 Okay, now it's time for questions, so if you want to add anything else, if not the floor is yours, and we have the micro, if you don't have any questions by now, because I guess that questions will be coming. Maybe one question for the three of our speakers, because the three of you have been doing connections between nowadays and the 68, and so a question for the three of you. In what extent nowadays protests, let's say in your countries, are based or let's say inspired in the 1968 demonstrations and demands and the programs of that time? You want to start, Mary? Okay, again, very interesting situation in Croatia right now, because protests in 1968 in Yugoslavia were pro-Yugoslav protests, they were pro-socialist protests, and three years later in Croatia, in Zagreb University, protests for Croatia, and so let's say very national, okay, so protests in 1971, student protests in 1971 in Zagreb University, they were protests for, I will try to maybe simplify, for independent Croatia and not so Yugoslav and not so socialist, and in 90s when Yugoslavia broke up, those guys from 68, they were Yugoslavs, so they were enemies, and those guys from 1971, they were real Croatians, so in this moment in Croatia, there are no discussions or anniversaries of official of 1968, there are some roundtables where I'm participating and some my colleagues, but 1971 student protests, they are the key moment for protestors, so there's the difference and there's a reason why 68 today in Croatia is not only not well known, but it is let's say anti-creation, it's in a way, when you ask people to say it was pro-Yugoslav, yes I think one of the major differences is there was a very clear enemy then in case of Spain which was Frankel, and that unites different forces and different people from very different backgrounds, and perhaps today the other difference I find of course is the new technologies, there everything was presential, students went to the universities, even if they were closed and the police were there and what we call the grays, but the secret police were also in the classrooms, but despite that, the clandestine ways of informing one another worked, so I think that's a major difference, the ways of communicating about protests and sites of protest, I think that's, well the social media today is totally different and I think that leads to new forms of social movements of how people actually exercise protest, so I think that's one major, a second major one, the first one I mentioned is that everything was very clear then, the fight against Frankel, it was also very clear I think by that young generation of students that we could change the world, the world could be changed and it was very important, the involvement of every person in it, and the collective identity was extremely strong, now we're in a society which is based on the individual interests, so the creation of a collective identity, a collective protest of identifying with others, I think that is another difference, it will come about eventually, but that notion of collective protest I think was very entrenched in the mentality of the time, not just by younger students but in general, the whole idea of social movements was based on that I think, so yes, and student movements today, well they're very, I would say quite fragmented, if we speak about Catalonia it would be one thing, we speak about other parts of Spain and the other, and a lot had to do, I'm thinking back for example, the introduction of Bologna, the Bologna model, that did bring about a lot of student protests, but perhaps in a way that you mentioned earlier, the protest had to do with the university at the time, not with society, but maybe to some extent with the educational system, but they were in the 60s, in the 68s, 70s, everything was immediately linked to whole of society and values and change, and then of course today in Catalonia it's quite different, it's another collective action and another agenda obviously, so yeah, there are changes, and the world has changed from 68 to today, so I think that makes obliged changes as well. Just one sentence to add, sorry, when I'm comparing memories of students in 1968 and when I'm looking and speaking with my students today, so today it's free democratic society in Croatia and that was, let's say, it was one party dictator, but students, young people then, it seems to me they were more optimistic and enthusiastic than those today, my students are so passive, so let's say they don't want to go somewhere to protest, it's you know, maybe it's because there is no clear enemy, so then it was and right now I think it's everything is possible and there is another thing, it was forbidden then, now nothing is forbidden, you can go and say, oh president is stupid, so what, but then it was maybe some motivation to go and to protest. Sorry, okay, so there are, there is many similarities, so many similarities, okay, despite the very fact that there is no more communist dictatorship in Poland, so perhaps those similarities are not that important because there is no more communist party to revolt against and we got freedom of press, freedom of speech, we got still democracy, all beat us, some claim, some claim, somehow in danger, but the similarities makes, there are jokes that to commemorate the 15th anniversary of 1968 in Poland, Polish authorities decided to stage reenactment of 1968 crisis in Poland these days and to some extent it's true, I can explain briefly why, because you know there are many angles to that and there are many factories that creates those similarities, first of all the generation of 1968 rebels, the generation of 1968 I was talking about then became the very important generation of Polish dissident movement and then they constitute the important part of political elites in Poland after 1989 and they got its own grudges with current elites of ruling low injustice, because the generation 1968 were mostly leftists, so they were not like, they were detested by the right wing Polish parties, so and probably some of you heard, some of you not, in 2015 in Poland, in parliamentary election, the parliamentary election was won by low injustice, the nationalist conservative, rightist nationalist conservative party, which