 collaboration between these colleges and numerous community, governmental and nonprofit organizations. And welcome to our very beautiful city of San Antonio. San Antonio has a deep history of partnerships among governmental and nonprofit organizations and our university. And this collaborative relationships represent a major aim of my college, a College of Public Policy, as well as many other colleges in our campus. It is with this spirit that I am very pleased about the wonderful and enthusiastic response from people on the ground here in San Antonio who are working directly with our viejitos and viejitas, with our abuelitos and abuelitas who will be joining us for the conference. This is an excellent opportunity to broaden the dialogue between academicians, practitioners and policy makers regarding Latino aging. A little bit of housekeeping tomorrow morning, 7.30 to 8.30, breakfast will be served and the registration will continue. It will be directly across the street. You go through the glass doors and make a left at the end of the hall and you come to the southwest room. That's where most of the sessions will be taking place. Before I close, I want to thank members of my staff in the College of Public Policy for their great work that they've done. First, I want to thank Michelle Skidmore who is our senior communication specialist. Many of you have interacted with Michelle the last few months and especially in the last few weeks as well. Without a bit of exaggeration, this conference would not have been possible without the dedication and deep commitment of Michelle for putting this conference together. She's done a lot of the heavy lifting and the organizing. And I would also like to thank another of our staff members, Miguel Gutierrez. And Miguel assisted Michelle throughout the last several months. Miguel is also one of our graduate students in the Department of Criminal Justice. And Miguel deeply committed and dedicated to this conference so much so that several months ago he was offered a very prestigious research assistantship and he postponed taking that until after the conference was done. So it shows his deep commitment. And also, Blaine Walter is also a member of our staff. And he couldn't be here today but many of you had contact with him through the reservations, travel reservations and hotel reservations. And I'd also like to thank Melissa Osuna, another of our staff members who was always pitching in and also helped with the registration this evening. And I also would like for us to thank the people who served our dinner this evening for the wonderful work that they've done. And finally, I would like to thank Jackie Angel for working with us and her deep commitment to promoting and developing scholarship on Latino aging. She is truly amazing and is blessed with an extremely off the chart level of energy. I've never seen somebody with so much energy. And I recall nearly a decade ago I had gone to UT Austin to give a talk and I passed by Jackie's office and we were talking and so excitedly she was telling me about this plan that she had. She had this plan to write a proposal. She had already identified people to bring together and this was going to really engage and build the Latino aging field. And she was very excited. She was going to get the proposal ready to go and this conference now in our eighth installment, it's very much to the dedication and that dream that you had and a lot of the emerging scholars and the work that is being published from these seven now eight conferences are very much part of that dream that you had. And now I welcome you to the stage. Jackie. My colleagues and I are so honored to have to help us pick off the installment of the CNA. The co-investigators and Fernanda is one of our co-investigators. And Bill, Vega, and Coco, unable to be with us tonight, but they're here in spirit and Bill will be here tomorrow. Our co-investigators of this grant on the CAA advisory group, for those of you who are on the CAA advisory group, which provides all the guidance throughout the year, around these eight installments, and that actually doesn't include two bridging meetings that we have when we do not have money. If you could please stand. I know Karen still is here tonight. One of our advisory group members. Karen. Karen. It's important to recognize every installment during national and state areas as it begins tomorrow and also during Mexican independence day. And that's on pride. This is very special to not only celebrate, but also provide us an opportunity to really recognize the contribution of the Spanish-Americans and both of them are important to our society, but also gives us a chance to review the status of Latinos and contemplate what a waste of as big roles is. This is something that was decided in 2001. Infected for this conference series on aging in America, it has several objectives. And it begins with a critical recognition that we have a tradition of confronting the aging population in both nations, as well as in the Americas at large. But our conference series is primarily focused on Mexico and the United States with cross-national comparisons when that's possible. So the field of Hispanic aging is urgently calling for research from an interdisciplinary and comparative perspective. And this is one of our goals. And we've been able to accomplish that goal through all of you here tonight, both of our emerging scholars, as well as our advisory speakers, keynote speakers, as well as others. We also feel that our ultimate goal, which is to try to reach a consensus upon which we've been able to identify key issues in which we need to move forward for our next installment. This year and the next two installments, we'll be looking at the role of place broadly construed. But just to give you some quick background, again, what is motivating our conference from its inception, we know that demographic is speaking to have a rationale by 2025 of this one. This is a population of 15 countries in the Americas. We'll be 60 and over. We know the old age dependency ratio in terms of how we're going to take care of our older population based on our working age population is not where it needs to be. And most importantly, while the United States became rich before it became old, Mexico was becoming old before it becomes rich. So we have a whole host of issues that need to be addressed but are setting up the background. Some other trends that are important that we're looking at is even though Asians now have crossed over to be the fastest growing minority group in the country, we have the Latino population, of course, and those of Mexican origin comprise the largest segment of our minority elders. We also know that these declining fertility rates have created extra pressures on the family to be able to take care of their loved ones. We know that this is important because the life expectancy at age 65 has been quite extended. And while it's a mixed blessing that there is in fact this very extended life expectancy, we also know at the same time what comes with that is disabling conditions. And we have some very important data. Many of our colleagues here have published showing that this is in fact that there will be a very protracted period of dependence. This longer period of infirmity means that there's going to be a great assistance from not only the state families as well as non-governmental organizations that deal with elder