 So, I actually did this saying structural racism in the United States is because I did a webinar for people in Tehran on the first, and I use these slides to talk about that. And so, my basic point is that COVID-19 is just another manifestation of the impact of chronic racial stress, and that all of the other things people talk about, those are symptoms, not the cause of the problem. The cause of the problem is our history and chronic racial status. And so, first thing I'm going to talk about is the impact that COVID-19 has had on the dependence of Africans and slaves in the United States. That's a term that I've been using at least 15 years, because early on I recognized the Center for Disease Control and the World Health Organization and other organizations have collected race-based data for very long time. Okay, so you can find out things dating back to 1970 in terms of health status of blacks. But it became clear to me that as immigration, as we had more and more blacks immigrating, as there was the distinct difference between what was happening to immigrant blacks, that because there were studies on immigrant blacks, so that one of the things we have learned is that when it comes to low birth weight babies, for instance, immigrant blacks have health outcomes that are more similar to whites than blacks who have been here out of slavery and here for a long time. But within two generations, so once they've been here, their children have outcomes more similar to us. Okay. But we have never been able, they've never really done studies on descendants of Africans and slaves in the United States and we need that. We need to know for sure how we are doing compared to other groups. And so I use that terminology. But using that terminology, I have to recognize that we don't have that data. Okay. But we have this data on African Americans, which is over inclusive and data on our in our blacks, which is over inclusive. Right. The assumption that I'm making is that until proven otherwise, descendants of African Americans is not better than but worse than so that we're at least the average number. So what we see in terms of COVID-19 deaths per 100,000 is African Americans twice any other group. The only group that we don't know is American Indians and native slash Native Americans, but that's because they've been. Well, first of all, Native Americans are sovereign entities. And so we don't always get the information from them as quickly as and we meaning the CDC. But the other problem is the CDC often groups them in the other category because they don't. I don't know the percentage of Native Americans is very small. But at any rate what we see is twice the number of deaths. That difference is, is significant in particular areas. So like in Louisiana, 70% of the deaths in Louisiana are in black people whether it's Louisiana blacks only compromise a third of the population. And I'm not going to read all this because I don't believe in reading. And so I think I will you talk about some of the information, but I will provide you the slides. You know, in Michigan blacks account for only 14% of the population and they account for almost half of the Michigan deaths. Okay, so clearly something is going on that is significant that in COVID-19 at least visually now to people personally I'm not so sure it's all that different. We've just never had a real time study of a real illness point this out. So there are some problems. There's problems with the data. First of all, they're about five states that are not collecting data at all. Why wouldn't they collect the data. You know that's a great question. And especially I have decided that this that this needs to be investigated. Because I just don't understand what they would have collectively to gain by not. If you know if you suspect, if you have a real time epidemic. So so much of the race based health data comes after the fact. Okay. So, you know, the deaths from diabetes that people ain't hearing about that on a day to day basis. No one's saying on a day to day basis. If you're in denial about how race impacts health, but you got a real time epidemic to deal with. You don't want to put race data in real time. Right. Right. It's like the George Floyd that's real. I mean, all the things that what's happened with George Floyd is not new. Real time. Right. And it's being televised. That's right. And you sitting up with a real time epidemic. And you don't want and personally, I kind of think maybe the federal government left it up to them. Right. They knew some of them wouldn't do it because the CDC and state health departments have always collected in my lifetime and I'm in my 70s. I've collected race data. Right. Why suddenly stop? You're right. But you're going to collect age and you're going to collect gender? Right. Right. If they had said we're not going to collect any demographic data, that would have been terrible, but it would have been understandable. Right. That would have made sense. But they're saying, oh, we're just not going to collect race data. Right. And I think it's because they knew they had to know. And I'll talk a little bit when you talk about who gets sick for morbidities and all of that stuff that they knew coming in from Asia and Europe, they knew what was going to happen. And I think that's why they left it up to states to decide, left it up to states to report. And it was only when the communities start pushing for it to be reported that states begin to report, cities begin to self-report. And then there was repressure. And still, like I said, the