 I strongly believe that these engagements are important, especially because not only do they help us to better understand our environment and that's for us in the public sector, but also I think it also helps the private sector and policy makers and thinkers to understand the government's own as it were, side of the argument, especially because the whole aim is to achieve some positive impact in the economy. I don't intend to burden you with information which you must already be quite familiar, especially the countries, macro statistics, face calls, the main features of the 2019 budget. These are issues I'm sure that will be in some material that we have come across. We've also heard, of course, from Dony's prognosis on the economy this year and beyond, which contains, I must say, a little more bad news than it's polite to be fed with at breakfast, but thankfully economists are usually wrong. I'm quoting the economist and several other very good authorities on this matter. But frankly, I must say that I do agree with Dony on many of the very important points that he made, in particular about incentivizing private capital through the development of markets, looking at our economy, especially from the regulatory point of view, from the point of view of markets as opposed to sectors. And this is a problem, and I think he put his finger very rightly on it, is a problem that we have with regulators because regulators, of course, are almost trained in their minds to look at IGR, how do we develop IGR, such that the reports you get from customs is the IGR that customs is making, as opposed to how customs has facilitated exports or improved the ease of imports and all of that. So I think that that's something that we said we need to do, and we started doing a lot of that, especially with the MSME clinics that we're doing, where we take the regulators around to meet with the actual players on the ground, and what we've been saying to the regulators and what we hope we'll get across is that the regulator is a facilitator. It shouldn't become an obstacle, it must be a facilitator of business. And I think that in some senses, Dony puts it much better, where he says that we should be talking about developing markets as opposed to merely sectors. Then, of course, the other point which he makes, I think, is also important, is about deepening broadband connectivity, and I might talk about that briefly also. It's no question at all, and this is a very fundamental part of our next level agenda, a very fundamental part of the sorts of things that we intend to do. And as I said, I might mention that. But the last point which he makes is simply what we need to do to develop the size of our economy if we're in the next 10 years. I think it's very important to emphasize that practically everything we do must be done on scale, and really we must really talk more about scale than anything else. And I think that that's one of the principal concerns that we have, one of the principal issues that we have, thinking through economic policy, how to deal with issues on scale, because practically everything really has to do with scale. But I'll just focus, and I hope that I'll be able to go through this quite quickly, because I'm sure that people may have a few questions to ask. Some of the big economic issues, human capital development and jobs going forward, creating wealth, rolling back poverty, how to earn more domestic resource mobilization, how to attract more local and foreign investments, and then containing the older new security threats, et cetera, et cetera. But as I said, I'll just try and focus on a few of these, and hopefully when we do take the questions, I might be able to elaborate a bit more. Our greatest challenge today, of course, is how to take the very many millions of Nigerians out of extreme poverty. And I know that we all appreciate that this will take a multi-pronged approach. Every activity that conduces to creating jobs and opportunities will also invariably touch the poverty problem. There are some things that are clear to us. First is that all price-driven GDP growth may have very little impact on poverty, and I think this has been demonstrated time and time again. So sometimes when we look at our GDP and looking at all the figures that are doing hard in 1990, et cetera, et cetera, compared to China, for example, it's clear the reason why we saw a decline is because as from 1990, there really wasn't any development in any other sector. We relied fully on oil prices. So once oil prices increased, GDP increased. I mean, there wasn't really very much else going on. And I think that that's one of the problems that we've had going forward. And we need to ensure that growth makes sense on the point of view of job creation, on the point of view of actually creating opportunities. So when we look at the growth figure, sometimes we say, okay, 6%, 7% is where we ought to be, but we did achieve 7% at some point, consistently at least over 6%. And yet poverty increased, debt increased, which of course shows that there was something wrong with that kind of growth. And that's why, for me, focusing on certain key issues that we need to develop the opportunity, to develop the markets, to develop the economy is perhaps the way we should go and we should just keep our eyes on the ball in respect of those particular things. So you're just taking a number of very sensible steps in key sectors of the socioeconomic environment. I think this will better position us to some amount of the major challenges. I also believe that Nigeria is at a very auspicious time in her history. I strongly believe that the fresh opportunity that we've been given, and when I say we are referred to, the government President Mohamed Buhay, will enable us to consolidate on some of the critical reform efforts that we've embarked upon and to make a real difference going forward. I'm going to skip a bit of what I had wanted to say about the economy. As I said, we moved on from the recession. It's now good to see that we're at least