care and what's also unique about our populations of Mexican origin. There's low levels of institutional care. Part of this has to do with the fact that Mexico, there's very few facilities but in the United States it's a complex set of factors including cultural factors as well as having economic resources to do so. All of this combined has created a conundrum for the government because they recognize that they're not going to be able to easily predict and project the potential dependency that is going to be needed to be able to plan accordingly to be cost-objective, placing of course incredible demands on the family and so it's not only just focusing on the vulnerable citizens but also how that's affecting the young and the working age population and we have to understand that intergenerational reliance. A most poignant example is the Mexico-U.S. Contrast. That's why again we're focused on it because we share quite a bit. It was a learn from each other but in the final analysis there is a scarcity of public resources that have made these overlapping independent populations and transcending networks in both nations of interest. The CAA leadership team is critical as we move forward but also in the past. I am the principal investigator on this NIH grant called Conference Series on Age of the Americas. I've mentioned already the co-investigators and our advisory group is amazing and they come from Mexico as well as the United States. Mark Hayward and Alberto Poloni have transitioned. We have had, as Sauc for Helio said, quite a history. We started in 2001 without any money from NIA and then quickly was able to write some grants to move us forward and we always cover a different topic in the next couple of years. We're going to be able to look at the role of place and space broadly construed to look at economic, political and social factors and define the capacity of individuals to grow independently and with dignity as well as the role of families and the state. We have published a very productive group together which is terrific and we're going to have all these books on display tomorrow and at our exhibit so please stop by. We're also going to have some of those that we're going to give away during consensus building session and I want to also take this moment. Hopefully everybody can hear me. Thank you Mark. I want to take this time now to recognize our 2016 ICA sponsors and if you would please stand when I call your name. Of course the NIH grant was administered by the Population Research Center and the LBJ School and of course through the subcontract with UTSA so thank you so much for Helio and your staff for making this all happen. I also want to thank our sponsors AARP. If you could just wave your hand or stand and give them a big applause. We really appreciate that. Many thanks and I also wanted to add that AARP is also supporting and covering the cost of our simulcast and also supporting our three of our emerging scholars. Also the Austin Community Foundation has been with us the whole time. We have the City of San Antonio Department of Human Services. If you'd stand please. The City of San Antonio Department of Human Services. I know we'll be joining us tomorrow. San Antonio Area Foundation. Nope. Okay. And then of course our conference partners which is UTMB and Galveston. I know we have some folks from UTMB at that back table and the USC Social Work made you want to stand up since you're representing the USC School of Social Work. Thank you, Mae. As well as UCLA, Fernando, wave again. And finally UT Austin, of course. So I want to thank all of you in a big round of applause for all of our amazing sponsors. And I hope you can all hear me now because we are going to move on. Future installments before we move on. Next year we'll be in Los Angeles at USC. Bill Vega is going to be our host and again he's one of our co-investigators. And then Terrence Hill who is also the organizer of our Emerging Scholars poster session is going to be our host in 2018 at the University of Arizona, Tucson. And Terrence, if you would please stand up. And he's also on our advisory group. I'm going to make you do that. Thank you. And you can get, for more information you can get this all here. So let me now turn to our featured speaker for tonight. At the ICA we always select several keynote speakers to be able to really showcase and highlight and animate these issues that we're trying to investigate, discuss, engage about. And I am truly honored to introduce our 2016 ICA after-dinner keynote speaker, Dr. Peter Ward. Peter currently holds the C.B. Smith Senior Centennial Number One Chair in U.S.-Mexican Relations. And for many years he was director of the Mexican Center at the Lasano Long Institute of Latin America and also in Latin American Studies. Peter is also a dear colleague of mine at the LBJ School and the Department of Sociology where we share mutually intellectual policy interests. And something you may not know is that Peter, Dr. Ward, has been with the CAA since its inception, since 2001. The CAA advisory group could think of no one better to help us set the stage for our two-day meeting, focusing on contextualizing health and aging on both sides of the U.S.-Mexico border. Peter is one of the leading experts on Latin America. Urbanization, contemporary Mexican politics, housing policy and planning, and Mexico City. His research on the development of housing and land development policy for low-income colonias in the lower valley counties as well as similar subdivisions in petty urban areas of major cities like Austin, Dallas, and San Antonio is particularly saying to our meeting. He has an extensive record and numerous publications focusing on public policy in Mexico and Latin America. He's written at least 15 books, including housing, the state, and the poor policy and practice in Latin American cities, which is now a classic in the literature. The housing policies in Latin American cities is a must read. This is one of his newest books. For Helio, if you could just hold that up so everybody can see it, it is just fantastic. And I just wanted to highlight that. Again, a must read. His work has been hugely influential and widely recognized in many fields and by his peers in the U.S., Mexico, and international community. Between 2002 and 2007, he was editor-in-chief of the highly regarded Latin American Research Review. Peter's work has been continuously funded since arriving at UT by grants from National Science Foundation, Ford Foundation, Mellon Foundation, Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, the Texas Department of Housing and Community Affairs, among other agencies. To say the least, Peter is a giant in the field. In 2000, he and his wife Victoria Rodriguez were jointly awarded the Altley Medal in Recognition from the Government of Mexico for their research and academic services to improving bilateral relations, which is an important objective when we conduct our business here at CAA. We're very fortunate to have Peter here with us tonight. We asked him to help us develop a more precise understanding of how place as a social and physical environment over the life course is affecting aging people's health and how people use their material and non-material assets to cope with adverse environmental circumstances that give rise to a wide range of effects on health and functioning. With this purpose in mind, please join me in welcoming Dr. Peter