 Hello everyone. I'd like to introduce you to the Codzo language, a little known minority language spoken in southwestern China. We'll just touch on a few of the topics today, the language in people, phonology, nouns, verbs, syntax, and then we'll wrap up with a humorous case study about language change. The language itself is called Codzo, and the people as well. In Mandarin, this is Codzo, and this is a little bit different than the term that was used prior to the 1970s. So the Codzo themselves have changed their autonym. Previously, it was something like Codzo, with the different Mandarin pronunciation and characters. The English spelling has also changed over time. I mentioned all of these things because in the literature you will find all of these terms depending on when the literature was published. Locally, by the way, no one knows any of these terms. They're just referred to as the local Mongolians or the Tonghai Mongolians or the Yunnan Mongolians. And we'll talk about that in a second. We live in Xinmeng, has a population of about 5600. Xinmeng in Mandarin translates to prosperous Mongol, and that is also a fairly new term that came about after the Chinese Revolution in the 40s. It's located in central Yunnan. It's about 15 minutes away from the county seat of Tonghai, and about four hours drive south of Kunming, the provincial capital. So again, right in the heart of central Yunnan. Codzo belongs to the very sprawling and large sign of Tibetan language family. This is a very simplified view of the family. Up at the top, it gets divided into two separate branches. The Sinitic branch from which all the Chinese languages descend. And then the Tibetan Burmen branch. So Codzo is just a relative of Mandarin and Cantonese in those languages. The Burmese branch, we've got the Burmese E group. This was formerly known as the Lolo Burmese group, but Lolo was considered pejorative, so not used anymore inside of China instead. Those people refer to themselves as E, why I scholars often now refer to it as we, which is a reconstructed form of the word E. This is a reference to this branch. Now there's lots of different languages and dialect chains in this branch. It's a little bit confusing not all of these languages have been well documented. But it's pretty clear the Codzo belongs to this group but its position within the group is not so clear. The history of the people in the language is pretty interesting. As I mentioned the Codzo consider themselves Mongolians that for a long time they have claimed that they descend from the troops that Kubla Khan brought to the region in the 1200s. The government recognized that nomenclature in the 1950s. Why are Mongolians in Yunnan you may ask well Kubla Khan was trying to conquer China in this time. He decided that he would conquer Yunnan first, so he could attack China from the south Yunnan at the time was a separate kingdom. Not part of China. And the Mongol policy was to, once they conquered an area to have their soldiers settle and marry locally and continue to live for generations and this is what they did throughout Yunnan. Kubla Khan eventually did conquer China as you know, the founding the Yuan dynasty in 1271. It didn't last long less than 100 years, although they, the Mongols held out a little bit longer in Yunnan but eventually they were also thrown out by the new Ming dynasty. The Mongols fled in all different directions, one particular group of Mongols fled down into Tonghai Valley, and basically hid out in the marshy swamp land. This is where Xingmeng is today and those people were the ancestors of the Khadzo now the link shrunk centuries ago, the marsh land was turned into farmland, a long time ago. But the Khadzo were still there in Xingmeng. So this was considered a very out of the way place for a long long time, and that allowed them to survive, but it also isolated them to certain degree. The language has evolved in its own way. Now, even though ethnically, they are Mongolian or part Mongolian. The language has nothing to do with the Mongolian language family at all. It's definitely 100% we as far as we can tell, no matter how you slice or dice the data that's what we come up with. But it's also not a, not mutually intelligible with any other Nui language, and there are a number of Nui villages all around them, and they do not understand each other at all and they do have a fair amount of contact. So clearly language shift happened somewhere down through these centuries. Presumably, the Khadzo descends from some Nui variety that was spoken by the local wives of the Mongol soldiers, although this is a little bit unclear, but this would make sense. So very interesting. Now there's a benefit to being isolated in your own little village. So that meant that the language basically was was untouched for a long time evolved in its own way. But today that makes it a prime target for language endangerment. So, Khadzo is still used every day in the village by most everyone, but everyone is also fluent in Mandarin, and you cannot get through a whole day without speaking Mandarin for one reason or another. Children now are basically taught Mandarin first before Khadzo, so that they know Mandarin well before they start school. This has been going on for decades. It's more in Khadzo because they hear it around them, but more and more they're learning it imperfectly. Their vocabulary is not as large, and their pronunciation is becoming a little bit more Mandarin, like Mandarin. And so we're seeing a slow erosion because the language is not recognized itself as one of the official minority languages in the nation. And it does not get any resources to help protect or preserve it. So there's no writing system still for the language. It's not used in school and also there are no educational materials, and there are no media in the language. And in fact, the village is in many cases very