 Now we move on to our next presentation, which is by Professor Walter Wilberg. Good morning, everyone. First, let me thank Dean Makle for the introduction and figure of leadership in building bridges among world leaders. I want to thank Evan Barley for his extraordinary leadership here at the New York College, for having the courage to think big and to think different, and even in the face of strong influence and empowering us all to do the same. I want to thank my colleague, Evan Barley, for his friendship and for advancing the ideas of C-Power over a 38-year career in the world of region A. So it's only fitting that we continue serving here at this institution, whose motto is victory by C-Power. Finally, we thank the amazing faculty and staff here at the college who had a hand in bringing this landmark initiative together, and this opening seminar of life, truly a team effort. So it's a great privilege to address the many distinguished sailors, scholars, and guests who have gathered here for this important occasion. Since the U.S. Navy's infancy during the American Revolutionary Award, it's had a presence right here on the Oregon Zip bag. You know, it's remarkable to think that 135 years ago, at the height of a gilded age, this nation's naval leadership created this institution to study and report on any questions related to war, the state's leadership of war, and prevention of war. After losing vision of a college that could help the Navy achieve a wide reach of national goals beyond just warfare, in the same force cycle that after work to create the international programs here at the college, 62 years ago, with the idea that the survival of the free world depends upon the combined ideas of free men and free women. You know, from the writings of Mohamed and Veo, the lecturers of Theodore Roosevelt, and the countless workings that gave rise to legendary rainbow clients here at the college, and as the birthplace of the international sea powers involved in them, Newport is the site of imagination, inclusiveness, and progress. And it all started with a simple idea to better educate the fleet. Ideas that will power our nations and our Navy's. Our imagination sets us apart, but today it brings us all together. Participation in this initiative stands as a testament to your continued commitment and curiosity, not only to the fields of sea power and security, but to this great adventure we call art. And today the world stands on the verge of a blue art. It's a time of hope, a time of opportunity, and a time of challenges. It's a time for changing ideas, and for thinking about the role sea power can play in shaping this new ocean. It's also a time to deepen our knowledge about shared responsibilities that are warmer and what our art brings to our Navy's. It is our shared values, our enduring commitment to free and open markets, societies, and seas that continue to bring us all together as people and our nations. It is with these ideas in mind that brought our nations together 20 years ago in Ottawa to create the Art Council, affirming our collective commitment to cooperation and security in the art. The COE of Art at Coast Guard formed in the Art Security Forces Roundtable, giving us stronger cooperation efforts in search and rescue and human environmental safety issues. Admiral Saunas helped spearhead both and making his leadership instrumental in shaping the region's first multinational collaborative research effort on security and defense. This initiative is not meant to align with or replace these forms, but perhaps inform them. And our effort is particularly timely in the run-out to ISS 23 in September here in Newport. And as many of you know our work this week will continue virtually and once ahead, we'll meet again later this fall and again next spring. But the fruits of our labor will be wreathed out and published to Articads of the Navy. So there's a thawing mystery waiting to be involved. And this important work initiative will change that by giving sailors and scholars a platform on the tools to get a more complete and accurate picture of what's changing on, below, and above this new ocean and a better understanding of how we apply and integrate sea power in it. And this knowledge could be, or will be, transformative. As human, if we can develop life-saving vaccines and identify galaxies light years away, we can study the theory of evolution, but we still have no longer the mystery of this falling ocean that sits to our north. Today, sailors and scholars almost possess the capability to study how the geography of our oceans have shaped destiny of nations and how sea power has made the world we live in today. But no one person, no one Navy, no one nation has all the knowledge and all the capability to fully anticipate and adapt to an opening Arctic. So as a result, we're still unable to guarantee the free flow of goods and services by way of our northern seas or fully prevent regional hedgerowing. And the most powerful Navy in the world isn't nearly as effective as the United Nades of like-minded nations. I believe that decades ahead can be a golden age of sea power, a maritime age where our northern seas will be more important than ever. It is here in the Arctic Ocean region where we find our rapidly melting polar ice cap, the shortest maritime trade route linking Asia and Europe and North America, one-third of the world's untapped ice departments, and increased abundance in distribution of fish and minerals, the historically intense relationship between NATO and Russia, and the rise of China's third ocean strategy. This, coupled with the surge of populations and energy demands, greater dependence on the seas and aggressive NATO modernization expansion amplifies rather than diminishes tensions and competition in the Arctic. Today, the Arctic and non-ARC states alike are actively and strategically positioning their policies and in some cases their Nades. The influence commercial conditions can protect national sovereignty and interests in the region. An opening art provides a unique opportunity to chart a new course of relations among Arctic nations and Nades, one based on mutual interest, mutual respect, on the simple truth that we're all neighbors and do not need to live in fear or in fierce competition, one based on a collective commitment to uphold principles that benefit all nations, to uphold all individual rights and freedom of navigation, and open flight, including and open art ship lines. Yet, it would be remiss if I didn't acknowledge that true and everlasting peace and progress cannot be achieved without Russia's cooperation, including their participation in this initiative. I'm hopeful that they will come. A large part of this is because our military cooperation with them is currently in a deep freeze. We start with a reminder that our actions on a world stage do not happen in a vacuum, but our actions in one region can have unanticipated consequences, even in our own. As the Arctic Ocean becomes more complicated