Ward to the 2016 ECA. Well, good evening to you all. It's great to be here. My thanks first to Rogelio Sainz, our host tonight, and UT San Antonio. It's a great delight to be here and to see the new facilities that you have, or at least new to me. Also to thank, of course, Jackie Ankel, colleague, Stull Ward. What was it you said earlier on about his amazing energy? She also plans phenomenally ahead. She first contacted me about 15 months ago about giving this keynote. And of course, someone asked you 15 months in advance. You said, of course I'll do it. But it's with some trepidation that I've actually come to this talk this evening. Not least because I've come into this, although Jackie said I've been a part of this since the outset, I've been sort of an ephemeral part, not a fair weather supporter, but just it seems the way things have worked out. I've been at four of the several meetings. I've come in sideways. I'm not an expert on the elderly. I'm not an expert on housing and health. But I have been working on low-income self-built squatter housing informal settlements in Latin America for more than 40 years throughout my career, basically since my doctoral work. And indeed, for the 25 years I've been in Texas. I've been working on low-income colonial settlements, learning from Latin America, learning from how these areas emerge, the policymaking toward them, and developing the research on this. Indeed, the two books that you can see here are kind of the two bases from which I'm going to be talking this evening. The one is the Latin American housing book, a new generation of housing policies in Latin American cities towards Habitat 3. Habitat, the UN Habitat meets every 20 years, don't ask me why, but the Habitat 3 will be held in Quito in 2016. And the work that we've been doing, the Latin American Housing Network, have been doing under my coordination is really coming to fruition, and we're trying to insert it into the agenda for UN Habitat 3. I'll talk a little bit about the Land Book in a minute. And then the Colonious Book that I did when I started working on and came to Texas in 1991, published in 1999, and then since then we've had a whole tranche of new studies with graduate students and so forth from the Colonious Book through to the work that we're doing on major research projects today. So the point about this is that these are the housing arrangements, these are the housing scenarios in which Mexicans and Hispanics in Texas and in the South are aging and dying. The age cohort in Latin American cities is now coming 60s, 70s into the 80s. Here in Texas, as you'll see in a minute, in Texas Colonious, we're talking about people in their 50s, 60s into their 70s, the aged parents and so forth. So this is the context of place, micro place if you like, neighborhoods and housing arrangements that I'm going to be talking about today. So I think that when Jackie actually firmed up with the conference and said we want you to talk about contextualizing health and aging on both sides of the US-Mexico border, I sort of breathed a huge sigh of relief because I figured, well, that I probably can do. And I'm delighted to have an opportunity to do it today. Let me just start off with a quote from Jackie Angel, Jackie Angel, Bill Vega and Mariana Lopez's 2016 Gerontologist paper. It's about to be launched on an unsuspecting public, namely you. Many of you probably have seen it or reviewed it. And she says, as of yet, we know little concerning how home ownership and living arrangement affect the well-being of parents and their children across the stages of older adulthood in Mexico. Nor do we understand how families make critical decisions or arrangements for the care of seriously-informed parents in different regional and or transnational contexts. And as I say that, when I was looking at some of Jackie's work, that jumped out at me. Because that's really what I'm going to be talking about today in terms of some of the broad brushwork that I've been doing, both in Latin America and in Mexico in particular. I'm going to focus the day on Mexico and Texas. The paper that I've been thinking about really follows on from last year's Mexico City meeting, which I couldn't make unfortunately. But that meeting was about formal and informal systems of support in Mexico and in the US in terms of health and welfare. And in that transnational context, tonight I wish to offer a few ideas about the intersection between housing health and the elderly in Mexico and the US border, in Texas especially. About the differences between owners and non-owners and health outcomes among low-income Mexican and Hispanic populations. Working through two of the databases that you all are very, very familiar with, but perhaps for the webcast folks at home, they may be less aware of. These are the two databases, the HIPESI, which is the Hispanic Established Epidemological Study of the Elderly, and then the MHAS, the Mexican Health and Aging Panel Survey. These are two major databases that most people, many people in this room know much more about than I do, but I'm going to be touching upon it in a minute. And while it's not, the issue with these two databases is that you can't mine these, you can't work with these databases in a terribly sensible way in terms of either place, in terms of what we would usually think about, urban places, peri-urban places, rural places, all by neighborhoods in those areas, all by housing types and conditions in order to offer, so we can't, the databases don't provide those sort of data that we need. And so I'm going to be offering some qualitative and more tentative observations about low-income, self-built, poor, self-built neighborhoods linked briefly to housing conditions of the health and elderly, and in slightly more detail, between household organization and care for the elderly in these low self-built low-income settlements in both Mexico but also Texas, and I'm going to be focusing on, firstly on Mexico very briefly and then on Texas. I want to point to, basically the point I want to make in terms of my talk tonight, is how these uniformly built to colonia and colonia type subdivisions and environments and the housing conditions can, on the one hand, exacerbate poor health outcomes that we observe in the M-HAS and HIPESI, Hispanic HIPESI data sets. And yet at the same time, they also provide very positive household and dwelling environments in which to provide care for the elderly. And that's not what we tend to sort of think about in terms of these sorts of settlements, elderly, the parents, and others, of course. In short, I want to make a case for the intersection of aging with the household structure and actual housing types. In preparing for this talk, I look first at the literature on housing and health and the challenges for the elderly in that, and clearly I wouldn't have time to go through that, had one of my doctoral students, Francisca Bogulaski, to undertake some of this review. And what we found from that review is that while there's a consensus on the existence of a relationship between housing quality and health outcomes, there's no agreement on the nature of that relationship, nor on the systematic causal evidence. Housing, of course, can affect health through a variety of components in terms of the housing quality itself. We can see that the relevance of elements such as atmospheric conditions, supply of drinking water, housing