at 2.1% of GDP. And it wasn't doing that predicted that we would never get to 2% in 10 years. It was one of the economists who said that. But I think it was even a bit more optimistic in the dark days of the recession. But we are on an upward trajectory. The 2019 budget projects our intention to accelerate in particular transportation, infrastructure, and cutting down, especially on recurrent spending through potential measures, including the full implementation of IPIS and the deployment of a national trade platform, otherwise known as a single window. That's a very important thing for us, especially when it comes to ease of doing business and when it comes to our imports and export procedures, trade facilitation generally. The single window is very important for us. It's been slow in coming on stream. But we think that this is something that we now have an opportunity was approved at the very last effect. So we now have a real opportunity to implement that. Out of our budget, total budget of 8.9 trillion or so, 2.9 of it is devoted to capital expenditure. This amounts to 31% of total FGN expenditure. Overall budget deficit is about 1.9 trillion, and this represents about 1.37% of GDP. But the problem, of course, is not as the economists will tell us. I mean, we have, when we look at our debt service to GDP, it's still okay. But it really is a revenue issue. I mean, it's revenue that we're lacking. So when we look at our revenue to debt service, that is a major problem. So one of the key issues for us is definitely how to raise revenues, because we need to improve revenues and lower our debt service obligations, which currently amounts to about, I believe, almost 37% or so of revenue. I think 27% I think it is of revenue. I'm not entirely certain of that figure. Now, how do we want to raise revenue? In the immediate some of what we're looking at is restructuring our joint venture oil assets and the reduction, generally, of government equity in petroleum joint ventures to about, so we're looking at reducing to about 40%. At the same time, all unencumbered oil assets are being recovered, and we're doing that progressively now. We're also looking at how to increase our, and I'm sure that when we do engage with the GMDN and PCO, we'll be able to tell us more about how we're trying to increase oil production from an all-time low, as you know, of about 1.4 million barrels per day in 2016. In fact, sometimes falling below 1 million, we've reached about 1.96 million barrels per day, especially in the first quarter of 2019. Our aspiration, of course, is to reach the 22.3 million barrels per day that's contained in our budget. We're well aware that our greatest challenge today, as I've said repeatedly, is how do we take, as the President has said, 100 million people out of poverty in the next 10 years, which means an average of about 10 million yearly. So the overriding theme of our priorities, especially in this second term, is to really build an economy that generates opportunities for businesses, create jobs for people. And beginning, for instance, with our focus on agriculture, and I think agriculture is one key area where we, just as doing has said, where we intend to do a lot more. Now, if you look at what we've done in agriculture so far, I think it's very clear that, first, just as has been pointed out, we have more people in agriculture than ever before. And we are self-sufficient to a large extent, at least in production of several of the grains that we set out to be self-sufficient in, rice, sorghum, millet, et cetera. Now, milling has been a problem. That's why the fact that we have more party than we really need for our current needs. But getting more people into milling, getting more investment in rice milling has proved to be slower than we thought, although we now see, of course, increased activity in milling. But we need to upgrade that. But aside from that, I mean, what we've done in order to encourage people to come into farming, especially small holder farms. And by the way, I very strongly believe that if we get more people engaged in, especially in many of the rural areas, more people engaged in small holder farms, small holder farming, and at an outgrower type, an outgrower type setting, which is what we have at the moment with the Angkor Boroughs program, we really can do a lot more. We really can do a lot more. And this has proved to be quite successful in several of the states where we introduced the Angkor Boroughs program. And we intend to expand the Angkor Boroughs program to covering a much larger number. For instance, we're looking at doing about between 1 million and 1.5 million new small holder farms, which using again the Angkor Boroughs method, and then expanding the opportunities for bigger players in the agricultural market. But I think one of the most important things that we're doing is our collaboration with the Brazilian government on mechanizing agriculture. And I may not have enough time to look at that in detail, but that's a very important plank in agricultural policy. It's called the Green Imperative. The whole idea is that we're mechanizing we're mechanizing agriculture, and especially also the entire Agroalite value chain. And what we're doing is that in almost all of the local governments, we intend to set up service centers. There'll be assembly plans for small mechanized, for small machines, agricultural machines, and equipment, which is part of a package that the Brazilian government has offered us on which we are taking. They are providing most of the equipment worth about a billion dollars. And they're working with the private sector. And for instance, the assembly of tractors, the assembly of milling plants, and all of those kinds of things. And all of these centers are meant to be largely private sector driven and focused on farm settlements or farms in the different local governments. And we think that if we develop these service centers well, it will be an important way of improving productivity on the farms and also of encouraging