five states doesn't collect and the United States is not recording. Wow. So, so, so, so there's a data collection. Okay, so we can talk. So I was going to ask for comments and questions, but we've been talking so other comments or questions. Well, I mean, it just makes me think I've just become aware of like, they're collecting stats that in the black community, sometimes for diabetes removal of limbs, and that seems to be higher in the black community than other communities. So that's what made me interested in this. Yeah, you know, I'm starting to get interested in this. This alone should really pick up my book dying while black and there's a long, the health disparities is a long standing problem. And including the, I mean, I think that every generation, every group of people, especially young, young researchers want to do some new research and then they come out with something like amputation of limbs and blacks but writing about that. My entire career. Wow. So that's not a new problem. Okay. Okay, so. So there's some common explanations for the COVID-19 racial disparities. One common explanation is living conditions. Black people live more in more dense populations, have food deserts, we have more health care deserts, multi-generational homes. I'm living like I, I'm in my seventies, my son is close to 50, and I got two grandkids that are 10 year old. So that places me at a much higher risk. Right. Then someone, an older person who lives alone. Correct. Because we're not going to be exposed and I do think we live in many more multi-generational homes. Yes. Either with kids who are working or with grandkids. Okay. We're over-representing facilities that are high risk. A facility is high risk is if you're in close quarters, can't leave, and you've got people coming in and out of it who can carry the disease in. Right. Jail, prisons and detention centers. And I should put nursing homes. My sister's in a nursing home. And so I should have nursing homes up in there because I was going to suggest that too. I just thought about that because my father's in a nursing home. Exactly. The exact problem. High risk people close quarters with people coming in and out who can carry the disease in. I mean, if you lock the people who work there up with them until the disease was over. Right. And it wouldn't be that high risk. Right. But. Exactly. But you have that. Another explanation is our working circumstances. We work in service industries so where you don't get to stay at home and work behind a desk. Exactly. Or work over the computer like I'm doing now. You know, you got to be out there providing service. Whether it's a clerk in the store or a person driving a garbage truck or are a, you know, any number of the service industries of worse than our in an LPN. You think of all the service industries and unless they close down. Yeah. That's true. We are not in for the most part jobs where we can work from home. It's correct. The closing down thing is we often are essential workers, poorly paid essential workers, but essential. So, so when you think about that, many black people didn't get to take off and isolate themselves because they had to go to work. That's right. Didn't get a chance to be bored. Had to work. And so they go home. They go to work. They get infected. And they bring the infection home to their grandmother. Yeah. Yeah. And then even if they're, and I think low salary and no well. So even if you're even if you're not an essential worker, you may still try to work. Right. Because you need the money. Yes. You know, and they're talking about the one of the things we know about an epidemic is is that if you want people not to work, you got to pay them stay home. And everybody has to be paid. You can't decide that some people deserve. So everybody in your country should be getting money to just stay at home. You know, unless you're an essential worker, and then no paid leave, we're opening up the country, but we still haven't required paid leave. So if you have a low salary and no, well, you are not going to take off of work. No. No, you're not. I mean, you know, you know, And your job could be possibly at risk where they're like, you don't come in, we're going to let you go. Exactly. Many people are on jobs. They threaten them come in or let you go. Or if they don't threaten them the first time they do it. My son worked at my youngest son worked at home depot for a long time, and they had all these no contracts. No our contracts. Yeah. You, you don't have any guaranteed hours. And if you don't come in, they quit scheduling you. They just, they don't, you know, they're just like, So we know paid leave. So people are going to go into work. They're going to go to work sick. They're going to, they're going to convince themselves that it's not COVID-19 because they got to work. They're working circumstances. So the other is comorbidities and comorbidities are those things. COVID-19 is a very infectious this virus, but actually not very lethal, except unless you have comorbidities. Okay. So that's why young people in their 20s and 30s who get sick don't get very sick from it. That it's a, it requires. So I mean, not that some people, I mean, certainly people die just who don't have comorbidities, but that's a small percentage of people. Right. So what are the comorbidities that are most often found in death, diabetes, obesity, and hypertension. All of the things that are running rampant in the black community. Yeah. I mean, you know, we have one, we have more diabetes, we have more obesity, and we have more