 I would like to thank the organizers for giving me the opportunity to be here today. In my presentation, I will talk about the elements that we can relate to the social processes developed in the cave of Umbria de Sanctiite during the last centuries of the first millennium BC. This will be the way to approach ritual practices and social processes. The study of this sanctuary has always been very focused on a well-known and striking potterysert which has perhaps monopolized the attention. Taking this into account, my approach, wants to be careful with the diversity of social practices, maybe ritualized at times, developed in rock caves. I try to understand rock caves as part of a landscape that I understand as a synthesis of social processes, a landscape which is endowed with meaning and that is formed by notes that are culturally meaningful. Rock caves could have been part of these notes. They are therefore flexible and changing, depending on social relationships. For me, it is a priority to try to understand the ways in which rock caves could have been part of cognitive geographies of arts and societies. I believe that the scholarship on performance is particularly interesting as it has built a strong consensus on the fact that performance is a crucial aspect of ritual. The notion that ritual and ritualization include a range of activities from daily life to episodic or unique spectacles. In the case of lambria, I think it is essential to expand the discussion to a more representative archaeological record and to carry out a multi-scale and multi-disciplinary analysis in line with the objectives of this session. I will quickly mention the most important elements of lambria de Salchite that can bring us closer to the social practices, to later integrate this case study into time and in this territory that we can see in this image. The sanctuary is in an imposing mountain of limestone located in Campo de San Juan, a high plateau in Southeastern Iberia. In this mountain, the place of the sanctuary is characterized by a very peculiar morphology stated most of the time. Morphologically, umbria is therefore a benchmark on a valley scale. It is a place with wide visibility. It has a difficult access. It is a place with water springs, and it is a place where several contrasts converge. I mean light, shadow, heat, cold, dryness, humidity, water, flow, silence. It has therefore a natural multi-sensorial architecture with specific characteristics regarding temperature, humidity, or distorted sonority. It is a well-known place since at least the Bronze Age. It is therefore what I would call a persistent place. Among the archaeological contests, I will highlight several groups. Small, globular vessels, they seem to have been representative of at least part of the social practices carried out in the sanctuary. Storage bases, some of them carry complex figurative iconographies, open serving words, less abundant. Personal, adornment items, rings, weapons. Finally, I will highlight two groups that I will relate to transformation practices. Lead clamps and lead metallurgy waste, they are an indication of either repairs or the participation of repaired vessels in the ritual. Artified refitting could be related to performance as has been underlined in other ritual contests linked to an idea of renewal and fertility that I will come back to later. In this sense, stone mills are also related with food transformation. When globally considered, this archaeological contest is compatible with libations and periodic mills that could have been celebrated in the sanctuary always with the importance presence of water and fire as the main elements for libations and transformation. Let's focus now on complex figurative iconographies. In the best known search, we can identify a female figure linked to fire and birds, carnivores and plants. In 2014, we proposed a territorial reading linking the sanctuary to the settlements of the Plain of Morataya to the east. This proposal is based on the identification of an iconographical and territorial relationship between both geographical units, the Plain of Morataya and the High Plateau of Campo de San Juan. On one hand, the iconographic relationship consists on the presence in both areas of the representation of a veil figure dressed in a long robe with his head covered and his arms raised. In Molinikos, we find a very similar representation in two fire dogs. On the other hand, the territorial relationship is based on the sharing of the basin of the Alarabe River here in the immense and also on a visual connection since the visual horizon of the communities that inhabited Molinikos was the mountain of Lambria de San Chita. Although Molinikos is abandoned in the 4th century BC, settlement in the area continues for instance in Morataya la Vieja, which also maintains the visual connection with Lambria Mountain, which would have been a constant visual reference for the communities of Llano de Morataya, either Molinikos or Morataya la Vieja. In summary, the proposal for these two geographical units is that they could have served a story with possible variations in time, but sharing a feminine representation using fire as a transformational element and the cooking in the fire dog. Other elements appear only in the representation of Lambria, the birds, the carnivores and the plants, which are often present in other ritual images of the Iberian Iron Age. Our current work in the nearby Tiberia River Basin has allowed us to document a settlement, Mora de los Castillejos, where we have identified bases with complex figurative iconographies. It is contemporary to the period of greatest frequentation of Lambria. These bases are sometimes repaired. In Mora de los Castillejos, we have also note clamp making. This contest of Mora seems to corroborate a long use and repair of certain pottery vessels carrying iconographies and complex stories, which seem related to Lambria ritual practices. This is a current line of work, but I will outline some ideas. Although Lambria could have had a previous frequentation, most of its materials point to the period between the end of the 1st century BC and until the 1st century BC, which is coincident with that of Mora de los Castillejos. This allowed us to establish the relationship of Lambria de Saccita, not only with the Basin of Al Arabi River, but also with the Tiberia River to the west. These practices in the cave of Lambria take place in a contest of deep changes, the Second Pony War and the Roman Conquest, which alter the territorial organization and the social structure of the Iberian Iron Age communities. Our territory was part of these changes. In Roman times, there seems to be an increase in settlement in a high plateau where Lambria is located, something chronologically coincident with most of the archeological record of this cave. The height of this plateau suggests a complementarity in its use with respect to other surrounding lands, such as those of the Plain of Moratalla, which are lower. Lambria area has important additional resources, such as the Stacatin Salt March. This possible greater occupation will have required to know and control the Arrayan calendar and surrender the fecundity of land. With all this in mind, which practices can Lambria's archeological record be pointing to? I will hypothesize that those who went to Lambria transformed food possibly including its cooking, its consumption, and perhaps its suffering in a small basis. The celebration could include the remembrance of stories, some of them represented in the pottery vessels. They were repaired vessels used many times with representations possibly linked to the memory of the community. Fire, water, and bell sounds would accompany these practices. My proposal is that these practices could have been related to commemorative or calendrical rituals, perhaps related to the fertility and renewal of pastures and harvests every year. Rituals probably celebrated on key dates of the agricultural calendar. Future lines of research include a more detailed documentation of archeological evidence of what I will preliminarily call cyclic communal rites. This more detailed documentation could reveal aspects of performance, including food preparation and cooking, item refitting, and the position of material culture in what I think Lambria was above all, a persistent place. At this point, I think it is important to remember how Catherine Bell pointed out that the appropriation of calendrical festivals is a very common and highly effective strategy in places where one set of religious practices encounters and tries to dominate another set. In this line, my hypothesis is that in the context of the Roman conquest, the painted pottery Lambria could have reinvented the tradition of a previous story that I have mentioned from the Molinikos area, a story related to fire, water, to a feminine figure and to the transformation and sharing of food. The vessels could have brought to the sanctuary an old myth about the goddess that favored the renewal and fecundity of the territory. They were repaired vessels and they appreciated used over and over again. If this hypothesis of a process of reinvention of tradition is correct, it would show us once more how the images of tradition were probably the best way to establish change. Comparing this case with the nearby monumental sanctuaries of Caraba Cancero de los Santos allow us to emphasize once again the great variety of formulations that the Roman conquests entailed. Given the greater visibility and attention traditionally received by the monumental sanctuaries, this case study allows us to underline the importance of other practices such as those located in caves or the rural ones. They were less visible but certainly play an important role on how some social groups express and experience the boundaries between the social and the supernatural defining their social identity at every moment. Thank you very much.