modern so everyone has a smartphone they text each other using Mandarin. The village is wired for the internet, more and more people have computers, you jump online, you play a video game using Mandarin, you turn on the TV, it's Mandarin. So the domains in which Khadzo is being used are shrinking more and more. UNESCO recognizes this, it classifies the language as definitely endangered. So the good news is children are still learning it, but we're seeing a slow erosion, certainly. The data that I'm presenting today come from my own fieldwork on the language. I've been working with the Khadzo for nearly 10 years now. I spent a year in the village of Xinmeng, and then two years of online fieldwork afterwards in order to write a comprehensive grammar, which was published in 2019. All told, I've worked with 70 plus speakers and have recorded more than 50 hours of audio and video. A lot of this focusing on natural discourse so conversation storytelling instructions, trying to understand how Khadzo is used among the Khadzo themselves capturing daily life as much as possible. So this work continues. Before I jump into the sound system here I just want to point out that because the village is rather small. And because there is no official version, there is no standard version of Khadzo. There's quite a bit of individual variation across the village. There's also one quarter of the village that has its own accent, which is rather interesting, mainly just some vowel alternations that you don't find elsewhere. There's quite a lot of, as I said, variation, what I'm presenting here as the phoneme imitaries for consonants and vowels is sort of a rounded up average across the various pronunciations that I've encountered. This is the consonant inventory. There is nothing very unusual about this. We only have stops and affricates. We only have voiceless versions differentiated by aspiration. We do find some voiced fricatives. The vowel inventory is maybe a little less usual. We have some asymmetry in the back vowels. So the mid back vowels we have both rounded and unrounded version, but for the high back vowels we only have the unrounded version. I believe seems to have migrated to this version sounds very much like a V. And so we find that as a as a syllable nucleus. Also, we do not find the tensor laryngealized vowels in Khadzo that we find in the other languages of the family. Those have been lost over time. The very notable and unusual thing about Khadzo phonology is it's very large phoneme inventory, eight phonemes in the land, sorry, phonemes in the language, lots of tones, three even tones 554433 two rising tones, two falling tones and one low falling rising tone. And here I have a minimal octuplet to show you what these town, what these tones sound like. Say, say, say, say, say, say, say, say. That was spoken by Quaylee my good friend and project assistant. Now with the toneme inventory this large you might expect quite a lot of tone sandy and those of you who are not familiar tone sandy is the process by which two tones. If they're the same tone and they come together one of them may be required to change. That's the kind of widespread tone sandy we see all through the Chinese languages. We don't find that in Khadzo. Instead, so sandy is rather conservative. They're about 10 different patterns but they are mainly only exist in very specific constructions where they seem to have some kind of a function they are part of the construction itself. None of them are obligatory so we can't say that we have grammatical tone in Khadzo and that would be very unusual for this language family. But that's something that's sort of partway there. Anyway, too many and too complex to go into here, but just note that large tone inventory and very unusual tone sandy in this language. In terms of nouns, I should first point out that morphologically Khadzo isn't isolating or analytic language meaning that there's very little morphology and words basically do not change shape for any purpose. So when we look at nouns we see that they lack number gender or case they do not inflect or change for any reason. There is a large classifier inventory that's used with them and I'll talk about that in a second. So the word order what we find is that all noun modifiers follow down. So here we have an example. So non ma those two black dogs. And so the state of verb be black as the first thing after dog, then we have the demonstrative, a numeral and a classifier. The one type of modifier that precedes the noun is the relative clause and that you see here, we've got a noun to be made, which means garment, a relativizer is a lot. And so you see that in English the phrase that you sowed is may get salad and it occurs before the noun. Noun classifiers there are a lot of them in Khadzo I've counted more than 110. I'm not sure actually have the whole list. So very rich system of noun classifiers. And if you're not familiar with down classifiers. They work similarly to the way that measure words work with mass nouns in English so for example if you want to talk about water or sugar mass nouns in English, you have to if you want to talk about quantity you have to add a measure work, a spoon, a bottle, a glass, whatever. In Khadzo, all nouns must have must be used with the noun classifier. And every noun has at least one assigned classifier to it. And the classifier is usually related semantically to something about the now, could be its humanness its shape size structure a function. Now, if you are using a numeral or demonstrative with a noun, then a classifier is obligatory so here we have two examples to them by two buckets. Is the classifier for things that are held in the hand, and they boo this field boo is the classifier that's used specifically for pieces or parcels of land. But these are not the only uses of classifiers. If nouns exist without a classifier and that is