hypertension and and we probably have more of those in combination. I am diabetic, obese, and hypertensive. And it's not uncommon for those to run in. Oh, this is my, I might have to restart this because I'm on that. It says it's going to stop in 10 minutes. Okay. And then I just have to start another one up. Okay. So, but the problem is that none of those things distinguish race from class. And there is a distinction that needs to be made. And oftentimes you hear people talk about it as a class issue. So more poor blacks. And all those explanations are sort of class issues. They're true, but they're overly look the fact that middle class blacks are dying more not we don't know about COVID-19, but in other areas, being middle class being even upper middle class doesn't mean you don't that there's no race difference in health. We know for instance that middle income income wife with 10 years longer than middle income blacks. Most people think it's all about poverty and middle income blacks live longer than poor blacks. That's true. But they don't live as long as middle income whites. And that's what makes it a race issue. Okay. And right now with COVID-19 we're unable to tell how much poverty plays in versus in class. We come up with these explanations, but we really don't know. And here's another chart that I use and I actually didn't edit this chart very well so the same chart is listed twice. But this is on low birth weight babies. We often use education as a proxy for class. Okay. Lower education, someone who didn't graduate from high school, someone who graduated from high school, and someone who has 13 more than 13 years of education. What you see with this chart is that at every level blacks have more low birth weight babies than whites. Blacks who didn't graduate from high school, blacks who graduated from high school, blacks who have more than 13 years of education. But what's astounding is that blacks who have more than 13 years of education have more low birth weight babies than whites who didn't graduate from high school. And we're seeing that over and over again, that even though there's a class issue when you compare poor blacks to middle class blacks, the race issue supersedes that. Wow. In a lot of ways where that middle class blacks health wise are worse off than poor whites. People are the ones that make this about habits and I'm like, no, it's not about habits. Middle class blacks are exercising and eating like middle class whites. Correct. Poor whites, poor blacks and poor whites eat and exercise the same. So poor blacks and poor whites should have the same bad health. Right. But blacks are worse off. Okay, a problem that this doesn't address is that impact of chronic racial stress. And that's an intergenerational impact of slavery and segregation. And so we need to talk about what happens when I they kick me off. So it what I'm going to do. So anything about the health questions about health status and my book goes in the his health status and all of this stuff in significant detail. Well, I'm definitely going to check it out because if I just feel like this if we can order everything else on Amazon, it's going to be beneficial, you know. Okay, so what I wanted. Okay, so I'm going to start here with the impact of chronic stress of racism on COVID-19 in the black community. One of the things I want to talk about is the importance of chronic stress as a cause of either causing illness or making it worse. And when I talk about chronic stress here, I'm talking about all forms of chronic stress. If you're in a bad work situation, if you're in a bad family situation, if you have a lot of illness, if you're not sleeping well, if you have any kind of stress that goes that is chronic, that stress either causes illness, or making the illness worse. And I don't worry about, let me stop just for a second and say, don't worry about trying to write down anything because I will be posting the slides. So one of the things that you from the list of chronic stress, one of the things that I'm going to talk about is chronic stress. One of the issues is chronic stress either causes are worse than autoimmune diseases, diabetes, hypertension, and obesity. Four of the basic comorbidities with COVID-19. Now, chronic stress, there's certain kind of chronic stress that is not racial. You've got people having families that are having trouble, people who are having trouble with their children, people who are having trouble with those jobs. What distinguishes the chronic stress that is common to everyone is racial stress. That is the stress that black people carry that on a job, that is from being black on the job. The stress that people carry worrying about their children that is from being black and worrying about their children. That is the chronic stress of racism. It is an added stressor on to all other kinds of chronic stressors. And just like every chronic stressor, though, it causes illness and worsens illness. And we have known this for a long time because even before COVID-19, being black in America was dangerous to our health. For instance, one study shows that over 100,000 black people die every year that would not die if we had the same death rate as white people. That's what excess deaths mean, excess black deaths. And those deaths go unacknowledged, un-debt with, because they're hidden, they're one at a time, and they're not caused by an epidemic. We know that black health is worse than white health and long standing because of life expectancy. One of the things that people in the health area acknowledge, even