 Thank you. Thank you. Hello there. Daniel T. from Buffalo, New York. Jack Jensen, constituent. Good to see you, man. Good to be here. We're all going to go to Chicago next year, I think. Well, we'll be back in Chicago. We won't take this opportunity. Thank Frank Meehan, who's done a great job as our ambassador to Poland. And also Jack Scanlon, who's going to succeed him. His experience in Eastern European affairs in the State Department. The Knowledge of Poland will serve us well. Last week, I nominated Ed Derwinsky here to be the consular to the State Department. And I hope that the people of the Polish-American community, as proud of them as I am, do it, gentlemen, as the qualifications connect to the Polish. Your mailgram is being studied. Realize that Poland remains a top priority of all administration. Beyond that, I will say hi to you. I'm deeply grateful for the support that I continue to have from the Polish-American community. And I know that the time is very limited here. But in a few minutes, I'll stop talking and say maybe somebody has a question I'd like to ask. I just, I may do so. On behalf of the Polish-American community, Polish-American Congress, I want to express our appreciation for the appointment that there was. I think you made a great choice, because that's been in my community for a great, great many years. And he does have the knowledge that's necessary to really work for all Americans. And particularly, Mr. Wien, how has he done a great job? I'm so grateful for him, but you have a good replacement also on a Jack Scanlon. And we feel highly, highly elated that the amount of that caliber will take a little bit of Poland to represent the interest in the United States. And lastly, we certainly are grateful to you for your compassion and your great interest that you have shown to the cause of the people of Poland and your strong position against the Soviet, because as we all understand, the real culprit is the Soviet Union. But then the Poles are recipients of all that's bad that's coming out at the present time. So our melee plan, as well as the memorandum we have submitted, more or less summarizes our interests, our concern and support of the work that the Jewelman done and you can always count on our support. Right. If you had seen the editorial in Chicago Sun-Times over this weekend, praising you for your appointment with Dr. Winsky, you'd think if you wrote it himself. We're going to have a trial praising him very highly because of his background, his experience. And editorial, I said editorial has a great, great appointment that it was. We'll set your topic. Well, now I've got to be grateful to you for that, because sometimes it's just not normally fine when you're doing that. That's what I'd like to know about it. The other thing I want to congratulate you on, the statement you made the other day about the meaning of the pipeline in terms of essentially giving the Soviet Union a whole new access of billions of dollars to build up their defenses, I think that statement would be articulated more often. I don't think the world really realizes what you're trying to do there. I want you all to understand, we have continued to negotiate and we're trying to, with our European allies, before we impose those. What we're trying to negotiate is something that we think would be even more effective. So far, we've got one major holdout against it. And what we would be willing to do is lift those sanctions for the existing contracts if we could be successful in getting what we think would be much more stringent in the program involving all of us against Soviet Union. Finally, I want to invite you to Chicago on the 13th of December. I had one of you express the anniversary of our tragic info in Marshall Law. So I'd like to have you in Chicago, but I will put on a real round for it. I don't know what the day did is there is a fair of different kind of personal financing myself for a memorial service for her father there. But I don't know exactly the exact date for that. And the reason that I can't answer you right now is, you know, I keep reading that how powerful this position is supposed to be except that somebody still tells me every day what I'm going to do every 15 minutes of that day. I don't dare say what I'm going to do until I find out what they plan for me. I'm going to be leaning on Jack Berger to go over there. I'm going to give you the Chicago example. Alderman Pujinski has been unusually modest. He's been unusually forceful and supportive. Not just the policies applied to Poland, but more specifically the pipeline sanctions. I would say by and large the Polish-American community is just 1,000% supported. The sanctions recognizing the bigger picture, which is that the Soviet Union is the real culprit, and that's a point which European allies have been able to appreciate as much as but it seems to be appreciated in the Polish-American community very well. I'd just like to consensus on your default. We wholeheartedly support your position of no default. We don't agree with Lane Kirtland that should be defaulted really. I think that every one of us has that understanding and you have really strong support on the part of the Polish-American community. I don't understand their failing to recognize that that ever happens. You've let them off free and all you've done is very seriously hurt the financial structure of our own country. It's like someone's going bankrupt and they don't have any assets that you can claim to at least get back part of your money. So I think we'll be shortly in the cabinet meeting with a discussion of that particular problem. If I could say just overall here, the thing about the Soviet Union also is that we recognize, and this is one of the reasons why so many people see a dichotomy in a grand deal, we recognize that the Soviet Union, economically, is in a very desperate situation. And