the entire value chain and making the entire value chain much more productive. We're looking at 109 of these service centers located in most of the local government, at least in the senatorial zones. And we also hope that we'll be able to cover practically every one of the value chains in grains, livestock, poultry, fruits, foods, etc. everywhere, every one of the different sectors of the economy. So aside from agriculture, industrialization is also, of course, a key issue for us. Now, doing has pointed out that we need to spend, you know, that we need to do a lot more in terms of industrialization. I think that that is entirely correct. Now, I believe that for industrialization, you know, where we start, where we intend, what is the major plank of our planning, is the special economic zones. We think that if we're able to develop the special economic zones along the lines that we have that we've planned, and of course, right now, we've started on that very, very actively. Across the country, we have about six different special economic zones that we're developing. The whole idea, of course, is to have these places where we can focus our attention on creating a conducive atmosphere for processing, for manufacturing, and industrialization. The project that I referred to, the special economic zones, it's called Project Mine, made in Nigeria for export. And this, as I said, is a major plank of our industrial policy. And what we've done so far is that we have started, there are about two that have started already, of course, we are all familiar with the Lagos special economic zone, the Lakey special economic zone. Then there's the Eimbus city, which has also gone very far. The whole idea in these areas is that here is what we hope will be a public-private partnership. But we're spending, government is spending most of its own resources on actually building the infrastructure in many of these areas. So for example, in Eimbus city, a lot of the infrastructure has already been, is already going in there, including power plants, et cetera. They were also doing something in Katzena, the Funtua cotton aggregation in Katzena. That's also another of the economic zones that we're planning to develop. With this, we hope to improve the utilization of resources and all of that. And we also hope that we can enhance infrastructure in very significant ways to ensure that those who are engaged in industrial development in our special economic zones have enough, you know, have an environment that enables them to produce at maximum capacity. We also intend to enhance infrastructure in other small and medium and in some cases, large economic clusters that are already in existence across the country. And just to take a few examples, we are going, we're looking at the leather hubs in Abba, in Abba state, or Gidi in Alambra state, and Kano, and then Ironworks and Fabrication clusters in Newey, in Bouchie also. And already, you know, we provided some infrastructure in shared facilities in some of the states. But the whole point is that we want to make sure that where we have existing economic clusters, we're going there to assist with power, with other, you know, infrastructural needs that they may have there, so that we're not necessarily creating new zones or new clusters, but enhancing those that we have so that there can be much more, so that they can be much more productive. And, you know, they can do a lot more in their, they can do a lot more right where they are. Another issue, of course, is power. And of course, there's a lot of talk about power. There's no question at all that we need a radical solution in our power sector, very, very radical solution. And we're looking at several ways out. The most important issue, and I think Dhoni has already alluded to it, is that the market must attract more money. Many of us, of course, know that the discourse, you know, simply do not have the resources to do what is required, especially to ensure that power gets to the last, the last mile, gets to the consumer. I mean, while we are generating as much as 8,000 megawatts of power, of course, what actually gets to the consumer is still under 4,000 megawatts of power, you know, averagely. Of course, there are times when it's even lower than that. And the simple reason, of course, is that, of course, the distribution companies have their own complaints. They have all sorts of complaints. But bottom line is that we must improve distribution assets. There must be more investment in distribution assets in particular, and that cannot come unless there's fresh money coming into the market. I think that the hint as to where we are going is really the improvement in what we call the eligible customer type situations as the willing buyer, willing seller. That really is where this is headed. There is no question at all that we cannot continue in the same old ways where discourse controls territory that they cannot service. There's just no way that's going to continue. Where there are those who can produce and distribute power, you know, and I think that what the discourse will argue and what we also will have to accept is that we really have to have cost-reflective tariffs one way or the other. Well, the way that is worked, I mean, in the experiments we have seen, what we have seen and what we've done, is that, for example, in what we call the energizing economies, the energizing economies projects that we've done, where we've actually provided private power, we've enabled private power in markets. For example, we've enabled private power in the Sabungari market, which is a massive market in Kano. Now, the private power supplier agrees with the store owners and shop owners, agrees the price of power, and they provide the power. And everybody's happy. Nobody's complaining about those arrangements, same as in our area market in Aba. In fact, in our area market in Aba, we have both a solar solution and a fuel-based solution as well. Both are privately, they're both a private power arrangement with the store owners and