people outside the health area, like the CIA, is that life expectancy is an indicator of the quality of life that people have in a country. The longer the life expectancy, the better the quality of life. The shorter the life expectancy, the worse the quality of life. Well, what this says then is that, first of all, there's something terribly wrong in America where we're the richest country, but where white males are ranked 30th as a country in life expectancy. But black males are ranked 75th behind Jamaica, Bahamas, Barbados, all countries much poorer than the United States. The same sort of issue is similar with life expectancy for females. Now, we know that in every country that I know of, females live longer than males. But even in, so white females are ranked 29th behind, if they were a country, they'd be ranked 29th. But black females would be ranked 46th, again, behind countries that are much poorer, like Bosnia, Barbados, Cuba. These are all indicators that there is something going on in the United States related to black people that is causing their quality of life to be much worse than white people. Let's see. I can't see the title on this. I've got to, excuse me, I've got to move this indicator. Maternal deaths. One of the big issues that people have been looking at over the last few years is maternal deaths. And we know that white, that black Americans would rank 56th after Costa Rica, Barbados, Bahamas on maternal death. And maternal deaths are seen as preventable deaths. There are some years that some countries have no maternal deaths. And we have 31 per 100,000. Infant mortality, similar kind of distinction. White Americans ranked behind Cuba in terms of infant mortality. Black America ranked behind Bahamas, Barbados, and Chile in terms of infant mortality. Low birth weight is a significant issue. And I talked a little bit earlier about low birth weight, but I want to come back to this slide because black Americans have a higher percentage of low birth weight babies than many African countries. In fact, I always laugh because some of the things that white supremacists, racists will say is you have it better in the United States. You don't like it here, go back to Africa. Using Africa like it's a country instead of a continent. But then when you look at the statistics, you think, well, at least when it comes to low birth weight babies, black Americans are doing worse than African Americans in low birth weight babies. And this is a significant issue because low birth weight has been documented to be related to other kinds of problems, both health problems in later life. And low birth weight has been shown to be not related to income. That is middle class and upper middle class black people have more low birth weight babies than middle class and upper middle class whites. So I can't take any comments and questions now, but if you want to put in some questions and comments, please go ahead. When I finish with this slide presentation, I'll come back on and go through your comments and questions and answer them. So there's some common explanations. And we talked about those early, the living conditions is a common explanation. The working circumstances is a common explanation. The presence of many COVID-19 co-morbidities is a common explanation. But the thing those common explanations fail is they fail to address the intergenerational impact of the stress of slavery, segregation, and historic racism. I'm with really stress. Congratulations. Now you're stressed too. Thanks, oh mama. Back in 1998, an ice storm hit North America. And if you live anywhere near the Canadian border, you probably remember it. I do. It was crazy. Everything was covered in ice from Michigan to Maine and Ontario to Nova Scotia. The weight of all that ice caused massive damage to infrastructure in both countries. And then power outages dragged on for weeks afterward, not to be caught out in the rain, so to speak, researchers at McGill in Canada found pregnant mothers who were without power and followed them and their offspring for 13 years to see how it affected them. Turns out, the North American Ice Storm in 1998 affected the kids' DNA. It used to be thought that if I was physically stressed in my body, it wouldn't affect my kids at all. If I was in a famine, then my kids wouldn't be affected by that. And then it turns out that's not true at all. In the 1990s, the field of epigenetics came onto the scene and we discovered what happens to our parents who affect us and what happens to us affects our kids and so on down the line forever. This study published in POS 1 found that the children of those mothers had, quote, a quote, distinctive patterns in their DNA methylation. DNA methylation is the on-off switch for how the DNA gives its instructions, whether to produce a bone or a red blood cell, for example, would have a different methylation. Alterations of that process change how the same DNA can be read by your body. In this case, a correlation appeared to exist between the length of time without power and subjective suffering of these mothers and the methylation of their children's DNA. 36 of the children tested showed the same pattern of methylation on their T cells. That was the most stressed mother. These cells are part of the immune system. So chances are the kids are going to have some kind of a different immune system response than their parents do. You're wondering what that will mean. You're right there with the other scientists. Nobody knows yet. It's not like they can compare kids pre and post DNA