. So what we are doing at the moment is trying to understand whether or not a interim service can be provided for areas like this while constituents and citizens are waiting for full service delivery to arrive. Service delivery can take upwards of eight years at some points but people still need to go to work. People still need to go to school. So can we design interim services that are designed very specifically for an area that can provide the service while people wait. We're looking at focusing very much on urban metabolism data process. So we gather data from the local community. We then take a typological approach to design the best intervention. So based on the data that the community have developed can we design intervention that's best place for this specific area. We then design citizen led interventions. So all of this work is done by the community themselves. They select the approach. They select the people that do the data analysis. They are trained and actually gather the data themselves and they select and have gates through the whole process whether they decide they want to go forward or they want to stop. What's really important for us is we look through three lenses. So we believe that any intervention service delivery should have a social foundation on which to build itself. It should be a financially sustainable both for the person delivering the service or whether a municipality or a private company and should be financially sustainable for the people actually receiving the service and it should be technology selected for the context. So we're not saying there's a singular approach to all areas but it should be a different technology based on the need in that specific area. So I want to focus very quickly just on this first point of this data gathering for understanding urban metabolism. And I think these pictures are really a vast difference to those first pictures as shown. So this is the exact same community three days after those protests. And all we had done was given them the power to start to have the conversation around their own needs. Start to have the conversation around their own data to understand their settlements. The gentleman on the right there is asking a very simple question. He's asking the chairman of the leadership of the community how many people live here or how many taps do you have or how many people on social grants and the answer is always well plus or minus or maybe 2000 or I know my neighbors on a social grant. But without that direct understanding of the real numbers people continue to be powerless in order to move this process forward. So really focus on gathering that information to bits of our abilities. So a couple of the key insights that we're gaining and this is some of the data that we're picking up there is for example Vitzant is a very long standing settlement. People are not migratory through the settlement. People are staying for six years plus. Some people have been living there for upwards of 30 years. So this is a very important decision when we start to look at what type of services we can offer. We can also see that over the last couple of years there's been a massive growth in the settlement from about 2014 and this is really based on informal settlement growth and a number of formalized housing projects. But what we can't see is what unusual planning is where people are coming from. So we start to see that obviously a large portion coming from the Eastern Cape into the settlements and a small portion coming from outside of the country. But one of the first steps in informal settlement upgrading is always re blocking. But what we've learned in Vitzant for example is there are quite strong cultural divides. So government sees that whole areas but individual customers or individual people see those different areas as very very different settlements. So if we were to take a re blocking process for example and start and we start to move people out of these individual settlements crossing cultural barriers we'll start to see immense strife that we would be able to avoid if we understood the flow of people. How are they coming into the settlement. How are they staying and how are they moving out to really allow us to design that space. Another thing that I want to bring into the conversation is the flow of skills into a settlement. The development of skills locally in the flow out. So example here is 80 percent of school going school age children in Vitzant are not in school. There's a 38 percent unemployment rate in the area. Anybody that is employed as a skilled as semi skilled labor. So what does that mean for the type of development we want to see in this area. Can we design interventions that grow skills development that grow education in the same time that we delivering services or do we deliver a service that can make use of the skills that are really existing in the area. We also need to take cognizance of financial flows. So here we see the income in the settlement as well as expenditure going out. Average income falling somewhere between a thousand five hundred and two thousand two hundred grand per household. This is a really important point when we're trying to understand what are people able to pay for services. Free service delivery is no longer going to be an option as we see massive urban population growth. So are people willing and able to pay for service delivery. We heard earlier the difficulties around data. So this is one of the really important things for us is the ability to verify data. So here we have an expenditure of an average household saying that they're spending upwards of six hundred and fourteen grand per month on clothing. But we also have a team that has worked that live in in this area that can go back and verify that data. Was there a mistake. Why did it come up like this. Is this true. And we decide to really create that strength of that data going forward. I know I'm running through this quite quickly but I really time for the end. We also started to look at the different service offerings and a couple of really important things came out. So this was a survey of about two and a half thousand households that cut cross formal and informal sectors. And we see the growth of illegal connections over the last couple of years. We see people having an electricity connection and being classified as served but only being able to afford that connection for 10 days of the month. So once the FBE runs out people have to turn off the electricity can no longer afford it shifting back to gas, paraffin and wood. What we've seen very quickly is there's actually a less of a call at the moment for grid electricity per household but there's a call for area lighting. There's a really high rape rate. One in five women in living in Witzund have been raped. There's a call for area lighting to reduce darkness at night traveling between toilets. People are spending between 80 and 100 grand per month on data for example in Witzund. There's a call for connectivity. There's a call for data. There's a call for internet connection there. We can also quickly start to see how people are using energy. You can see for example there's a massive use of kettles and this is for water heating. So what does that do for your energy use? What does that do for the type of intervention that you're providing for these people when you're looking at service delivery? You can also start to look at when energy is being consumed in the households. For example the bottom there we see fridges. In the majority of these areas people have fridges in their homes but they're switching them off. They're only using them for 12 hours a day because they can't afford them to keep them on longer. What does that mean for the type of intervention that we can provide and the level of service? We also cut across away from energy and look at the water services. He has an example that 90% of the people are using a communal tap walking between 200 and 500 meters. Although they seem the water is pretty safe 98% of them are not willing to pay for any other alternative. So what does that mean for when we design a water service? The same for toilets this is even worse. 97% of people feel unsafe using the toilets that they currently have available to them but again 100% of respondents said they're not willing to pay for any alternative service. So can we redesign how we think about sanitation services to include an energy portion? Do we connect it to biogas? People pay for access to biogas. We develop the toilet sanitation process that way. Waste services as well. The reason I put this in is like the I wanted to highlight the sort of unintended consequences of what we do. So a lot of people in Witsund depend on the EPWP program for employment to collect waste. So they said they were unwilling to participate in an alternative waste program that would reduce the amount of waste in Witsund in case it actually affects their ability to get employment through the EPWP program. So these are the type of things when you start to look at this flow and decision making around data that can really sort of inform how and what we actually use as intervention points. And the last one that I just really quickly want to touch on is the transports. So what is showing us here is even though people are unemployed, the people that are employed are working within a 30 minute radius of Witsund informal settlements. So that skills that local economic development is staying in-house. How do we maintain that economic flow to use that development space and really look at capturing that economic value locally? So what we do is once we have all of this data we can use a typological approach to actually look at what the best type of intervention would actually look like for Witsund based on the social, financial and technical. So this is a really crude representation of some of the stats that we would use. But what you would quite quickly see is something for example in energy, something like a home solar system intervention would not work in Witsund. You've got everyone from a connected RDP house all the way through to a backyarder. But what's actually come out and being selected by the community is solar street lights. And these solar street lights are Wi-Fi enabled, building a mesh network to connectivity and data. And the payment is actually how these infrastructure is being paid off is through large corporates advertising on the platform. So you have guys like checkers and pick and pay that are selling locally and they're advertising on the platform that people use to connect here. And this was the intervention that was completely selected by the community based on their own data. And this is the sort of approach that they wanted to take. So I think as we head into the next exercise around the world cafe, these are the couple of things that I wanted to leave in your mind. So one is to avoid predetermining intervention points. Allow the process of understanding a metabolism to design the process. To really push citizen involvement. So if any of this data is to actually be valid and verified it needs to be owned by the people actually using the data. And last is to add this degree of social flow of financial flow of skills flow into the conversation and not just looking at the energy water and material space. So I know I flew through that really really quickly. But I think that the next section is going to be really exciting. So I'm going to hand back to Paul to explain the world cafe process. Thank you.