started instantly to further the kind of national revolution in Poland, mostly focused on changing the politics of memory, they pay a lot of attention to politics of memory, low injustice, so they put much emphasis on this aspect of their agenda, they prioritized it in their agenda, the issues of history as general, which put them on the collision course with Israel and with the United States because of very controversial law, forbidding to mention Polish sins during the Holocaust, which was a dead ringer of what happened in 1968, this is what I was talking about, the enemy of the foe, the picture of the enemy in 1968 consisted mostly of this figure of people detesting Polish history, so once again Polish government denounced people detesting Polish history because it was denouncing Polish historians speaking about some kind of Polish involvement in Holocaust or involvement of some Poles, so it happened that the conflict of 1968 reverberated once again in Polish society because the current agenda of Polish government triggered absurd of anti-Semitism in Polish society against Jewish historians who falsify Polish history, who lies about Polish history and so on, those phrases obviously there are quotations here in my mouth and on the other hand there is the similarity of struggle between generation of 1968 and the government who is furthering the nationalist agenda, these are the very, it's hard to explain clearly for people who doesn't live in Poland but in from a Polish perspective the similarities of propaganda language of press articles mostly of the press that are supporting government and the right-wing parties they are really striking sometimes it's like you cannot tell the difference between the articles from 1968 and the contemporary article from Polish press and there are obviously differences very important there is no student movement, political student movement in Poland these days and there is no students and youth revolt in Poland these days and if youth are politically organized they mostly support ruling party and it's very sad to say but we witness a great surge of neo-fascist movement in Poland mostly consisted of young people, that's all. Also students unfortunately, they are very influential at the universities, the so-called national radical camp, it's a pre-war Polish organization, strictly fascist which enliven its revival these days and many people, young people joined their ranks and also from university, also students. My question was, why do I speak Catalan, because I have to speak English, I will lose it, I will lose Catalan. I don't understand what is happening in Poland at the moment, the legislation, women on the street against these laws, there is something historical that doesn't bring us to the 30s that explain what happens in Poland that they don't want refugees, it's a link, anti-semitism has changed it for anti-Islamism and what happens with the rights of women, because I remember that in the European Union when the Pecos, the countries of the East started, women were educated, they had worked, they had children in the guards and they took some of the important positions that the other side of the Europeans, Spain for example, now we have discussed because if it was a woman, it was a woman who replaced the minister who went to the European Bank, so the Polonians and the others were prepared, what happens, what do women do in Poland? The 50% of the population against this regime that is authorized, it is very authoritarian, they leave the street, but what else can they do? He who is a university, who is a professor who explains to us, without the lies that the prince explains, what is happening in Poland and if it can stop this? There is a sense of many phenomena, many processes at the same time, there are women protests against the new law, obviously it's a part of current political conflicts within Polish society, because law and justice, ruling law and justice, somehow probably to cause it up to the Catholic Church, they further the new, they propose the new draconic, very harsh, anti-abortion law, next to Saudi actually, something like that, it's incredibly harsh and it triggered women to oppose, even women who didn't actually sympathize with left or with feminist movement, simply the level of outrage was so great that it triggered demonstration and it united women and it united Poles actually, because also men took part in those demonstrations. Personally I didn't take it because I had to take care of kids when my wife went there, but people were united against this new law because it was really draconic and inhumanitarian, deeply inhumanitarian and on the other hand we have got this revival of political trends from the 30s, which are somehow connected obviously to nationalist stands of current government, nationalist protest, stands of current government, it's very similar to what was happening and what is happening still in Hungary, where we got rightist centrist Fidesz and Jobyk to the very right, which is very convenient for Orban and for Fidesz to gain people support, to present or Fidesz is in position to present themselves as the only defendant against the neo-fascist movement, so law and justice sometimes tries to win those support from neo-fascist movement, sometimes they oppose neo-fascist movement presenting them themselves as the only boundary that could save country from falling into madness of fascism. I don't know why they are so popular, why the neo-fascist movement is so popular, perhaps it didn't exist for so many years in Poland, you know it's simply the idea of changing social attitudes, the idea of sinusoid that people were sympathizing with the left, now they support the right and the National Radical Camp offers, it's usually for fascist movement, offers easy solution and know how to harness people's anger, people's scare, people are frustrated, people are afraid. There is anti-Islamism in Polish society, very strong, which is funny because we got no Muslims at all, but there is strong anti-Islamism in Poland, I don't know why it happened. I think it came from UK because Polish immigration to UK, they had and they still have many ties with Poland and they in UK became the citizens of the second sort, so it