shop owners in the area market. Everybody is very happy with it. Of course, the tariff is cost-reflective. We also have the same arrangement in Surah market in Lagos, in Sikon, in Undum, and we think that this model works. But this model doesn't necessarily agree with our current regulatory structure. And I think that the current regulatory structure just has to accommodate the realities, and we've got to make sure that we're able to move ahead. Otherwise, we're going to find ourselves, as we are at the moment, regulating 4,000 megawatts of power for the next four years, which obviously is a disaster. So I think that our regulators that I'm looking at are regulators. I'm looking at Neck, Chairman here, and our regulators just have to see that we can't sit here complaining about some people who are providing power and saying cancel the license of people who are providing power. So they don't know what. So this, as I said, we're in full discussions at the moment on how to really restructure the sector so as to achieve more investment in the sector and definitely to improve power supply reaching the consumer. Aside from power, there's also, of course, gas development. I'm not going to talk very much about it so I can give enough time to for questions, but gas obviously is an area where we intend to do a lot more, where we intend to attract a lot more investment. And maybe I might have a bit of time with questions asked about how we intend to go about that. Our social investment program is also one that we intend to do a lot more in. We intend to expand that because we believe that in order to take the numbers of people that we have to take out of poverty, not only do we have to create jobs, we also have to ensure that those who are at the bottom of the ladder who do not generally have access to credit, given credit or those who cannot work are given some formal support. And I think that's the whole point of the social investment policy. Aside from that, even creating the opportunities and creating jobs, if we rely solely on industry picking up quickly enough to be able to create the opportunities, obviously that will give rise to a situation such as we've had in the past years where more and more people are coming out of school and are not engaged in anywhere at all. And that's why we started the Empire program where we've engaged 500,000 young people at the moment. And we provide them with the opportunity to work and to learn at the same time because we provide a lot of learning materials on the devices which we give them so that they're able to learn, you know, some are in agriculture, learn what we call the n-agro, some are in n-teach teachers and all of that. And what that does is that because we know that we have about 1.7 million young people coming out of school, both tertiary and non-tertiary, and coming out into the job market practically every year. If we're able to take some of that, you know, at least for a period as we watch and as we, you know, work on other aspects of the economy, that at least takes some of the biting away from the problems that we have with unemployment. And we intend to expand that. We intend to do more in terms of engaging more young people for the two-year period of the Empire program. There's of course also school feeding, which has its own multiply impacts and different aspects of the economy. At the moment, we're feeding about 9.5 million children in about 30 states. You see, we have six states that we haven't been to. And this is a daily, you know, we're feeding this number daily. We intend to do 36 states, all the states of the Federation, including Abuja. What that has meant, of course, is not just, you know, improved nutritional outcomes for the children, but also it's also increased school enrollment in some places by as much as 40%. And that ties to some of the other issues that we're trying to deal with in human capital development, education and health care and all of that. I'm not going to again, I won't elaborate too much on educational health care, only to say that we recognize that unless we do something really big on education, you know, in particular, we really may have a problem on our hands. Now, what we've been doing with the states, we've had a number of meetings with the states that we're having another set of meetings on Thursday, is to look at how to enforce the nine-year free and compulsory primary, free and compulsory education, the first nine years of the life of a child, free and compulsory education and to enforce that. This is the policy of the federal government and we believe that that must be enforced, especially because, you know, I mean, we know that these are the critical years of a child's life. But more importantly, you know, what we've seen in several states is just a high number of children that are out of school. And there's just absolutely no attempt to enforce this policy of ensuring that children are in school compulsory for the first nine years of their lives. But we're looking at how to, we're looking at how to ensure that that is done, especially with incentives from the federal government for those that are able to, for those states that are able to comply. And again, aside from that, we also have all of the programs on STEM. We call it STEAM rather than STEM education because we include arts, science, technology, engineering and maths. Again, I don't want to spend too much time on that because it's a whole, it's a big, it's a whole big subject. But just to emphasize that the way that we, the way that every child counts policy would work is that there must be what we've described as STEM education and how this would work. Teacher skills have to be improved. We have to teach teachers how to deal with the whole question of an integrated way of teaching, especially in the critical areas that we think must work for a whole approach to digital literacy. We expect that in this area of, in the digital space, that's where the most opportunities are going to come from and where we think we can leapfrog. So