methylation. They were born that way. But this is the first time ever in humans that science has been able to show that a single maternal stressor was able to affect the DNA of the offspring. Now that we know this happens in humans, we can go back into history and see what we can learn from these epigenetic changes. Using the AVON longitudinal study of parents and children in England, a study of 14,000 pregnant women, their husbands, and their children who have been going since the 90s, they found that men who smoked during puberty, way before they sired a kid, were sons or fatter than average. Even fatter than those who started smoking later. Daughters were fine, by the way. But for some reason, the methylation affected the boys disproportionately. A different study found that a famine feast cycle in 19th century Sweden altered the DNA of kids born as late as 1905. So grandfathers who were over nourished just before puberty had grandchildren who were at risk of early death, which is freaky if you think about it. What about the Great Depression here in the States? How did my grandmother living through that affect me? What about the 9-11 attacks? That's a major stressor. What about going into space? How will that affect future humans and their epigenetics? So this little film laid out the whole theme of epigenetic inheritance. It has significant issues for us who are descendants of Africans enslaved in the United States. The health of the parents affects the health of the great grandchild, essentially, because the studies are showing that it can take up to two generations for a DNA switch to cut back on or off as it should be. That means that my grandchildren are affected by their great-grandfather, who was affected by his great-grandfather, who was in slavery. So when we say that slavery affects the health of the child now, this is solid science. This is not just we have worse health. This is telling us how and why we have worse health. And the science seems to say that it takes up to two generations to correct this issue. But then you think about the status of descendants of Africans enslaved in the United States, and you don't have a two-generation period in which we was not under chronic racial stress. My great-grandparents was under chronic racial stress from slavery and inherited the impact of chronic, the transatlantic slave trade began the process of impacting health. And over half of the people died in the millions were taken off the continent of Africa, and half of them died without reaching land. And I know that we like to joke that we have stronger genes. Well, we survive the trans... Our ancestors survived the transatlantic slave trade, but not without injury. In fact, one of the things that happened is they would take the enslaved people to the Caribbean for the purpose of getting them well and ready for auction. We don't know what impact that had, but we know that chronic stress impacts the health of the person and that they passed that down to their children. We know that enslaved people had worse health than poor whites because there are studies that show that. We know that my enslaved ancestors passed down the impact of that enslavement to their children who passed it down to their children. We know that people born during Jim Crow and having to undergo the impact of segregation, they never recovered from the impact of slavery and never had anything done to fix that problem. And then they went through the impact of segregation and passed that down. I am in the last generation of people born and raised in segregation. And so I carry in the body the impact of slavery, the impact of segregation and the impact of racism, de facto segregation, and neo-slavery. So there is not a black person living in the United States today who is not under chronic stress of racism and descendants of Africans enslaved in the United States have had that impact passed down to generations. And that impact has infected their immune system, which has made us have more illness, stress related illness. Go back and look at that list of diseases. We have a lot of those stress related illness and our children have those stress related illness. And slavery may have altered black people's genes and researchers have found that certain genetically are altered by traumatic change. It's called, I must stop playing this because I don't know. So write any comments or questions you have about that I'm going to move into the next section now. The question becomes, how, given COVID-19 and how do we eliminate the racial disparities in black community. I'm not going, I'm only going to talk about one specific suggestion with in terms of dealing with COVID-19 because I think that lots of people are going to have lots of suggestions that are related specifically to COVID-19. But my concern is that COVID-19 is just making visual the problem we have in every other health area and that without eliminating racial health disparities that we are going to continue to have this problem and continue to be more more accessible to infections and disease and death. Now, when I talk about health disparities, I'm not talking about making people healthier. And that's often what people, when they talk about, they, they will start talking about, well, they should eat, you should eat right, you should exercise. That's making people healthier. But that does not remove health disparities because health disparities have their roots in racism and racial stress. And so if you don't do anything about racism and racial stress, all the eating right exercising and, and, and