was kind of competition with Islam, a Muslim society within UK, we are worse than native British citizens, but at least we have to be better than those migrants from the Far East. So this is probably the nature of anti-Islamismism that was then transferred to Poland and here it found, I don't know, but the fertile ground in Poland. I could give a whole lecture on this, but I don't want to steal your time, so I hope I was of some help here. The role of the church is always very important in Poland, it was very important in communist time because church served as a kind of asylum for people and even for dissident movement and the persecution weren't that strong, so they rather entrenched the church, then made it weaker and now the church takes advantage of its merits in communist time and obviously it's the institution by itself with kind of totalitarian ambition, sorry I need to say that, but it's somewhere embedded in the very nature of the religion to gain people and to impose its belief on the society. We have got a small part of so-called open church, which is open for dialogue and inclusive, not exclusive, but most of the church is very traditional, rooted in the pre-war times with very traditional view of the social order of men's and women's role, obviously against gay marriages and more or less strongly, still very strongly antisemitic. I'll direct this one to Mary Nash because it seemed that you were arguing for a more pluralistic view of 68 and I was wondering if you could talk maybe a little bit about within Europe the use of the memory of 68 which countries are then included and which are not because it seems like a very diverse of course conception of 68 within the different countries, so I was wondering how the European Union is using this memory and if it's being used and if you see any changes or so in that use. The European Union policies on that because this project is part of that, right? Well first of all I think and this is an ongoing position and argument for the need to develop a counter narrative to a hegemonic narrative on Europe and I think this goes way back not just from May 1968 but on probably other issues as well and in this case I think we're talking about power structures of center periphery that have not accounted on many occasions for example for the Mediterranean countries or coming from Ireland, I speak of that in terms of periphery and I think this has been extremely fruitful and enriching and insightful just to see the differences there are but then again the problem is or the question will be what can we do about it shall we develop another European project on the development of counter narratives and there I would go back to Nancy Fraser and others on the politics of recognition and that I think is the major problem because we do have the studies we do have the publications in different languages if they're not published in English then there is not a recognition of it and so this this is again goes back to power structure academic power structures and the establishment of cannons or even of concepts and the conceptualization of of 68 has been in terms of France maybe UK and has not taken into consideration another understanding of it so I don't think to my knowledge up to this point that there has been a considerable effort by the European Union to recreate a narrative on May 68 or a narrative on European history per se and in that sense I always go back to my beloved side Edward Said I think that a lot of the construction of historical narratives has had to do with the other the construction of the other in terms of the other but within Europe I argue not referring to Orientalism and the East or to colonial societies but actually within Europe itself and I do feel very strongly that we need we need to address it and this happens in all areas it could happen in terms of women's studies or political history or cultural history etc. and the difference now is I think that we do have the instruments to address that what we need probably is political involvement and people like Gervie and Uriel to organize projects like this that we give a counter narrative but a counter narrative that doesn't remain here that doesn't remain in the drawer that may be published in English but should be published in the major publishing houses because if it's not there then there will not be recognition I don't know whether I've answered your question but there we go completely agree is there any more questions from the audience one more I was wondering in the Polish situation then because you have this link of 68 which does has a huge recognition it seems being said March and then right away thinking 68 I was wondering if sort of dissident movements now are stem from that movement or are linked to that movements still experience the same anti-semitism because of their supposed origin from that movement exactly sorry it was really strong strong voice yes yes I like that sense of strength and yes exactly sometimes they are still the same people so Adam Michnik is still very influential person in Poland he's editor-in-chief of the largest Polish daily newspaper Gazeta de Borca which is strongly against law and justice and obviously they are the ex-commandos that the people who belong to the commandos group I was talking about are still under attack from government because of their political involvement and obviously we've referenced to the same arguments for instance few years ago the book came out entitled minister ministerial children and it's hard to translate actually but it was a resort of a Gigi ministerial children it was about the elites of Poland after 1989 that are of that have children of communist officials and communist establishment it was more or less far-fetched arguments there in the book because they the authors tried to prove their thesis with very far-fetched arguments and distorting reality in many ways but actually they they use the same arguments exactly the same arguments that were used in 1968 these are children from communist Jewish communist families and even the same documents by secret police were used again after for almost 50 years they were the same are the same documents the same quotations from the same documents about the