we really must emphasize digital literacy skills. And that's why STEAM education is important for us. And why we're emphasizing the whole area of STEM education. What we call the government's roadmap for digital literacy involves not just teaching of those skills, but also teacher education. Teacher education is extremely critical. And of course, in the different states of the Federation, the different zones, the requirements are different. And so it's not a one size fits all in terms of their approach. And we're looking at how to ensure that we're able to address all of the concerns in the different zones of the country. Some are far behind in some areas and some maybe a little further ahead. So we're trying to ensure that we take into account all of the different nuances so that we're not just, we're not just applying a one size fits all. We have a country wide curriculum anyway. This has been developed where we're looking at how to include coding, digital arts, design thinking, robotics, critical thinking and other skills which we think need to be taken into account in going forward in our educational system. There's a lot of work that's going into that. And in the past few months in particular, we've been holding several meetings with educators, especially in the public sector, looking at how to ensure that we're able to deliver on this STEM educational system that we've described. And how to ensure that that works, especially at all of the different levels and the different zones of the country. Aside from that healthcare, for us the most important feature is how to enhance healthcare financing. And we think that the national health insurance and its various iterations is what needs to be done. The most important thing, of course, is compulsory health insurance which, as you know, has now been passed into law. And we are not implementing that, we think is important for being able to pull in the resources required for improving healthcare generally, especially hospitals and other healthcare infrastructure. But also how to ensure that most Nigerians do not have to spend money, but do not have to just, you know, as you know today, most people who have to spend on healthcare is out of pocket. And that, of course, creates very, very many problems, especially because most people simply don't have the resources. But we think that with national health insurance, and as I said, some of the other iterations, because we are looking at some things that have worked in other systems. There's some, we're talking to micro and short, which is a variation of national health insurance. What that involves is actually giving people money when they have to go to hospital, actually just giving them money directly, as opposed to paying hospitals. Now, the difference, of course, is that most people who need to go to hospital, usually just need some money to be able to go to hospital, rather than, you know, a situation where you, when you get to hospital, because a lot of times, you know, even hospitals are not particularly happy with a lot of the service providers that they have, and turn back patients. So they really want someone who is able to pay. And, you know, micro and short, for example, has a method which we think, you know, might be useful, where actual cash is paid to persons when you prove that you need to go to hospital, or you're in hospital for a period of two days or three days, the whole, you know, system which we are also looking at. Finally, let me just talk very quickly about security, old and new security challenges. We have for several years, as you know, battled with Boko Haram. And at some point, you know, that Boko Haram was in 14 local governments in the Northeast. And we also, you know, had Boko Haram practically in, you know, many parts of the North, including, you know, coming here to Abuja. Now, that is likely restricted to northern Bono. And we know that by and large, you know, the Boko Haram insurgency is being contained. But that's not the only threat. I mean, a new rising threat, of course, is what is called ISIS West Africa, which is in some new insurgency, or a new group of insurgents, you know. And we, of course, have to deal with both the Boko Haram and the ISIS West Africa, or what they call sometimes is called Islamic State of West Africa, ISWAP. But the point, of course, is that every new threat of violence, extremism creates, you know, of course, all sorts of challenges wherever we've seen. But we need to, we as a government, and this is what we're focused on. We need to not only contain what there is, but also long term prevent this from happening. And there are so many things that have been done. Cooperation with other states, the states in the Sahel, cooperation with several of our West Africa neighbors is one of the critical issues. Cooperation with some of our foreign partners is also an issue that we're dealing with. You know, we're also trying to ensure that we are able to use local intelligence a lot more, local intelligence, local support, community policing and all of that. We're trying to do a lot more in that respect. Fortunately, the current Inspector General of Police has, you know, considerable expertise in this area. And we're trying to, you know, work together with several of the states to see how we can deal with several of the states in the Northeast in particular, to see how we can use local intelligence more. One of the problems, of course, we've had is getting adequate equipment for the military. That sometimes is more of a problem than is imagined because, again, there are difficulties, you know, with getting equipment for reasons, you know, of international politics and some of the constraints that even some of our partners have with respect to providing us with the right type of equipment. Sometimes it takes very long to just get the equipment. For example, for a long time, we're trying to get the fighter jets from the U.S., you know, but fortunately in the last two years or so, we're able to get a breakthrough on that. By the way, the