doing those individual behavior things is going to be of no avail. So the first thing I think needs to be done is we need to recognize this and we, the United States needs to adopt a multi-generational plan to repair the harm that has been done to the descendants of Africans enslaved in the United States by slavery, segregation and racism. I say multi-generational because this is a multi-generational problem and it will take more than two or three years, five or 10 years, 30 years, even 60 years. It may take up to 100 years to really get rid of the health disparities and repair the harm that has been done to death. The only way to repair the harm is to adopt the social determinants of health model. This is a model that is well accepted in the health area. It is understood that while individual behavior and choices affect health, that individual behavior and choices are dictated by social determinants. So wealth and income, education, criminal justice, environment, healthcare, housing, targeting of tobacco guns, alcohol and drugs, employment, food and water and stress. A multi-generational plan would have to deal with removing disparities in all of those areas. We would have to remove wealth disparities, education disparities, criminal justice disparities, etc. So that the individual behavior and choices so that people can make the individual behavior and choices that will give them better health. We know that this happens because there's been other studies in other kinds of ways. For instance, one of the things they found in terms of improving the health of women is for them to have fewer children. And what are the things they found to help women have fewer children is not the availability of birth control, but increasing wealth and income and education. Once you increase income in wealth and education, people will do, people have a different perspective and different resources that allows them to be able to make the individual behavior and choices that we want to make. As difficult as it may be, we have to accept the fact that health, that the environment, the social determinants of health, affect not only physical health but mental health, not only biochemistry but genetics. And so this is why it's going to take multi generations to happen. Similarly, what we have already talked about the impact of slavery legal apartheid, which is known by some by Jim Crow racism and neo slavery, and I currently think that we are in a period of neo slavery, largely because a large portion of our population is enslaved, ie prisons and 13th amendment and disenfranchised laws, and a large portion, and we are undergoing significant violence by the state in order to contain control of the black population. So we have historical and current deprivation and oppression, which had led to embedded social racial inequalities in our communities. Equalities in wealth and income, education, criminal justice, environment, healthcare, housing, targeting, employment, food and water and stress. If we want better behavior and choices is not enough to just educate people. That is like putting a finger in a hole in a diet. It may help an individual and close up an individual hole. But if the diet is worn out and broken, it's not going to stop the leaks it's not going to stop the disparity. I do think that we, the COVID-19 data needs to be collecting socio economic data. We are reluctant in this country to recollect collect data based on class. And I'm not just saying whether someone is poor on Medicaid on our are getting welfare checks. I'm saying knowing what class people are in so that we can definitely see whether or not and know whether or not there's an different impact of COVID-19 based on race. We know that there's a different impact based on race. We need to know whether there's a different impact based on class. Because it really makes a difference in how you're going to go about it. If you make the assumption that there is no different income, no difference based on class, then you may ignore black, upper middle class people who are high risk for COVID-19 deaths. If racial stress. So, we've already talked about that in the long the long term approach to addressing racial health disparities is to take a social determinant health approach of eliminating the harm caused to our health. But we also have to reduce the current racial stress, because without reducing current racial stress, we are just re injuring people, even as we're trying to heal them. And to reduce current racial stress, we have to eliminate racial disparities in area area of every area of American life, and we have to eliminate discrimination. And that's a huge issue because we have a lot of legal discrimination in this country. We only outlaw intentional discrimination. Now, in criminal law and tort law, there is a continuum of culpability. You can be responsible if you intend something, you can be responsible if you're reckless. You didn't intend it, but you acted recklessly. You can be responsible if you're negligent. And we have some areas that we say we don't care what your state of mind was. We're going to hold you responsible just because you did it. If you run a red light, there's no state of mind. We don't care if it was tension, reckless, negligence. The fact that you did it is enough. Well, in this, in every area, there are three major areas where we have victim injuries, criminal, tort, and discrimination. In two of the areas, we have a person can be responsible, the whole continuum, the person can be responsible. Intentional discrimination, reckless, excuse