 I believe in short introductions. This is what I have to give time for the student. But please don't take that as less praise or concern for Caitlyn Hutchinson, who's just been a wonderful student, one of the finest I've ever had, the privilege of having. Caitlyn received her BA in history from Ferris State University and then an MA in art history at the University of Notre Dame. She's taught several courses for us at Delaware with great success, including course on early medieval art and course on rulers images from Mesopotamia to the modern age. She's a very popular teacher and did a terrific job as a spotlight presenter at the PMA last year, which is a challenging format, if anyone has seen that. Her previous lectures include papers at CAA, the organization formerly known as the College Art Association of America, and a forthcoming paper next month at the International Medieval Congress in Kalamazoo. She recently submitted her doctoral dissertation and will defend it on April 19. Her paper today, Reharen and Christus Rex, the high cross as expression of Christian and Irish kingship derives from that work. Caitlyn? Thank you to Professor Nies for that introduction. And also, I always tell the story, but this image is one of my favorite, and it comes from one of his slides from Trip in the 70s. So the detail on it is great. Thank you to the Barnes Foundation for hosting this event and all the organizers for your hard work, and most of all, for you to come in today. Beginning. So among the rune churches and hundreds of gravestones at the early medieval monastery of Clombeck Noyce in Ireland, there is a high cross of remarkable aesthetic quality. Freestanding at nearly 13 feet tall, the resin sculpture is a modern copy, replacing a 10th century sandstone high cross that once marked the spot and is now located in the nearby visitor's center for preservation purposes. In both cases, the sculpture's foresighted form prompts the viewer to progress around it to fully admire its carefully modeled figures and decipher its complex and iconographic program that led to its identification as the cross of the scriptures. On the Western-oriented face, a now-obscured inscription on the lowest portion of the shaft appeals, or Dory Flann MacMail Shocklin, or at Dory Heronore, or pray for Flann, son of Mel Shocknale, pray for the king of Ireland, pray. It is this appeal for the early 10th century High King Flann Shinnah, or Flann of the Shannon, that serves as a key to unlocking an expanded interpretation of its purpose and function. The cross of the scriptures is the premier monument of Clombeck Noyce. It was once powerful and wealthy monastery that was strategically located in a contentious borderland between three major over kingdoms and at the crossing of Ireland's major overland and water traveling routes, the Eskireata and the Shannon River. In the medieval period, the Eskireata also served as the traditional line of division between the North, the Lefkuen, or Kahn's half, and the South, the Lefmoga, or Mug's half. This border loosely ordered identities and ancestral allegiances and contemporary political alliances in Ireland. The High Cross was part of a considerable restructuring of the site in the 10th century that also included the building of a great church, now the largest example in early medieval Ireland of the type. The monument and church are believed to be offering to the High King in thanksgiving for a significant Northern Allied victory of the Lefkuen at the battle of Belachmungna, over powerful enemies from the South led by Munster High King Cormac Metcullen named in the year 908. Flann had ruled his over kingdom, the Meath, for decades, but this is the victory made him the most powerful king in Ireland. Although he was the son of a former High King, Melchocneol, the most powerful man in Ireland during his own reign, there was not a recognized national kingship with guaranteed rights of succession. Flann had to earn his own primacy through victory on the battlefield, taking hostages to ensure peace and crafting alliances with different regional leaders and powerful monastic communities. His kingdom's central location in the middle of Ireland, as well as Clomknois' wealth and its association with his dynasty, invited attack on all sides from other Irish groups and Vikings. In a time and place of marked anxiety, Flann conflated his kingship with the prestigious form of the High Cross and the authority expressed in its iconography to ensure his claims of legitimacy and primacy were recognized by both subjects and enemies alike. The cross of the scripture's monumentality, materiality, and aesthetic value conveyed its association with venerable and wealthy persons to the early medieval viewer. For the more learned levels of society, the inclusion of Flann, Chinne's name, and the title of King of Ireland invited an immediate comparison between the symbol of the cross and imperium. A lesser Christian symbol prior to the reign of Constantine, the cross became the foremost instrument of denoting divinely sanctioned rulership. Eusebius recorded that Constantine took to wearing a type of the cross, the Cairo, on his helmet following his divinely sanctioned victory at the Battle of the Milvian Bridge, in which the Christian sign served as a battle standard. You can kind of see it. Besides elevating the symbol of the cross to one of his insignia, Constantine is said to have erected a replica of the true cross on the rock of Golgotha in the space between the emperor's Basilica and the Anastasas rotunda at the site of the Holy Suppercar in Jerusalem. Since the cross became part of the imperial regalia of Constantine, the symbol of Christ's triumph over death and evil expanded to represent the divinely sanctioned victories of earthly rulers across early medieval Christendom. There are countless examples of elites presenting the cross in impressive forms and thanksgiving for their favorable conditions and assigns as adoration of the Godhead. I provide a select number of examples here today, such as the jeweled crosses