structure, construction quality, the relative hazards from falls and trips within the housing, the house itself. These are all elements that are related to health problems, such as infectious diseases, chronic illnesses, injuries, and so forth. Poor nutrition, mental disorders, among others. So that kind of is intuitive and is accepted. Second, there are elements that go beyond housing quality or structure that also impact health. Among these are location, of course, the neighbourhood in which people live, the social networks that are embodied within those neighbourhoods, all of which are independent, are elements that have an independent effect on health. Both housing and context appear to be related to residential satisfaction, which itself also appears to relate to health outcomes, especially among the elderly. And there's a consensus of the tendency and preference to age in place. Also, that individuals in their active lives spend more time out of the home, the dwelling environment, than in it. With the approach of old age, the balance shifts increasingly in favour of the home. So you can begin to see that the relationship between housing, health, and particularly the elderly is an important one, and there's an extensive literature on that. So that's the first thing I kind of looked at to prepare for this talk. The second thing I looked at was to go back to the two data sets that I mentioned just now. The M-HAS data set, which the baseline for that in Mexico was 2001, with multiple waves since then, 2003, 2010, 2015. And then the HIPESI, which is a much earlier, rather earlier baseline, 93, 94, are also with subsequent waves included. And because it started in 93, 94, and it gathered data for over 65-year-olds, clearly come 2002, 2010, many of those elderly were passing away, and so they did a top-up study and so forth. So these are two major databases, have their own foibles and flaws and advantages and so forth. But the question really is, what can the M-HAS and HIPESI data tell us about such intersections between housing and health? Truth is very little. And that's a problem, I think, and that's one of the things I'm going to be suggesting that we need to attend to as we move forward looking at the future in terms of contextualizing health and aging on both sides of the border. There's little since neither has data on housing conditions except for tenure. The data are not tied to location, except in the case of the HIPESI to five states and counties within those states, but nothing more. Also, the latter, the HIPESI, is complicated by different migrant cohorts into the United States in the comparison with the native-born Hispanic populations. However, thanks to many of the researchers in this room, we now have really good comparative data for over 65 age populations for different cohorts, subsequent waves, and comparative data for Mexico and for the south of the United States, the Hispanics in the United States. And what those data tell us just in summary, and most much of this data is coming from Ron Ankel, Jackie Ankel, and your own publications and research, in Mexico we find that females are more likely to be widowed than men. They have poorer self-related health, higher rates of activities of daily living difficulties, beta-based disabilities and different patterns of chronic diseases, arthritis, diabetes and hypertension. Males and females in the end have lower rates of diagnosis of chronic illness. That relates very much to the lack of the lower levels of insurance coverage, little provision of formal residential care. In the US, both immigrant and native-born Mexican origin report more chronic conditions than do elderly Mexicans, but fewer symptoms of psychological distress. Longer residents in the US associated with higher body mass indices, more facilities of residential care, Medicaid, but again, supply and availability are affected by eligibility. So this is really what we know by comparing these two databases to these populations of over 65 and aging populations. The one area where we do have some housing data relates to tenure, and what you see here is the home ownership at baseline for the HAPAZ 65 on the far left here and then the M-HAS and then the 85 and then the M-HAS. What you basically, the take-home point here is that in both countries you have high levels of home ownership among the elderly, much higher and very high in the case of Mexico, but also significantly high in the case of the United States. When you look at home ownership at follow-up, you find that that falls away, it remains very high in Mexico, it drops away somewhat in the case of the HAPAZ, the HAPAZ data. And when we actually start, so really, so this is the one little piece of information we could start bringing out of the M-HAS and HAPAZ data in terms of housing. It relates basically to tenure and what we see is that ownership is very important among and very significant among the elderly in both countries. When you actually start breaking it down and looking at the data across the five counties for the HAPAZ counties, for the baseline, you see that most are in California and in Texas. In fact, to break down here, you see it more clearly. The reason why I'm flagging these is because when we get down to Texas in a minute, I'm going to be taking you through some of the housing scenarios that we find in Colonius in many of those heavily shaded Brown counties. Not shown here are some of the original, so the additional data that we looked at, we did some data mining trying to look at health data and aging data by gender across the two studies, male and female. Essentially, what we found was very, very similar findings to the findings that I summarized for the Mexico and the U.S. earlier. We also tried to look at some of the data for health and home ownership across the different arrival cohorts in the HAPAZ. You guys can get into that. You can mine that. I know that Philip Cantu has helped us with some of this work and this original data mining I think is around here somewhere. These are areas where you know familiar you're familiar with, you can get into further and so forth, but from the housing perspective, we have very little. Now, so therefore I'm going to take a leak and this is where I'm coming back to my own more qualitative and mixed method research and begin to look at housing arrangements and places where we know that many of the aging owner populations actually live today. So that's where I'm going to be drilling down and introducing some ideas and insights from the Latin American Housing Network study that we've done and from our colonious work. Let me just mention the Latin American Housing Network is a network that I set up in 2006-2007. It's nine countries of Latin America, 11 cities in Latin America and what we were doing there, unlike the work that I've been doing over the previous 40 years, was to focus upon an area that was neglected. We've been doing a lot of policy making over the years of how you respond, how governments can respond to these informal settlements by providing land titles, regularization of services, providing basic services because they begin on the periphery of the city, of course, without basic services as squatter settlements or as land sales and then people gradually build their own homes over a period of time. But no one was really looking at the settlements that had consolidated and after 25, 30 years. These were the settlements