Michnik's father or Blumstein's father or Gross parents or something like that pointing out that these are people that are external to Polish nation because they are of foreign origin and they never could share the same values as true original polls so yes the arguments are the same and this is the fact that obviously raises strong response from the Polish center from Polish left from Polish intellectual media because people recognize the so-called March language in Zygmarca it's it's a very noxious mixture of nationalism false egalitarianism and it could be people know it could end simply in dictatorship bueno una mica parlaremos de la una mica va tan para el señor clasic on parla profesor de medinax el profesor clasica mostrat molta preocupació para la patia que en este momento mostra el joven para moltes cosas es una preocupación que yo te metí y me fa pensar en una cosa que va a ir así sento que cada vegada tinc menos neurones no recuerdo la autora de la frase pero si el libro entre varios y que era de mil ses mit on una profesora nordamericana y activista en un momento nada van a la clase cinta rom es posa maltrista y diu el pitjor de totes que ya no tinc capacidad para imaginar la revolución y yo creo que es una mica el que nos pasa que neoliberalismo ha invadido y son absolutamente incapacitos de imaginar un mon que no sigui al mon que temer es una cosa que creo que no pasaba l'anxixen de buit la profesora merinax ha parlat de l'esperanza que es crea i com que jo sóc una mica fila d'aquell moment puc dir que sí que recordo que els anys amb una imensa esperanza amb una alegria increïble i amb un moment en què pensaba que podia passar tot i que tot seria bo és una cosa que des de que va caure l'aurs això no passa la veritat és que no passa i la nostra juventud i almenys l'espanyola cada vegada tem més preocupacions i unes preocupacions que l'impedeixen per exemple a lo millor interessar-se para que estem parlant avui. Això aniesa una mica també amb tot el que és la revolució feminista que ha fet menció la profesora merinax i jo li volia fer una observació no sé si allá ho compartirà però jo he vingut veient que en realitat aquelles dones franquistes que realment dius mare de Déu jo no vull aquest món ni de casualitat no vull viure aquesta vida però que en realitat se't fixa en altres países occidentals després de la Segona Guerra Mundial es una mica el que es fa amb la dona i a tot un seguit de pelicules de propaganda que porta la dona fora de l'àmbit del travail capa la vida doméstica i per tant bueno potser d'Espanya sí que era molt pitjor que altres llocs també perquè partíem de uns nivells molt més baixos de participació femenina en el travail declarat perquè la dona aquí ha treballat sempre de manera legal o no legal però sempre ha de treballar i això ja seria una mica amb el que jo li demano la seva opinió amb el canvi que s'ha produït si tenim en compte per exemple la vaga mundial feminista del 8 de març on justament a Espanya ha sigut al lloc del món on més dones han sortit al carrer i on més reivindicacions ja i si realment ens hem alliberat d'aquest travail doméstic o a aquestes noies que estan a la universitat magníficas que acabo de veure quan entrava en realitat quan viuen en parella no de manera insensible i automática no assumer-se en ellas totes una serie de tasques que en realitat son tasques de la parella gracias if you'd like to comment on anything about the role of the students and the motivations to raise yeah sorry it was more a comment than a question and I really agree and I don't have I'm really not I think we need experts in psychology and sociology and all other fields to help us with that why are they or are they really apathic or just as Mary mentioned they are active in other way they are active in the virtual reality they are not active here but they are huge debates on forums on Facebook on Twitter so maybe it's a different way of activism right now it maybe doesn't and I agree with you with this liberalism and I'm not agree with Fukuyama and his end of history but you know you made one answer so Fukuyama's point was okay there were three ideologies let's say so it was a fascism it was communism it was a liberalism and communism was conquered and fascism and there is only liberalism and that's it that's so we have everything right now and nothing more and nothing new so maybe it is maybe you really answered it so there is there are shades and there may be just different approaches but not crucial enemy or just we can't or young people can't recognize the the the real enemy I'm I'm not sure yes I agree that we need a lot a wider panel of specialists in about the general question of apathy and and pessimism I think that the 68th generation were optimists despite the difficulties and they they had that idea that they were historical subjects they were able to intervene and change things but for example on the horizon then there weren't issues like ecological issues there weren't other kinds of issues that are very much present today and may may lead and what probably Bauman would talk about liquid society so everything is much more diluted if you wish and so why as I mentioned earlier the capacity to identify with a cause and have a collective identity before that was in a way simpler in a way I would think at the time or at least we yeah I would say that now regarding women I think also it's a very complex situation as I showed with some of the images in the case of Spain under the Franco dictatorship it was the oppression of women was so clear by law and also through the discourse on women that that facilitated if you wish the rebellion of women against the imposition not just of the laws which they did want to change obviously but also against the role and the model of women under role in society there was a point when it was thought that domesticity this discourse and practice of domesticity that meant that women had to engage with the family work and were identified through motherhood and reproduction that that came directly from the Franco regime okay however it is also very clear that this gender system which was installed in the 19th century the modernization of society that is in all European societies and I would actually probably