and more interconnected, more potential for even more serious unintended consequences arose. From increasing northern fleet patrols and bomber flights to the string of new bases, ports and airfields, Russia's military buildup in the Arctic has not gone unnoticed by the world. Leading some to believe that conflict between Russia and the West is inevitable, not my view. In my opinion, this calculation of an accident or a mistake is the most likely catalyst to confrontation in the Arctic. The likelihood of a mistake or miscalculation is not limited to just national leaders, but to thousands of forces that occupy or train the Arctic now and in the future. And as a hedge against uncertainties, we want to allocate as fast as we can further confidence-building measures to prevent conflicts and accidents and miscalculations. And this new port Arctic initiative is a good first step in that direction. And only together can we increase stability in times of calm and crisis. So I believe at this critical moment, we all face a choice as people and as nations. We can choose to navigate these uncharted waters to better model cooperation and immigration, uniting them in purpose and strength, or we can retreat into these emerging maritime crossroads, sharply divided, ultimately in conflict. So as threats to our northern shores of all, so must to our economic or security and defense relationships. There must be a persistent effort between our citizens and our maybes to listen and learn from each other. If our relationships are solely defined by our differences, we only involve those who seek total war rather than general peace. How do we get a solid obligation to break this vicious cycle? And now I recognize this won't happen overnight and it won't come easy. Just as it will take decades before we see a completely ice-free Arctic, I think it will take nearly that long to completely thaw and realign our relationship as one part of the region. I believe preserving freedom of the seas, consisting of international law, is essential to us all. Every nation enjoys the rights and freedoms to operate ships and aircraft in the maritime world. And I believe that free and open markets is the greatest force for creating and distributing wealth. Like the world sees, however, when they run aground to excessive risk-taking, or lack of oversight or care, then all are at risk. But we live in a wrecked effect, or a romance, or right here in our hands of bed. But an opening heart makes our northern flanks vulnerable to foreign penetration and control. But with this in mind, I believe the long-term challenge to a free and open Arctic is the authoritative and aggressive rise of China to Russia's south, to Europe's east, and now to our collective north. Making no mistake, China benefits from a divided Arctic. Through all its instruments of national power, it seeks to gain influence in, access and influence over Arctic waters. That's part of the third ocean strategy to control and raise economy and achieve global dominance. And China's ambition to build a polar suburb is already underway. Projects of mining and energy to infrastructure and financial products. China is already investing towards that of any other nation. And it's in keeping with that of a great polar power and a great global power. In the last few years, we've seen China become an observer state in our council, take ownership of rare earth mineral deposits, unsuccessful attempts at funding and building deep water ports, mine and old naval base. We've seen China build its first domestic icebreaker and polar expedition cruise ship, and increasingly fishing what would be U.S. waters. Just this month along, China discovered a large accorded energy supply in Russia's Arctic and released its first official Arctic policy, declaring itself more than just a near Arctic state. A red China is the core challenge in the Arctic. This reminds us that exploration is too often followed by conflict. This is truly the once in a lifetime chance to change course and shake a new international order bound by quality of sea power and collaborative research. Because it's people, not platforms, that decide whether the Arctic will remain a notion of peace or a new theater of war. We would make a major error if we underestimated the challenge the Arctic Ocean region poses, or overestimated the stability of the current cooperative system of international states that the Arctic challenges. We're being asked to do more with less to invest in testing and capabilities, prepare for uncertainties and contingencies that we cannot begin to predict. And most of us are asked to do all this under technical budgets. These are the same kinds of challenges that drove the American Sea Services to reduce the squawking strategy for 21st century sea power in 2007. Routed in a simple idea that preventing wars is just as important as winning that. Now we don't know what the Arctic will look like 20 years from now or 50 years from now or even 100 years from now. We know that if we keep investing and testing our ideas, the better off we'll be able to identify these problems before they occur. And the smarter and more collective our responsibilities will be. And as this emotional rose in size and importance, it is clear that education and research is the most powerful investment we can make. For a free and open Arctic, it depends upon the knowledgeable, skilled and educated Navy animation. Because when our leaders are educated in the form, our needs buy better and they perform better. But we are at our best when we perform together. And when we're at our best, I believe we can achieve anything. So let us think, let us discuss and challenge ourselves and each other's ideas. Really this is what this initiative is all about. I understand this is an ambitious task and what it's achievable. Because the challenges we face require us to be ambitious, to think differently. And step up now as individual nations but also as one order. The decisions we make and the thoughts and actions we take will shape the future of this region for generations to come. That's who we are as free people and as free nations. That's why this Newport Arctic initiative is so important. So we have to be ambitious and we have to embrace our responsibilities as Navy's. And make sure that the opportunities we explore and identify actually have an impact and can help leaders solve their world problems. If we keep taking bold steps like the one we're taking this week, I'm confident that the Arctic will continue to lead the world in the next frontier of human understanding. And all of you collectively are going to help us get there. So as we set sail for this new ocean, know that your greatest ally in front of the United States stands with you, mind your mind, vow to vow, today and tomorrow. Because a united Arctic, or the dream of a few, remains a necessity for us all. So I'm very excited about this initiative and really looking forward to working with you again. Thank you very much.