in which I was doing my doctoral work when they were very recently formed. What we were interested in was to really explore the sociology, the socioeconomic structures, the household structures within these now consolidated settlements 30 years after their formation. As I say, these are settlements that began by young adults, with the young families. These are the settlements in which people today are now aging. They may have been in the mid-20s then. They're now in their late 50s, early 60s, 70s. It's a location where we find aging, where aging is going on. Then I'll move on to some of the colonial-type settlements which began a little bit later but also similarly are the areas in which Hispanics today are aging and living out their lives. In Latin America, many of the cities in Latin America begin as informal settlements starting principally in the 1960s, early 1970s through the 1990s and so forth. If we look at, in this slide, this is just one of the cities, Monterey, in which we are working. What you're seeing here is the light green and the darker green. These are the settlements that formed mostly informally back in the 1960s and 1970s. These were the informal settlements of that period. As you can see, the settlement, the area has developed or the metropolitan areas expanded outwards. What was then the periphery of the city is now very much the intermediate ring or actually quite close into the city centre. You can see the construction process that we're talking about here. The capture of land, the building out of a shack and then steadily building out brick-built dwellings. Often two-story and so forth. You can see the process going here. This diagram actually shows the parents and then an adult daughter with her family and so forth. This is the sort of arrangement that we're going to be seeing a lot of in terms of colonial and low-income settlements, consolidated settlements in Latin America. These are the data that we've been gathering. This is essentially where we're thinking about what's the appropriate policies for these areas today. Just as a parenthesis, the appropriate policy of course is no longer providing basic services. It's actually the rehabilitation of the dwelling environment. Recasting the dwelling environment for the new household dynamics and structures that exist on those lots. Which involve of course the elderly, their adult children, the grandchildren in this particular space of the home and the lot. If you just visually sort of see this, these are settlements in which the work that I was doing back in the 1970s. This is in Bogota, Casablanca Barrio in Bogota, then 2010. You can see the consolidation that's taken place, so it was already taking place there. This is the settlement where I actually did my doctoral work. One of the settlements I did my doctoral work back in 1973. This is the situation where we were doing the consolidated settlement today where we're gathering these data. The point here is that they're now fully consolidated with services. They're often now quite dilapidated. They're in desperate need for rehab and retrofitting the wiring, the water, and so forth. But there's an intriguing thing, and this is pertinent to the talk today, is that the highest ability of these owners, more than in Mexico City for example, 80% of the families that we went back to in these settlements were the original owners. People living throughout Latin American cities, but in these cities in particular, have been living there 25, the median was 25, 26 years of residents as owners in these settlements. Those families, the original families, they're now aging, they're now in their 60s and 70s. For those pioneers, a home is forever. The title of a colleague paper was that a home is forever, question mark. What we've been showing is that yes, de facto, it is forever. It gives a new meaning for aging in place. We're not just talking about aging in the neighborhood, we're talking about aging in the very family home that you have built over the years. That doesn't mean to say that there's limited, there's no mobility. In fact, one of the techniques, the way we actually gathered these data was essentially survey, random survey, purposely collected, selected settlements, informal settlements that begun 25, 30 years before, that were then randomly surveyed, households randomly surveyed, mostly owners of course. Then we went back to what we called interesting cases and did a really deep dive with several researchers working with a particular household family measuring up the house, looking at the build out of the house, looking at the genealogy of the family and how the family growth over the 30 years was adjusted and embedded within the physical structure of the build out of that house. What you can see here is one of those, you can see obviously one build out here of a particular family, and then here from the start to the finish, the greens are incoming, I think the reds are leaving. So you have children leaving to get married, getting divorced or coming back to the household, children being born, other kinsmen coming in and so forth. So you can see as we were able to sort of track this for these households and what we were really interested in was precisely how this housing adjustment had taken place to accommodate the household dynamics on that particular lot. In this particular case, currently there were, when we did the deep dive, there were 17 people living in this, it was a single family, 17 people living here, there were three households, two of which were extended and obviously three generations of the population. This is the matriarch of the family and her elder daughter. I could tell you some really interesting things. This is one particular conversation that we had which was really interesting in the sense that it was the one case where the daughter was adamant that her father, her deceased father had promised her to become owner of the property and the matriarch basically she was just fed up with having all these 17 kids and grandkids around and it was the first time we found it because usually you find the grandparents do preside, they're given respect, they're proud of what they've achieved over these three generations of people living in their home as they should be. In this case, she just wanted to get the hell out of there and get back to the Pueblo Basics. So that was an interesting insight but what I'm showing you here is essentially the strength and the capacity of the dwelling structure to accommodate the elderly as they get older. But also there is this churn and the house becomes a refuge basically for adult children, for the grandkids, for the children that come back and so forth. And ultimately it's often, it's a daughter that's left, become divorced or separated, comes back with her own kids and she often becomes the carer of the parent or the parents if both are still alive. So we have ongoing use value, these properties also have significant asset value. We're talking in Mexico, in Mexico, Guadalajara, Monterey we're talking about $30,000, $40,000 in realtor in today's terms. When I get into the colonists in Texas also we're talking about colonists with 30, 40,000, 50,000 median values. So there's a significant asset value but much more important is the ongoing use value. Not only the use value that this has had for the parents as they've self-built the property over time and live there and raise their kids