possible. Basically, that means that the noun is generic and without number. So we see that often, for example, in noun verb compounds. So we have two of them here. So, and so, so means to buy books but here, the number the type of books, really not important this is really about the action of buying books. So, the noun is generic and therefore no classifier. Zah, which literally means to eat rice is the basic way to see to say you're eating really anything. The has become so semantically bleached that you use it even if you're not even eating right so if you were to call me up and ask for what I'm doing, and I'm eating noodles, I would still say does it just means eat at this point. But if you want to talk about a specific noun in the world, then you're going to use a classifier with it. Now that if you use a numeral with it you're you're specifying specific numbers. But if it's just a single noun, then you use a classifier without a new one. So, that's what we have on the left hand side here so bait bait is the classifier for volumes of books. And if you want to talk about plural nouns but you don't have a specific number in mind. There's another classifier you can use originally a man group. Now it's used as a general pluralizer so so go means books. Right. But these are specific books in the world that you're talking about. There was one other rather unusual type of classifier, and that's the family group classifier. Other languages ending we family have them, not all of them do they've presumably disappeared in many of them. Cods still has them although they're not used so frequently anymore, but these classifiers in code family relationships. So, very different than than the other classifiers we were just looking at. So, here we have the complete list that are still exist today. So, by my path. Yeah, yeah. So, by, for example, the first one encodes father and another generation of relationship. So these get a little bit complicated in the way they're used and understood because you have to know a lot about the family of the person using them and use that context to understand what's met. So let me give you some examples. So you can understand what's happening here. Primarily these are used with pronouns. And so in our first example. Nong bah. Bah again, it refers to the father relationship and one other generation. For every speaker. Nong bah could be interpreted as my father and I. But if you are a male speaker. Nong bah could also mean my children and I because you're the father. Of course, if it's a 10 year old boy saying this, then obviously it's only going to mean my father and I, or if it's an older man who has no children, and you know that, then obviously, the phrase is also only going to mean my father and I so you can see these are rather complex and how they're interpreted you need to know a lot of information. It's more complicated when the numerals higher than two, and use maybe one of these other classifiers so not seeing me. Here may refers to siblings, either all female siblings or a mixed group of female and male siblings. The numeral three tells you that there are three people in total being discussed, but you got to figure out, basically from context, who was being discussed. If a man says not see me, then the interpretations are my two sisters and I, or my brother and sister and I. If a woman says not see me, then the interpretations are my two sisters and I, my two brothers and I, or my brother and sister and I. So again rather complex. Now these are have. You don't hear these often in normal conversation, even among older speakers you seem to have disappeared largely I think that's because Mandarin does not have these and so people are not used to using them. So, another sign of the erosion that we're finding. One other important thing to mention about nouns is that sometimes there is not there. So, Codzo has what we call zero and Afra, which is that once you introduce a noun in conversation or in a story. You don't need to keep mentioning the noun or even a pronoun it's just understood that it's in the mix. Now, English requires us to use a pronoun always for that kind of a situation, but in Codzo the pronoun can be used but it's also optional. So let me give you an example here. In this conversation, a younger woman is talking to and a much older woman about what life is like when the older woman was young and was asking about what she wore, when she was a girl and how she wore her hair, etc. She responds with this phrase, Jia, which literally just means cut with scissors. And then it's perfective aspect. Who's doing the cutting and what are you cutting. Well that's understood from the context that happened before. So she does not have to refer to it. Notice that in the English, I have to supply these pronouns or the English doesn't make sense. So this is a big difference and it's very, very common in Codzo to find phrases that just have now verbs by themselves with no nouns or Because again, Codzo is this morphologically isolating type of language, verbs do not change they do not agree with any of the arguments, they do not inflect for tense aspect of modality. In fact, the language does not mark tense at all. There are separate particles that mark aspect and auxiliary verbs will mark modality. And like the other languages like all the Chinese languages, there is not a separate category of adjectives in Codzo instead, state of verbs do that work of conveying attributes or descriptors. In terms of the word order of the arguments of a verb, we could call Codzo an SOV language although the order is a little bit flexible. So generally verb was always comes last so all the arguments occur before the verb. If the object comes first, then if there is an object, it will come between the subject and the verb and it will be the argument closest to the verb. If there's a third argument, what might be an