the grain, this is for cash. And this is a hardship to them to have to come up with this, besides which there's no way that we could keep them from getting what they want as we found out, but there's no one else that will join us in that particular type of embargo. But what we're also doing quite quietly is I've never favored the kind of diplomacy or attempting to get something where you go out and on the front page of the newspaper put the other fellow in a corner in which then politically it's impossible for him to get out of that corner without losing face and prestige in his own constituency. So we have been quietly, what we're trying to do is indicate to the Soviet Union, particularly knowing their economic situation, that actions speak louder than words, that all we're waiting for is to see some actions that indicate that they would really like to join the family of nations and get along, and then be able to do something that reveals to them that there are rewards for that. But all we've heard all these years of dichotomy is words while they go ahead with the great military build up and what they're doing with regard to Poland and all. So I've been trying to get quiet word to them, various sources that do something, do something that would then allow us, without putting in the paper or anything that we're doing, that we could show them what can happen in return for that. I always felt that the Senators were at Senator Jackson back several years ago with regard to Jewish immigration, when he made that a matter of an amendment. In fact, there was no way that they could back down in the eyes of their people, seemingly be dictated to by the Congress of the United States. Now, I happen to know of one president that we had who, any of you remember back in 72 in the Brezhnev visit and the great meetings that all held out so much hope for peace for all of us. But I know at that time, our president took Mr. Brzezinski aside and said, I have a political problem in my country. And all of these things that we're talking about that you would like to see happen, it will be much easier for me if Jewish, the right of Jewish immigration were evident in the Soviet Union. Now, there was nothing in the paper, there was never anything of quid pro quo or anything out there. At the end of the year, 35,000 Jews have been allowed to emigrate. Well, this isn't, I believe in that kind of diplomacy and so I believe that if we continue to pursue that, so far I have to confess, we haven't seen any actions. We haven't been in a response, but we keep on trying to give those legs the opportunity. Mr. President, amongst some emigrant exile leaders in our area, they think that that was a masterful of microphone counting that you made, as it said, those lousy bums. That's really quite nice of you. I really brought up some strange comments. I love to know how you reported that. Well, I had trouble translating the poem. I was wondering about that, but I was going to say, I really didn't have any embarrassment about that. I don't know how you know how it happened. I was doing my radio, my five minute Saturday radio broadcast and I was not aware that I know that the press room, the channel was open to them, so in the press room at the same time I'm doing the broadcast, they can hear it, they're in the press room. I didn't know that they turned the microphone early and that when they asked me to do a voice check, I usually just read a few lines of the script for them to get the voice check, sound check, and so I, the first lines, as you would call, having to do with the Polish leadership was done such and such and so on and so on. I just continued and said, there are a bunch of no good lousy bums. And the whole press room heard it and that's the only thing that was broadcast about them. They might have disturbed the leadership, but the people loved it. The words accepted. I think that that can happen. The Polish people would agree with me. I don't know how to find a way to translate them. It was beautifully translated. I'm very pleased that you are pursuing well. I said in his memo that the character approach also, and I'm pleased that you were saying it quietly. You have to maintain or at least search for some dialogue with all parties involved. I mean, we can do our public pronouncements and we can take our public positions, but the fact of the matter is, as you say, the final answer is going to be found in that five bones. And I think Jack's the answer. The alternative, in my mind, has always been and we mustn't forget this trap. The alternative can get to be the mental feeling that war is inevitable. And I don't think any of us want to see in this day and age that kind of a war. And so I just believe that, and I believe that we've got a better chance while they themselves are as strapped as they are. I'm glad you can grade. It's not for show on TV. You're great. I say, listen, I'm glad I took that. I have to argue that I died. I know that. They're not the most grateful for it. I appreciate it very much. Thank you, sir. All right, thank you. Thank you very much. I don't know if you know that. Can I take a second for a joke? I have become a collector of Russian jokes, of the jokes that the Russian people are telling me, showing their cynicism about their own government, which must be of concern to their government. And this one was Brezhnev, bringing his old mother to see his offices and so forth, and not a comment. And he put her in his limousine and took her to see his apartment in Moscow. There's still no comment. Then he put her in his helicopter and out to his dodger there in the woods outside Moscow, his country home. Finally, in his private jet and down to the Black Sea to that marble palace, he calls his beach cottage. And finally she spoke. And I was playing it. Do the communists know? Thank you very much. I hate to be the timekeeper, but...