 Thank you very much. I will speak in Italian. It is a pleasure for me being here today, and I thank you here. I want to thank the Biennale, the London School of Economics. It's a pleasure not only to be here to speak, but also to be here to listen. Just a small provocation to start. We might say that if I'm here today as the mayor of Barcelona, representing the city of Barcelona, it is because a certain model of economic development with a strong urban approach has failed. I was a citizen who was not interested in politics, in parties, in career, in institutions, but instead have become the mayor of Barcelona in just a couple of years. And this is evidence of the fact that something strong has happened. Not only bad things, the failure of a certain model of economic development, of exploitation of the soil of the territory and of the citizens who live in the territory, but also nice aspects like, for example, the empowerment process for citizens, the mobilization, social mobilization that has changed things outside the institutions. And this will be the first part of my contribution. And then some notes about the urban agenda we are discussing. We have been discussing in the last few months in view of Habitat 3 in Quito. One year ago, the civic list gained the leadership in four of the major cities in Spain, not only in Barcelona. And this was an unexpected victory. It was a surprise for many, and it was a real breakthrough in the Spanish political system that had been dominated by a dual system up to that moment, two important parties that had been in power for 40 years. For the first time in the history of Spain, the municipalities would not be governed by traditional parties, but rather by candidates like me belonging to civic lists, a kind of new dialogue space, an empowerment for the citizens with the large participation of movements and social participation. In order to better understand this agenda we are developing within institutions of these cities, you have to make a step backwards. We could talk about May 2011 when the citizens, thousands of them, occupy the squares of many Spanish cities, creating a movement which is known as Los Indignados, also defined as the movement of the 15th of May. This was a real revolution that transformed economic crisis that has hit the countries in the south and part of Europe in something different, into a political crisis. This movement questioned not only the social impact of the crisis, but also was a global challenge for the existing political class for its inability to respond to the needs of the citizens, housing, jobs, education. And this has to be added up to the widespread corruption. This movement was not just a rejection of politics in general as the media maintained. The reverse, it was a request for a different way of making politics. The municipalist alternative stopped in those municipalities where the movement was stronger in Madrid, Barcelona, Valencia. Another aspect I can just mention that is important, however, because we know then that history books are written by other people. We are instead making history with our actions. There was the platform of those hit by mortgages, a platform that was created by citizens who had lost everything, who had abusive loans with abusive clauses and who lost their house when the real estate bubble exploded. And this movement not only denounced this terrible reality, putting it on the table when it was not in the political agenda, but it also managed to transform this feeling of depression, of indignation and powerlessness into a movement of proposal, of action, of doing something with this slogan, yes, we can, which remember the slogan of the American administration. The model of growth of the previous years had been based on the development of the real estate market and in particular the becoming financial of fundamental right that is a right to housing. From 2000 to 2007 in Spain, hundreds of thousands of houses were built and the houses did not have cheaper prices. Instead prices rose while wages went down and the labor market was always more precarious. And then the tragedy came through. The real estate speculation, tragedies, loss of houses, depression, suicides, and many social pathologies. And this movement started with the effort made by unknown people. Those who had lost everything, people who were considered as totally excluded from the system. Well, they managed to put in the public agenda a problem that up to that moment had been considered as a private problem. So they started denouncing this model. They started creating a community in the city where before just isolation and solitude existed. This execution of this seizing of the houses was stopped. They started renegotiating the loans. They recovered hundreds of empty apartments belonging to the banks. They collected millions of signatures to change the law. But the most important thing this movement managed to do was opening up a new horizon, a new horizon for what is possible. There was a new reality available. Thousands of citizens had said things have to be different. We do not want to be expelled from our city. We want our city. We are going to defend it. We are going to reconquer it. And although there was this very strong movement of hope and proposal elections came by and a conservative majority won the People's Party that is still governing Spain so far. And in these movements, like this platform, like the Los Indignados, originated this idea of institutional stalemate. And the need was felt to transform the new way of making politics from the streets to the institutions. Although we could change things with people in the streets, there was always this block with institutions. And they had the money and the resources for all of us. So we created this municipalist alternative that both advantages and disadvantages. In the large cities we had this opportunity in view of the general elections as the social mobilization had grown and the nature of that movement had been urban. And the municipality as a local administration enabled us to plan a political agenda that was closer to the real interest and the needs of the citizens. We saw that many of the laws that referred to the municipalities were passed by the central government and this limited our autonomy. Nevertheless, we started this adventure and we did so with the large participation of the citizens. We didn't want a new party with new faces to replace the old parties. We wanted to do something different from the very start. Both the electoral program, both our candidatures, both the ethical code, everything was