indirect object for example, that will come between those two. So here's an example. In English, this is she taught me Codzo and literally in Codzo this is she me Codzo taught. So in terms of flexibility, first of all the indirect object and the object, they can swap places pretty freely. And it's really kind of up to the speaker and the general flow of information. Of course with zero and Afra, some or all of these arguments may be completely absent. Right. So we do see that kind of difference but generally this is the word order that you would expect to see. Very important as you can tell and of course important in every language but in Codzo, we see the verbs often are compounded in constructions that we call serial verb constructions, two or three verbs may be stacked up together to describe a single event, or maybe two closely related events and let me show you what I mean by this. So, the one event of construction this we have multiple verbs that are being used to describe a single event. Some of them are used to describe some sort of directional or dietic arc of movement. So in their top example here, Maldoly gush exit come. This is this translates to gush out in English but the come there tells us that the action the water is gushing towards the speaker towards the dietic center. If you were to use go as your final verb here, then it would be gushing out away from the speaker right so we've got directional uses of the serial verb construction. The last verb is a stadium verb so it's describing some state, then usually you're looking at some sort of result of their construction. So in this example, below we have be cool be cool. So, they means to put and cool means to be wet. So the idea is that you are putting something in water in order for it to become wet. That's a single event that's happening, the making wet of something. So a resultative function. Now, sometimes serial verb constructions are describing two separate events, but they're so closely linked that you could use a serial verb construction. So in the top example we're seeing this this phrase. Chots up chots up so chime means to grab and that means eat. So someone is talking about how they're eating food at a picnic it's all you're using your hands to do it, and the grabbing obviously happens to needs to happen right before you eat. So these are two verbs, two actions that are very closely linked, and the linkage is a temporal one one happens before the other. In some cases, a serial verb construction will describe the purpose or the reason for an action. So that's what we see in the second example here. It means a cell, good means to make in this case they're making a certain kind of white liquor, and they're making it in order to sell. So serial verb construction would be used in that case. As I mentioned before cause it does not mark tense at all it only marks aspect. That's pretty common for the for the family. And I'm not going to go through all of these and I won't show you examples because it's pretty straightforward. Once you understand what the different particles do much larger inventory here much more robust system than you would find in many of the Chinese languages. Notice that we've got both realis and irrealis we've got three different imperfectives, progressive continuous and iterative, they overlap but they do have separate uses. Some of them can be combined to create new meanings and that's how we get the two inceptive construction so aspectual system used quite a bit. It's not obligatory in every case in a verb clause, but we we find out these are used quite a bit. Then we come to syntax. So as we said morphology there's not much of that going on. So a lot all the action is happening in the syntax we could say the first thing to note is that we have a topic comment type of structure and this is very similar. All the Chinese languages and also for the new languages as well. What this means is that often a topic is mentioned up top, and then following you will have one or more phrases that refer back to the topic. Anything can be topicalized in Codzo it could be the subject the object, it could be a time frame. I'm structurally it could be a noun or a verb or an adverb. This is used quite broadly in the language. To give you a sense of what this how this actually functions, we can do this in English to although we do it much less often. It says if you kick off every, every statement you're going to make with something like as for X. And then you make a statement, or maybe a couple of observations about that. Right. The general topic marker in Codzo is neat. And so here we have an example. Now say me if I must see. Which translates as, as for my family, I know even less about that. Right, so now say my family is topicalized. And then we've got the, the main clause notice that there are no nouns in the name in the main clause because of zero and Afra, and also because the topicalized noun is one of those arguments and it's already been mentioned. Another phenomenon that should be noted in Codzo is what we call pragmatic agentivity. Some folks call this optional ergativity, but pragmatic agentivity better captures this notion, as Lapola has talked about. So Codzo has no case marking system, although other Tibetan languages do have them, especially ones you find in India and the Himalayas. The only thing that could look perhaps like a case marker is gay, and this is used to mark agents in a clause. Now it is not mandatory at all. It is only used to resolve ambiguity wherever a speaker thinks that there may be ambiguity. There are several situations where you might find this kind of ambiguity. First of all, if you have a verb where both the, the, well where, where more than one argument can be human. For example, where the subject the object or maybe the indirect object you're all human. Then it might be a little unclear as which human is doing