me, intentional, reckless, towards negligence, towards strict liability, toward indicates of discrimination only intentional, which means that currently most discrimination in the United States is legal. Reckless discrimination is when you make a decision in your business or in your life or whatever to do something that you know is going to cause a racial disparity, a racial discrimination. And we come up with two names for the very, we call it disparities because we, we use discrimination only to mean intent. But in fact it is discrimination. You know that you're going to do what you're going to do is going to cause discrimination, cause a disparity. You do it anyway. That's recklessness. Negligent is when you should have known, you know, you, you didn't know this, you, you didn't know that the water had spilled by the door, but you should have known that the water had spilled by the door and you should have cleaned it up. And we don't care whether you were intentional or reckless, you that the high degree of knowledge is not necessary with negligence, because you should have known. And there's a lot of discrimination willful blindness, where people are willfully blind to the impact their decisions are going to have on different racial groups. Or they are negligently buying, they should have known and they didn't know and they went ahead. And because they can have 10 they can discriminate. It is legal to discriminate in this country, as long as you don't intend it. And that has to change because we cannot reduce racial stress until we eliminate racial discrimination. And until we eliminate racial discriminated are are as much as possible, we will continue to have a large number of people who are suffering under health disparities, large number of black people who are suffering under health disparities. We need to reduce racial stress by eliminating meal slavery. We need to get rid of the 13th amendment. Get rid of most get rid of mass incarceration. And we need to get rid of police brutality, misconduct and killings. We probably need to get rid of a police and think of something other way for communities, because there are alternative ways of communities making themselves safe without police as they are situated now. There is no way to reduce racial stress without eliminating meal slavery, because everyone is connected to someone who's incarcerated. And all of the mass incarceration, even if you're not even as a black person if you're not just the knowledge of all these people who 25, we are 4% of the world's population and 25% of the world's prison population. That's not about bad people needing to go to jail, unless you define black people bad by definition, which is what is happening. And so we need to get rid of the 13th amendment. We need to start an amendment, not get rid of the 13th amendment, excuse me, I misspoke. We need to get rid of the clause in the 13th amendment that makes that imprisonment as slaves. Okay, and we need to get rid of police police brutality. I recently saw an email by a white cop who went into this long and heartfelt discussion about how bad he felt that black people did couldn't walk down the streets and feel safe and that he was going to do something about it. What he was going to do is he was going to individually be a good cop. He didn't say it just like that. But that's the way I took it. But the good cop is not the problem. It's the bad institution. You keep good cops that work in bad institutions. Good people who work in bad institutions become one or two things. They quit early because they can't take it. We need to change their value system because we know that through psychology that the best way to get people to change their values is to get them to engage in behavior or to accommodate behavior that they previously had deemed unacceptable. They're saying, yeah, we got to do this because yeah, they do more crime. Yeah, they're more we've got to stop more black people because yeah, and they they justify it. So you so they so you change your value system, change quit. Are you just be you become numb and ineffective to what is going on. Are you a lot of it of course is people, they hire people to agree with it. They hire people who have not very high IQs. There's a Supreme Court case where a person did really, really well on the police exam, and he didn't get a job. And he was like, wait a minute, I scored really high. Why didn't I get a job and they said it was their practice not to hire people who score too high, because those people are became dissatisfied to dissatisfied with the job. They hire people who come from a military background. They promote a military culture. The United States is pronounced promoting a military culture. And they the police as an institution has evolved into one where they want obedience more than anything else. So even the slight challenge by a black person brings out their need to make obedience and to make the black person obey. Now, the other problem is they also hire and not a lot of racist white supremacist. So the institution is, you know, they like to use your one. They like to use the idea of when one cop does something bad, they, they say one bad apple. Well, if you want to use that analogy, say the rest of it spoils the whole barrel. One bad apple spoils the whole barrel and the barrel of police institution has been so spoiled that there's no recovering from it. If you, if we want to reduce racial stress and thereby reduce disparities and not have a reoccurrence of COVID-19 disparities, we have to eliminate meals.