there but also increasing use value for the second generation, for the adult children and ultimately perhaps for the third generation of grandchildren and so forth. So in just taking the case of Guadalajara, Monterey, these colonial settlements, a fifth of these settlements had more than two or more households on them. And there are different forms in which throughout our work is really pointing to housing subdivision in Latin America. It can either be obviously vertical subdivision so you develop, if you like, individual households will take a second floor, third floor and so forth so you build up vertically and subdivide vertically. There the question is really what the access point is, whether it's an independent entry point. But then the subdivision of the lot can take place in various ways. It can be split down the middle, it can be two lot two with an access point through here, or you can have three lots here, difficulty with access there and so forth. So what we're seeing is this subdivision of dwelling units, expansion of dwelling units, subdivision of dwelling units to provide homes for households and so forth. But again, because they are self-built, and here we can begin to see some of the real difficulties associated with the actual housing and poor health, this is a build out of one home over a period of time or 3D construction in Monterey. This is the stairwell that goes up there, is this one you can see so forth. This is another where you can see the damp getting in through the ceiling and causing subsidence and so on and so forth. So you can imagine how after 20, 30, 40 years of intense use a lot of these buildings are in desperate need for rehab. But they are well located in Latin American cities because they were on the periphery, they're now on the intermediate ring closer into the inner city, they have good access to low cost public transportation, healthcare facilities, internal family, strong internal family supports and interactions that we've talked about between children and grandchildren and so forth. So the take home point here is the irony of often really quite unhealthy conditions, yet strong reciprocity in situ and ongoing care for the elderly parents. So what about Texas? Well, this just highlights the overlap that we're talking about in terms of where those, the HEPAC data were gathered and you can see where the colonias are. We're talking the colonias, we're talking about colonias that developed in the 70s and 80s. We're talking about something like 1500 colonias. We're talking about half a million people acquiring land legally through contract for deed. Large lots, the lots I've been talking about in Mexico would be in the order of 150, 200 square meters, 10 by 20, which is still large to make those subdivisions that we've just been talking about. We're talking about colonias would have three-quarter acres or one acre, half acre, three-quarter acre lots, so much, much larger, much lower densities therefore. But you can see the areas where we've had the highest concentration of colonias, essentially Star, Hidalgo, Cameroon, the Star, Webb, Maverick, and then El Paso. And this, and again the highlight of the counties with more than 50 observations at baseline in the HEPAC. So you'll be familiar I'm sure with colonias and with public policy interventions that have taken place in colonias since the 1990s. You can see the different types of housing on these, as I say, large lots, a camper with a shack built alongside, self-built housing, manufactured homes often quite old, self-built housing and so forth. And then, so colonias we're fairly familiar with and there's been a long tranche of public policy toward colonias in which I and others have been heavily engaged since really the 89, 1990, 1991. And obviously I'm not going to go into that. But what I wanted to highlight to you is that what is often less commonly known, that we're not just talking about colonias in the border region. We're talking about colonia-type subdivisions which are very, very similar throughout Texas and indeed we would argue throughout the country and certainly in areas where you have high demand from Hispanic families to break in. We're talking about families earning in the border region 15,000 household a year. Outside of the border region we're talking about 15 to 25 dollars household a year. So the only way to break in to the housing ownership is through this informal process which has its high social costs of course being without services but also I'm arguing has high opportunities for family care among the elderly. But you can see here, so just to make that point, this is Austin of course, this is San Antonio. These are the colonia-type subdivisions, informal subdivisions outside of San Antonio. This is Greensboro, North Carolina. The point of the methodology we were developing to develop these maps was to make the point this is not just a border phenomenon. It's in a large number of states where you have low cost agricultural land and high demand among particularly Hispanic populations. This is actually the Highway 35. This is the Buda just before the Buda turn off. These are two pictures of informal homestead subdivisions. These are in Bastrop. So next time you fly out of San Antonio or fly out of Austin just look down and you're going to see these. You see the footprint very, very clear or just go Google Earth. Once you know where to look you see these. But much more extensive than we'd formerly believed. Indeed one of my doctoral students now is completing a major study where he's actually developing a methodology to get a much better fix on the extent, the places and extent of informal subdivisions across the country and outside metropolitan areas. These are the sort of housing types you get. They're very similar really. They're a manufactured home, hybrid home, self-built. And then a, then a, the camper, manufactured homes, older ones, camper with roof and so on and so forth. So these are the sort of housing types that you're going to see. Also different levels of consolidation, of course. I'm not just focusing upon a particular type. We've seen this already. And then this is actually what I'm showing you here is the distribution. These are, whether they're colonious, informal homestead subdivisions, they're periurban. They're outside the city limits. That's why they're allowed to develop there. You can see here, this is the Hidalgo. These are different cities in Hidalgo. And then you can see the distribution of colonious and what are called model subdivision rules. They don't have time to go into that. But model subdivisions were developed when the legislature in Texas banned the development of any new colonious. And they did this in 1991. From then on, the only new subdivisions that could take place for self-pulp had to have basic services installed. So they became model subdivisions. What we're now finding, of course, and this is going to not go down terribly well with the next legislature, is that this proliferation, and there has been a huge proliferation, until recently by one of my students unmeasured, there's been this huge proliferation of these model subdivision rules with basic services. But some of the worst housing conditions today in Texas. So again, these lots are half acre lots. They have leech fields. They have basic services. But you just have appalling housing conditions. So what we're at, we just done a paper sort of the