what to which other human. So therefore you might want to mark the agent, the instigator of the action with gay. Or if you have an argument that's unexpected. So for example, if you want to say something like a rock broke my window. We don't expect rocks to get up and move around and do things on their own. So that would be a little bit unexpected. But of course it happens. If you would mark the rock gay has the instigator, because otherwise you would expect the rock to not be instigating anything. And then zero on Afra also creates situations where there may be some confusion. So, you may have a clause where one or more arguments is missing because of zero and Afra. And then that raises the question of what the remaining argument is actually doing. So here we have an example. The verb here is scold, and so typically of course people scold other people. But we only have one argument mentioned in this particular clause, the adults. So are the adults doing the scolding or they being scolded. What we know is to look to see if there is gay or not. In this instance there is gay. That tells us the adults are scolding someone and in this particular case they're they're scolding the narrator of this story. If gay were not in this clause, then we would understand it as somebody scolded the adults. Right so gay is useful, but not obligatory, only used when pragmatics requires it. One thing to note and very common throughout all the Chinese languages and the new languages as well is that you have a lot of phrase final particles and effect in general whenever you have tone languages in let's say at least East Asian tone languages. Tone is busy helping mark lexical meaning, and therefore intonation is not going to be used to convey speaker emotion like you do in English. So we have a bunch of phrase final particles that help express speaker opinion and emotion. So for example, there are 12 different particles used to ask questions in Codzo. And you choose a particle depending on the type of question you want to ask the aspect of the situation you're asking about. And then the speaker's ideas about the question itself is it a good question is it a bad question, and whether there's going to be an answer or a good answer. So particles combine these different types of meaning together to allow you to ask all kinds of questions and all kinds of situations. Similarly, we've got particles for emphasis. There are roughly nine of them. And also they combine different aspects of meaning one grammatical aspect of the situation, also the type and degree of emphasis, and the speaker's ideas about whether they think the listener is going to agree with their specific statement or not. So phrase final particles very very common. Not obligatory always but very common, and you'll see them in clause after clause. So now with that short introduction. You can take a look at the roadmap of what a clause looks like in Codzo and understand how these all work together. So we've coded the different types of slots here to help make this easier to read. So verb final language we expect a verb to be toward the end of the clause, and that's what we find it's toward the right there. The only things that occur after the verb are aspect markers and or phrase final particles, many phrase part of final particles as I just mentioned, incorporate aspect in them. So you may not have both. But it's not required that you have any of them. Before the verb one thing you already know about is that we have our verbal arguments and they're in blue here are subject and direct object and object. If there is a topic introduced up front that's always at the front. And so that's what you see here. And then we see that adverbs actually have a little bit of flexibility in their placement. This is partly because adverbs are just more flexible in general in the language, but also because there are different types of adverbs that do different things. So sentential adverbs are going to come towards the beginning of the phrase, and other adverbs that are more closely related to the verb let's say like also will occur closer to the verb. So this gives you a sense. Notice also that all these elements before the verb can be optional. So once again, very common in console to have clauses that consist of only a verb, or maybe a verb and one sort of aspect or phrase final marker. One last thing I want to say about syntax involves pragmatics. Now you may not think that pragmatics is related to syntax closely, but in console it really is. But it also has what the song is called hidden complexity. And this is something that we find in a number of East Asian languages. So think about languages and other parts of the world that have very elaborate and complex morphology and syntax. Think about well English fits that bill, although it's not so complex. So think about Latin or think about Turkish, where you have all of this morphology that's used that really scaffolds all of the words and all of the meaning and really makes it very clear what the relationship is between all these different elements. And from what we see in languages like Codzo, which has a very simple structure in fact a deceptively simple structure right no morphology. Lots of flexibility in word order etc makes it. In fact a little harder to always understand what's going on. So what's been pointed out in this kind of complexity this hidden complexity is that you have economic syntax you have little or no morphology and you have a small number of particles that are often multifunctional. Now I've not stressed that very much up till now, but I can tell you that most of the grammatical particles and console can occur in different constructions for different functions. Meaning that any given phrase might be able to be interpreted in more than one way. And therefore you need context to really help you nail down the specific meaning in the