with direct imperial connotations that were gifted by royals to churches across Western Europe. These include the sixth century cross that the emperor just in the second. The two crosses created by kings of Asturias now in the cathedral of San Salvador, El Viedo, that is the ninth century cruise de Los Angeles and the 10th century cruise de Victoria and the 10th century cross of Lothar the second given to Aachen Cathedral by Emperor Otto III. The dedication page in Bishop Ravenous Morris's collection of figural poems titled In Praise of the Holy Cross depicted the eighth century Carolingian emperor Louis the Pious in the guise of Emileus Christi, armed with a shield of faith and holding the cross as a weapon in his victorious right hand. And another example, the ninth century prayer book of Charles the Bald shows the emperor prostrating himself before the crucified Christ. Resembling their continental counterparts, the leaders of the Northwestern Isles of Europe adopted the versatile symbol of the cross to support their own political ideologies. Oswald of Northumbria was the first recorded Anglo-Saxon king to set up a monumental cross in the seventh century, allegedly raising a wooden one at Heavenfield before the battle with Cudwallan, king of the Britons. Calling it a heavily trophy, the historian and monk Bede explained that the king's action aided in triumph and eventual establishment of supremacy over Britain akin to Constantine and the Roman emperor. There are also possible examples of crosses now lost set up like trophies upon carved columns such as the pillar of Elisig in Wales and the mashroom column in York. These monolithic pillars respectively display inscriptions related to the royal lineage of the Welsh kingdom of Powis and images of David, the Old Testament model of kingship. Along with the universal ideas of kingship bound to the symbol of the cross, the pre-existing beliefs and customs particular to the local society contribute to the symbol's exceptional expression in the cross of the scriptures as well as other example of monumental crosses from the region. The High Cross incorporated a native tradition that recognized the capacity of monumental stones to be impactful, authenticating and sacral, qualities that appear to have persisted after the wide acceptance of Christianity. There was certainly a change in the type of monument venerated in order to reflect Christian values but evidence also exists indicating the selective use of stones and rituals and commemorations for the purposes of legitimation. Stones play an important role in the account of the legendary inauguration of the shared ancestor of the northern half of Ireland, the second century pseudo-historical King Khan of the 500 battles. When the soon-to-be king approached Hera, the foremost site of ancestral and sacred Irish kingship, the stone markers of the graves of three druids, male, bloc and blochna, magically parted and allowed his chariot to pass between them and across the boundary of the site to claim his rightful position. When considering the cross of the scriptures royal inscription, one should remember that writing across early medieval Europe was intended to be read aloud. Instances of speaking stones were common among the Northwestern islands and at times they possessed the ability to prophesize and recognize kings, most notably the Leofal, also associated with Hera. In a different story involving Khan of the 500 battle, the stone screamed out several times when he accidentally walked across on the ramparts of Hera. Its screeches prophesized the number of his descendants that would reign over Ireland. Another example is the stone at Munster's seat of power casual, given the power prophecy by St. Patrick. Those wearing of the lingering antiquarianism of the comparison between these speaking stones and the inscriptions of the cross of the scriptures should also consider the oral quality of monuments just across the Irish sea. The Rothwell cross in Galloway mournfully delivers a lament in runic form as a conflicted thing taking part in the crucifixion of its Lord. And the pillar of Elisic proclaims the lineage of the ninth century Welsh kings. The inscription on the cross of the scriptures implores the reader to pray for the king of Ireland. When its historical context of creation is taken into consideration, it also forced the acknowledgement of the authority of his station gained through military victory and a powerful political and ecclesiastical alliances in addition to his lineage as a son of a high king. An acclamation comparable to the entreaty asking for the prayer for the king on the cross of the scripture would also be characteristic of what is known of early ordination ceremonies in Ireland, particularly the do gathom re or the proclaiming of the king. Furthermore, the testament of Moran, a seventh century wisdom texts offering advice to Irish king, claimed that quote, whom he who in the living do not glorify with blessings is not a true ruler end quote. The inscription ensured the continuance of prayer by the living long after flan departed and further attested to the remembrance and legitimacy of his reign. Apart from the essential form of the high cross, aspects of the cross of the scriptures iconography also related to common motifs of Christian kingship. In the images of the crucifixion appearing on the western face and the last judgment on the eastern face, a large scale and frontal Christ radiates forth victoriously from the center of both sides of the cross ring. On the underside of the southern arm, a hand most likely that of God appears with a diadem or wreath presumably crowning these dual depictions of Christ. A panel on the northern side evokes David, the Old Testament model of kingship and supposed composer of the Psalms. On the eastern face are depictions attributed to flanchina agreeing to peace with another regional king and an image of flanchina's ancestor, Darmet McCuribald, helping to build Clomick Noyce's first church with the monastery's patron saint, Curin. I'll limit my