deja vu of the colonial type housing conditions. So this is a third, but the ones I really want you to focus upon in terms of the housing opportunities for the elderly are the colonious and the informal homestead subdivisions. Okay, what you're seeing here, and one of the deep dives we did in terms of, I just told you about the methodology we used for these intensive case studies in Latin America, in Mexico City, Guadalajara, and Monterey, but also in other cities in Latin America, was to take a particular criterion about what do we need to know more about. And one of those was essentially, of course, sharing and lot sharing across generations. And so we did the same in Texas, much larger lots, of course, so you get lower levels of actual sharing. But this is a good example of an elderly couple who raised their, self-built this house over 10, 15 years, raised their family here, and then the daughter, in fact, moved down, daughter and her husband and family built their house in the same lot below the parents. This is the parent's house, this is the daughter's lot. You can see across here into the, elsewhere into the colonia. This was interesting because we were talking about this, and clearly this is, you know, hauling shopping and stuff up the stairs is difficult. So what they're proposing to do, they're going to continue living as co-residents within the lot, but they're going to flip it over so the daughter and her family will move up, and the aged parents will move down. So that's one case that we were looking at. This is another case which I've described elsewhere, the original trailer, the extension, self-built extension, and what we've described in that is essentially how the household developed over a period of time, 89, 93, post 93, and how the family, the adults with their own kids would leave, come back, would leave. In this case they didn't leave into the same lot, but the daughter had actually bought out a lot opposite across the street so that she was developing her own house in terms of propinquity if not within the same lot. So we're getting to the end here in terms of what I'm trying to get to. Okay, so really what I want to argue here is the advantages. What are the advantages and what is the connection between housing lot space and family aging? The advantages, we're talking about large lots, more room on these lots for expansion. They're less constrained. We see the evolution of housing often allows for separate units. You have ample yard space for recreation and so forth. But also you have lots available within these colonies for family members to hive off but to stay close. You have high levels of social capital, adult children living nearby. The low density allows for neighbouring and social supports and so forth. I should have mentioned there's no public transportation to these areas. There are 20, 25, often 15 miles outside of the city, no transportation. But they're relatively safe environments for those with Alzheimer's or increasing dementia or mobility or declining mobility. The disadvantage is of course the relative isolation to healthcare givers. The lack of public transportation means dependence upon neighbours. The housing is very mixed. You have older trailers, new manufactured homes. And the nature of the housing often exacerbates poor health, through poor insulation of heat and cold, dangers of home loss through weather events, poor interior air quality, often inadequate bathroom facilities, particularly in the older trailers, major mobility issues in terms of the need for ramps and front doors and so forth. I'll just skip over this but this is in essence what we're seeing here is a study that we did in two or three informal subdivisions just outside of San Marcos in terms of the types of housing here. The problems that they identified and the levels of problem in the problem index. And then basically some of the major serious health problems, there were disabilities that were those families and elderly families were in fact identifying. So to conclude, okay, and then you can see that obviously the retrofitting in terms of mobility, in terms of ramps, stairs, ramps and ramps and so forth. So, final take home points. And we can just read through these. We still need to know much more about the generic links between housing and health so that we can begin to make better predictions about the outcomes between place and the dwelling type. Co-residents, whether it's extended family or separate households on lots, in both countries is important. And in many ways it's the only safety valve for care giving to parents in Mexican and Hispanic cultures. And I would argue it's a positive one. Because they're owned environments, they have relative space and flexibility of building practices, they're affordable, they're flexible to household extension and lot sharing. In Mexico and Texas, it's likely to become ever more important as populations age, especially in Texas. We're already seeing this in the case of Mexico, but especially in Texas and especially if family reunification becomes an increasing feature. Informality, these informal building and land acquisition and financing acquisition processes work. They're functional workarounds to poverty and to the lack of suitable alternatives. We need to figure out how to see informality and to work with it, mitigating some of the disadvantages of course and without undermining its very rationale and vitality. And we need to go beyond HEPACI and N-HAS. There's still work to be done, I'm sure, within those two databases but we really, if we're going to move forward in terms of some of the points I've been raising today and discussing today and arguing in favor of today, we need to gather fresh data. We need to develop new surveys. We need to use mixed methods in order to gather new data that will allow us to better understand how the dynamics of household structure are mobilized formally and informally in order to provide care for the elderly in both countries. And also in order for us to better appreciate how different housing arrangements, different housing structures provide or not opportunities for household organization and care and how housing quality and maintenance of that housing intersects with health and well-being among low-income Mexican and Hispanic communities as and particularly as those heads of household age in those communities. Thank you. Okay, Jackie's just asked if I'd take a few questions. I'd love to take questions. I'd even prefer to take comments from those of you who have things to say about the work that you're doing, the work that you would like to be doing, whether this is anywhere on your agenda and if not, why not. So I'll just open it up to you. I would say, I always tell my students, I have a very high silence threshold. Yes, yes indeed. I mean, I think we're talking about, I know that most of you and most of my colleagues in population and working in demography tend to like, they prefer to work with large data sets. So I'm not eschewing large data sets, but I think we need either extensions to the M-Hass and HGPAC or new surveys of that ilk. But not just that. It's very much the sort of work that we were doing but on a grander scale. You know, major surveys to gather the baseline data that one needs. But then to use mixed methods to go beyond that. And those mixed methods can be, I mean, obviously enumers. I mean, you can do the deep dives that we did, which