jets are actually Brazilian jets, but of course, using U.S. components and equipment. But we were able to break through, got a breakthrough on that and the government actually assisted in being able to get the, that's the U.S. government, assisted us in being able to get firm, to make firm orders and to make some progress on that. But we're not likely to get the jets until 2020, which, you know, again means that we're going to have to do without that. And then, you know, several other constraints that they are just in accessing the kind of equipment that is required to fight these, to fight insurgencies and all of that. Now, I think that one of the things that we need to do a lot more and this, of course, also the international community is that we face a major threat, you know, across the world, violent extremism across the world. And I think a lot more has to be done in terms of cooperation to do so, so that we don't really need to worry ourselves too much about just getting the right equipment and being able to access the right equipment and those kinds of things. I think that the level of cooperation that's required today in order to prevent the spread of violent extremism, especially, you know, especially in the Sahel, is one that really calls for much more cooperation. Of course, you know, this is not just saying that the international partners must cooperate with us more, but also that we must be more open in terms of giving information to our partners so that there can be so that there can be much more synergy as we work together. There are, of course, several other challenges, banditry, full anne, herder, clashes, the full anne, herder, disturbances, especially in some states, new waves of kidnapping and all of that. With the full anne, herder situation, of course, you know that there are two broad groups. First is the encroachment into farms, and I think doing mention that, which, you know, is really largely a matter of resources, land resources, fighting overland resources and all of that. Of course, it results in violence conflicts. We've seen that in Benoy, in Zamfara, Plateau, in Kaby, Taraba also. But in those areas, in these areas, we, of course, we know what the problem is. We know that this is a problem over resources. Of course, people can spin it in different ways, but we know essentially that that's a problem. But that's just one. The second is a state of banditry and kidnapping. By persons also identified as full anne, herders. Now, this is not the same as full anne, herder, clashes. That's not the same. There's a huge, there's a difference. These are criminals who are, who do not even necessarily have any cattle at all. These are criminals who are kidnapping and who are involved in cattle rustling in some cases and all of that. So we must, and dealing with these two issues, of course, is a completely different thing. Whereas one requires looking at how to ensure that there's a more orderly control over resources and how resources are used. But the other is really more a criminal problem. We have to arrest these individuals and we have to ensure that they are punished and that it is clear to all that they are being arrested and punished. Of course, the police are stepped up quite a bit. The armed is also involved in this. But we cannot ignore the fact that we have a nuanced problem here. It's not one thing. There are those who may want to politicize it and say, oh, some great conspiracy somewhere. But I think that the most important thing to recognize is that if full anne, herders or full anne, they are criminals of any kind. They should be, it's a matter that we as a government opt to and we must tackle seriously and head on, which is what we're working on. And it's not, we mustn't mix it up with farmer head clashes and those kinds of things. There are two different issues. Now, the other issues, of course, with respect to security, I think that one of the most important things that we must emphasize is that our problems are nuanced. Our problems are not, there's no one narrative. And we really have to avoid people who try to oversimplify these problems. Sometimes you read, oh, there's some conflict between the Christian south and the Muslim north and all of that, especially in the international media. Obviously that is just an oversimplification and it's a false narrative. Of course, in the south, you have Christians, you have Muslims in the north, you have Christians, you have Muslims and all of that. And we're not talking here of a religious crisis. That's not the point. In some places, of course, I mean, when you look at, if you compare farmer-header clashes in Zamfara state, for example, to farmer-header clashes in Benway, whereas in Zamfara, both farmers and herders are Muslims. In Benway, farmers are, most men would probably be Christians, herders are Muslims. So we mustn't allow a narrative that seeks to just oversimplify and create a situation that may just confuse matters and make it more difficult for us to understand it and to deal with it. So for me, I think that with respect to security, this for us is a major concern. We are deploying in various ways what the sorts of resources that we believe will work. We're working with the state governments in particular to deal with these concerns. Tomorrow, as I said, we have a major meeting with the state governments on security. We're also dealing with the zones, the southwest zone, the northwest, the northeast, the state governments in those areas, and how to support the state governments and how to use our resources and theirs to deal with many of the security challenges that they have. Technology, of course, is one very important resource that we have to deploy, not only to identify situations where criminal activities take place, but also to detect and to apprehend criminals. And these are some of the things that we're looking at at the moment. I think I'll just stop there so that if there are still opportunities, if there's still an opportunity for questions, I can take the questions. Thank you.