the result of a civil debate that went on for months and is still going on. Although we had no electoral base, nor the support of the media, nor funds from the banks, on the 24th of May we were the most voted political subject in Barcelona. We interrupted this institutional stalemate and we intervened with this new change. Now the problem is developing this program and implementing it. We had to respond to the social emergency that affected all the most disadvantaged sections of the populations, evictions and other problems. We started our mandate with an emergency plan to respond to the urgent needs of the population. You can imagine what I'm referring to. We declared education and social services as essential services. We provided scholarships and we took away from the banks empty apartments defining them new social housing to give a house to the evicted families. And we knew we were aware that these measures are not enough unless they are accompanied by structural measures that might favor a change in the management model of the city. A new liberal model had developed but it had turned out to be a model that produced exclusions in able to guarantee the fundamental social rights and a source of inequalities. Against this hegemonic new liberal model we deemed it necessary to develop a new model based on common goods with persons at the center of the urban project by developing a new urban agenda focused on the rights and the opportunities for everybody. Luckily enough, and we have to say this, we must not do everything from the start. Barcelona had a great economic association, urban potential with extraordinary experiences of social innovation and urban participation. It was there. Planning and realization of a new model of the city could not be drawn at the table with closed doors. We had to ally and to involve the different political, economic, social actors by empowering citizens and their organizations co-responsibility and co-production of public policies, not to be too long. In this starting stage of our work with our difficulties and our limits, but also with many hopes, I would like to focus on four dimensions that I think are fundamental for this new agenda for the city in Barcelona. Let us start by the first, most urgent aspect, fight against inequality. Barcelona is not a poor city. It has never been, it is not now a poor city. It is a flourishing city that creates wealth and has a good position on the international listing. Nevertheless, the impact of the crisis was not the same for all groups and territories, and it focused on the lowest wage section of the population. And this further increased inequalities, both from the social and from the territorial point of view. Barcelona is a rich city with tourism, a city that has an urban model, an urban structure that was a model for other cities. Well, Barcelona saw disequality growing at an incredible pace. We have very close to each other the poorest and the richest neighborhoods in the cities. It is not just a problem of polarization or territorial breaking up. It is a risk for democracy. In order to face this problem, we are developing different actions. The most important is the Plan de Barrios, the plan for neighborhoods that has a special budget, 150 million for very vulnerable neighborhoods, not only in terms of investments, but also to promote their economic recovery and above all, their economic and social reactivation. Desequality cannot be solved by redistributing money alone. It is necessary for these processes to be accompanied by social empowerment, which is why we have to work in a new economic model able to guarantee prosperity, social cohesion and environmental responsibility. And the strategy we are following is based on the diversification of the economic model to support equity and sustainability. We want Barcelona to be the capital of innovation and international reference for the development of a local economic model to articulate prosperity, cohesion and sustainability. It is necessary for these to recover the control of the public institution to define and develop a model of a city that can include community tradition that was typical of this city. A clear example of this idea of recovering the public leadership, a democratic leadership is tourism. Tourism is an asset for the city. It is very important that 13% of the GDP of the city is made by tourism and it is expanding, but the lack of regulations over the last few years created this content in the citizens inhabiting many of the most touristic neighborhoods. They are expelled by the tourist industry and the new real estate bubble might create what happened before the crisis. I would like to tell more about tourism, about the economy, about the recovery of productive activities and about a more responsible economy. We are changing the rules for the negotiations between the municipality and private businesses. We are introducing different clauses, environmental clauses, ethical clauses for public competition. I would like to tell something more about the metropolitan aspect, but I will do so later on as regards the international area for the great global themes, the crisis of the migrant and the great challenge of the climate change. We are witnessing one of the most serious humanitarian crises in our continent. We are committed in an inter-urban collaboration plan and we are putting at stake our credibility in Europe. The problem is that the international situation is still seen in terms of states and we do not listen to cities. Cities are the place where everyday life takes place. The cities are very close to the citizens. We are the political space that has no excuses and that must provide responses. We are going towards Habitat 3, towards Quito. We want to take part in this discussion. We are doing so with great responsibility and the urban agenda of Quito, we want to tell that we want to discuss mobility, environmental issues, economy, innovation, technology, but above all we want to talk about the need for a new governance. Also those states who want to be effective will not be effective unless they base their effort on the cooperation with the cities in order to design public policies to implement them, to evaluate them. You have to do this with the cities. Otherwise the states will fail as is the case now in Europe. We do not want to renounce our idea of the right to the city, the right to the city as a place of rights for the citizens. We know that US and China do not want to speak of the right of the city in Habitat 3. We want to do so. Cities have to be the space for democracy. Thank you.