specific moment. You could think of it this way that the syntax and Codzo gets you part of the way there. It narrows down your options of interpretations to maybe two or three or four, but you need context to get you all the way there to define the right meaning that's meant in the moment. So I like to say that Codzo in Codzo pragmatics does more of the heavy lifting in conveying meaning than the morphos syntax. Right. So something very important to understand about this language, the way it works and to understand the different structures that we see in the language, because there's a lot of flexibility in what's going on you really need context to understand. Thank you for bearing with me all this time. We're now ready for the case study, which I think is humorous. And, but it is does illustrate a very interesting way that language contact can create lexical change. It's interesting that the village of Xingmeng is in a fairly isolated part of the villa of the valley, where it sits and that's been true for hundreds of years, but a couple of decades ago, the government built a new highway through the valley, and the new highway goes right by the village of Xingmeng. And, in fact, this has created a whole new part of the village which has popped up on the opposite side of the highway, you've got a lot of new businesses there you've got an open air market you've got restaurants karaoke bars. There's one very large restaurant that's built right on the highway and it caters to tourists. So it has a lot of different banquet rooms and so bus loads of tourists can pull up, they can have lunch. They wander around the open marketplace, buy some stuff take photos and then they move on. Most of the time the tourists are Chinese. But there are foreign tourists who come through as well. In my experience with the year I was there they were mostly German but occasionally French. And they would come through in the same deal they would have lunch they would wander on the market. Now of course they don't speak Mandarin typically, and no one will speak kazo outside of them. They would go to college, but they wanted to be polite and say they would walk around and they would buy things and they would take photos and they would say hello, hello, hello. In this very specific type of prosody that we use for people that we don't expect to understand right. Well it so happens that that particular prosody in English. And these two syllables sound like a kazo phrase a kazo phrase that has meaning. And kazo, this, this sounds like the kazo phrase, hello, hello. Now let me remind you that kazo is an SOV language so the final syllable, we expect to be a verb, and that the element before it, we expect to be the object if it's a noun. And that because of zero and Afra the subject may be missing, especially if it is first or second person. And so this phrase hollow is interpreted as a noun and a verb, and the noun being an object of the verb. Now the verb it so happens low means to herd to herd animals around. So herding goats up to the mark up to the mountains or herding ducks to the market. This is low. And the hot not only is hot a noun, but it's actually an animal. It means rat. So while the tourists were wandering around saying hello, hello, as a greeting, the little old ladies who work in the market are hearing this bizarre accusation, you heard rats, you heard rats. And it didn't just happen once right busload and busload after busload of European showed up and kept accusing them of hurting rats around, and they were really come perplexed by this they did not understand what what was going on why this was happening. And so this started to become a topic of conversation. And this situation started to spread throughout the village until finally someone's grandson heard this and said no no no. You know, at that the grandson being of the age to have learned some English said no no no they're being polite this is this is hello this is how are you this has nothing to do with the rats this is not Codzo. And so everyone thought this was hysterically funny. I got to say the Codzo have a very good sense of humor overall. They thought this is really funny this misunderstanding that come about. And so that new story went around the village. As a result, this phrase hollow has developed a couple of new meanings. It still means to hurt rats, but now it also can be used to refer to a foreigner, or refer to the act of hosting a foreigner around. Now I learned this phrase because I was in the village for a year and my assistant, it was local to the village, and I would walk around the village quite frequently to talk to people. It took me a while to understand that people were asking her. Oh, you're hurting rats today, meaning she's showing me around the village. So, the once I learned this phrase I also thought it was very funny and it's become a running joke between me and all of the Codzo. And so I'll give you an example also very humorous. But interesting how does the sheer randomness of the similarity between the prosody and the tone created this new, this new meaning to this phrase. I think it's very interesting. And just a warning if you go to shing mung someday, you will undoubtedly hear this phrase being said about you. That wraps up my presentation here. I do have my abbreviations that I used on this slide. I have three pages of references that you can pause and look at if you need to find a specific entry. And then I would say if you want to know more about Codzo if you want to see more photos of the village if you want to hear more recordings of the language you can go to my website Codzo.net. I want to thank also all of the Codzo for being such great friends and such generous research partners over the years. And then finally I want to thank Nathan Hill and the Trinity Center for Asian Studies for inviting me to provide this presentation. Thank you everyone.