make the argument that it was less visible and more subtle in countries like France or even the UK and other countries it was so obvious in the case of Spain that imposition and discrimination of women that in a way it was easier for women to challenge that and I think that's one of the explanations of the rapidity with which women changed in the first years of the transition and the whole structure of the gender order or part of it under Franco was was challenged at least what I have argued is that the feminism and the women's movement managed to to somewhat modify the political cultures of the transition in order to include women's rights reproductive rights at the time which would have been probably more difficult in other societies does in practice the other thing is how society changes or not and it is true that although there has been immense changes in a number of issues regarding women's role in society feminism male and female identity obviously this has not been solved and we do know about occult discriminatory practices both in the labour market in the home and it is much more difficult to make them obvious and evident it was much easier under Franco if you wish and this I think has to do with the politics of identity and gender identities in society female identity that was constructed relating women to nature reproduction motherhood that was challenged and changed however the notions of male identity have not been subject to such challenges so male identity that was conformed in 19th century on the basis of virility sexuality but also on being the breadwinner today 21st century given the situation of the precariousness of work the lack of stability in work the capacity for the male the man to provide for the family economy based on his own salary this is this is gone in other words the major pillars of male identity to my mind have have changed and yet there has not been a reflection on that and what does this lead us to it does lead to the reminiscence and continued practices if you wish that within the sphere of the family it's much more difficult to to change some some practices and that may lead to what you have said particularly among the very young generations this is what we're finding in the schools that there is a degree of male control of women of young women very young women but on the other hand I'm fortunate enough to work in teacher the university where I have male and female students and and I am optimistic about that generation of younger males coming in and questioning the notions of masculinity and male power that had been inculcated and they had lived through and questioning that and and in that sense I am an optimist but of course we all know that systems are established systems are redirected refunded reformulated reappropriated to ensure continuity and this to some extent has also happened in regarding gender relations and I think it's up to us as historians to identify the mechanisms to my mind are no longer legal or it's not a question of order and justice but these are cultural mechanisms that are still happening through the media through other many other areas or arenas that ensure the continuity of traditional gender roles are the modification or the slowness in their modification or that they may emerge in a different way and that I think is has happened in so many times in history I just would like to add that 1968 in in a global perspective was much it was already told much immersed in great ideologies for those in in France in Paris we saw those neo-maxism we saw Trotsky's and we saw a portrait of Che Guevara Hoshimin who else Mao Tung and all those great ideologies actually they got bankrupted so there is no great narratives promising easy solutions and there is no the most the one most very important difference is there is no more framework of Cold War 1968 happened within the framework of Cold War and the the great fear which underpinned was are them underpinning those societies the great fear of nuclear armageddon it wasn't voiced directly in 1968 but I think I think I feel it was somehow there the great fear of the global war between nuclear empires it's still valid because we got still nuclear empires that are on collision course perhaps more now than in 1968 but the fear that the people are not aware of the fact people perhaps these days and there is no much more those of those global of those Cold War framework within societies okay so thank you very very much to the three speakers we really hope that your presentations will be inspiring the youth nowadays to struggle for the end to struggle for the freedoms and and and the civil rights that are being that are in danger within the EU also nowadays just to add that the the presentations have been recorded in video and will be available in our website also part of this project which is a European project with different partners one of the outcomes will be a publication will be a book published in English including the presentations of our guests today and and some other articles and the third outcome of this project will be a traveling exhibition an exhibition on the 68 in in whole Europe but specifically in these three countries the exhibition will be open in Liviana in the in the coming month then it will travel to Warsaw and finally it will finish here in Barcelona so if we follow us in our social media and and through our newsletter you'll be informed about the plays and the dates of the exhibition here in Barcelona and one more thing that maybe our colleague Fernanda the journalist can inform us about this contest of instagram if you are using social media and if you are using instagram you can you are all invited to participate in it and you just need to put this hashtag in search of freedom 1968 and the the idea is taking nowadays pictures of whatever is happening in around you in your countries in the struggles on the street the the women's march whatever excuse me and if you add this hashtag you'll be in the you'll be participating in this competition and there are some prizes for the winners it's an e-book right Fernanda is it an e-book a very nice one offered by our Slovenian partner so we invite you to today part two to the contest and a big applause for all of them