really, these were interesting case studies and the interesting bit was essentially, it was an area that we needed to know much more about, that you could never get through survey, whether it was inheritance patterns, expectations of inheritance, whether it was the form of lot sharing and so forth, the build out that we were looking at and so on. So those were particularly helpful. We're bringing sociologists, architects, economists, anthropologists in as part of those teams. That was particularly fruitful. We knew out of the land the methodology that we developed and we've written that up in the hope that others will also use that sort of technology. But then obviously focus groups and other sorts of methods that built around these studies. I think they need to be much more precise in terms of the location. That's the problem that I've explained today. It was pretty hopeless in terms of, yes, you can see whether they're owners or non-owners but you can't really relate that in any way to, spatially, to place or to the actual type of residence. But yes, there are obviously new technologies that we can be used and we've been developing those, well, we haven't been developing them, we've been taking advantage of them. In the Latin American Housing Network, we developed across those nine countries, 11 cities, these are independent groups working under the umbrella at UT Austin. And we started off by using GIS methods in essence to be looking at city growth maps but GIS and then tying that to identify the inner-burbs. It's the new term that you have suburbs, you have ex-urbs, we're talking about the inner-burbs, these first ring suburbs now consolidated. So we were using aerial photography, Google Earth maps tied to basically GIS, basically to pick the scenarios of those areas and we've got some wonderful maps in the book to show that. And then as I say, some of my students have been using Google Earth to begin to, once you know what, first of all, we thought about doing it through remote sensing in terms of being able to sort of use a remote sensing to identify, pull up the footprints because these have trailer parks, mobile home communities, trailer parks and colonious informal homes and subdivisions have very, very different footprints. You saw some of those in the Bastrop. So once you know what to look for and you start to measure that, you can then use remote sensing or as my students are doing essentially developing models in order to gather information and then tie that to census information. Increasingly, we have better colonious in the past. We're often part of a census tract. These days they're much more likely to be identified as census defined places. So you can get better data. That's just here thinking about here in Texas. So really, I think, you know, it's just being more creative, knowing the sort of questions you want to ask, where to go and as I say, I'm ready to rock and roll with this and I need someone else to get out and get the big money. Other questions? The short answer is no, I'm not. Clearly there's been a lot of interest in the impact of shell drilling and so forth. A lot of these colonious, one of the interesting things and the challenge that they face is that although they were platted back in the 1970s and 1980s, unlike their Latin American counterparts, where if you're going to hold on to the lot, you have to occupy it and start building. Whereas in Texas, because there were no services, but there were no services provided in Latin American cities at the outset, because there were no services, but because it was also a legal process through Contract for Deed to buy these lots, a lot of the lots were not developed. Often they were sold, but they were occupied. And so what you actually have is you've had this kind of infill in those areas since the ban on the new colonial developments, but you've had a lot of infill. So there's not answering your question at all, but in essence there's been the opportunity for as new populations have come in, they're less likely to be Hispanic, they're more likely to be Caucasian coming in working with those drilling operations. There's actually been land available for people to bring a trailer on or several trailers on across two lots and so forth. So there's been... I wouldn't say it's been a proliferation, but there has been some additional demand for lots that are available in colonial-type subdivisions, but I haven't looked systematically at it. My guess would be that these are very temporary. They're more like... There may be new manufactured homes or repredest manufactured homes, poor housing conditions, but these are going to be not targeting elderly people, they're going to be... Or families, they're going to be targeting workers, basically. Well, I wish HUD would give us money to look more systematically at the population that really do need it rather than that. Yes, very good question. So you're really asking about the Brazilian case and the favelas. Everybody knows what a favela is. They are in and around the city centre. They're often very, very visible. They're often associated there. They're not well-organised and physically. They've cresive in the way that they've grown. They're often gang-dominated and so forth. The actual proportion of low-income homeowner self-builders living in favelas versus the more peripheral lochiamientos, which are much more akin to what I was describing for Mexico, basically. So that's where the majority live and that's where you'll find the same process that I've described earlier on in terms of acquisition, 30-year build-outs and so forth. That's where the families are living. It's not to say families aren't living in the favelas, but you get a younger population, you're getting a different population. Favelas are not places that... Well, a lot of people don't grow old because they get killed, but they're not places where they're as amenable to the sort of process that I've talked about precisely because the lots are much smaller and so forth. You have the favelas in Brazil. You have a similar situation in Buenos Aires with the vias miserias, as they're called, the vias in and around the city center, but the large body of self-builders are out in the Loteos Popularis out in the intermediate ring and so forth. So thank you for the question. We're going to have plenty of time tomorrow and on Friday to follow up on these issues. And Peter, we really want to thank you so much for your presentation. It's given us a lot to think about and we are going to try to move forward in actually collecting some new data. I think this is an idea this time has come. So I would like to bring you back up because we want to recognize you with this lovely award here. Oops, put it down. It says in recognition and appreciation for your presentation and contributions at the 2016 International Conference on Aging in the Americas, UTSA, the University of Texas at San Antonio College of Public Policy. So thank you again for your time. And everyone, tomorrow morning we're going to start bright and early and Michelle can remind me, is it a 7.30 breakfast time? And we're going to meet over at UTSA which is right across the street in the, yeah. So just check the program and if you have any questions we have a few minutes now that you can either ask Michelle, myself or Rogelio and we look forward to seeing you all tomorrow morning and get some good rest. And thank you again for coming.