discussion to the western face's passion imagery above flanchina's inscription and its relationship to Irish kingship. Christ the King or Christus Rex is one of the oldest archetypes embraced by Christian rulers the world over and inherently tied to the crucifixion. Conflating flanchina's kingship with that of Christ further legitimize his claim to primacy as his temporal rule became an extension of divine rule. Appearing as the focal point of the western face at the intersection of the cross arms and wreathed in victory by the cross ring is the central moment of the Christian narrative, the crucifixion. Here the sculpture highlights Christ's inherent duality as both God and man and alive and dead. Christ's corpiality is carefully rendered. A relaxed pose and model arms and bowed legs imbue his figure with vitality. Yet his body is also triumphant, unburdened by the stress experienced by the extreme physical punishment and his head remains upright. In a highly symbolic manner, the soldier, Stephaton and Lunginus simultaneously stab Christ in the side and extend the sponge with the bitter mixture of gall and wine while flanking attendants make offerings unbended knee. These panels, of course, draw from universal depictions but also invite interpretations related to Irish kingship and social order. In the eighth century poem, the ecclesiastic Blathmech consoled the version by extolling Christ's kingly virtue, quote, a last that your son should go to the cross, he who is a great diadem, a beautiful hero, better he than prophet, more knowledgeable than any druid, a king who is bishop and full sage, end quote. He also described Christ as having a superior body that was, quote, more excellent in form than any human being, more vigorous his stout than any right, end quote. Elsewhere in the poem, Christ further displayed his martial prowess by transforming the apostles into a stout band with warrior qualities that were renowned. The adapted representation of Christ's leadership may somewhat account for the appearance of Christ holding a club and leading a band of warriors on the head of the tall cross of monaster boys and the martial and hunting imagery on the cross of the scriptures base. The depiction of Christ's passion continues beyond the crosshead down into the shaft below. These panels displayed the extent of Christ's suffering that led to his ultimate victory, images tied with the idea of his dual sovereignty. Prior to revealing his heavenly kingship through death and resurrection, Christ is mocked as king of the Jews, crowned with thorns and cloaked and stripped of a purple garment. The top panel features a triad of figures casting lot for Christ's seamless garment, followed below by the arrest of Christ. The lowest panel on the western shaft displays Christ in his tomb, guarded over by sleeping soldiers and attended by followers. The holy supplicer appears as a tomb slap, the marker of high status graves of abbots, bishops, and royals of medieval Ireland, and his body is tightly wrapped in cloth and protected by an amulet of cross at his feet. The close association with kingship with the passion on the cross is unmistakable in relation to the next series of passage by Blathnack. Quote, a purple cloak was put about the king by an ennoble assembly in mockery, not for the desire to cover him. It was said clearly to mock him that he was king of the Jews. They tore from him his pure reignment, beautiful was the body that they stripped, lots were cast without any dissension to see who might take his blessed spoils, unquote. Early Irish law perceived both the maiming of Christ's body and shameful death by crucifixion as insults and especially damning to the king's status. Legal texts from the period demonstrate the deep preoccupation with honor held by Irish society by recounting that the many ways the king's status could be seriously damaged. Any toleration of defeat or mockery would be evidence of an unjust ruler and cause the loss of honor and position. Blathnack expressed this outrage at the affront of Christ's honor, quote, hands were laid upon the face of Christ, hideous deed. Again, the tall cross of an acervice provides a more direct illustration of this as the scene of Christ's arrest includes one soldier striking his face. If Christ faced such contempt as a mere mortal king, he would be at risk of losing his superior position as well as his loganic or the price of his face, that is the measure of his worth. Through his resurrection, Christ bravely overcame any loss of honor he might have suffered due to this humiliating punishment and death featured on the Western Cross. He shed a lesser mortal sovereignty for a superior heavenly kingship exemplified by the victorious nature of the composition featured in the cross ring. Lastly, the passion imagery also evoked the idea of compact between a king, his people and the godhead that was agreed upon to ensure a peaceful and prosperous society. The testament of Moran stated that a truthful and just ruler was merciful, hospitable, honorable and true judging. He protected his people and secured peace, joy and ease and his rule brought abundance. A true ruler's reign was marked by devotion and victory while a false and unjust ruler received a lack of prosperity and constant war. In kind, the people were to honor the agreement made with their truthful lord or else order and fecundity of the land would be negatively affected. Those operating under the prevailing social structure readily understood the events of the passion as a failed contract within the Irish client system between God and his chosen people. Betraying one king, one's king and slain, one of your own family members were considered particularly atrocious crimes in the early Irish legal system because proper retribution could not be sought by the king or the relations of the deceased. Any attempt to balance the crimes bred further misdeeds resulting in social upheaval and the destruction of land in the group. This high cross served as a reminder for viewers from those who created it to honor this agreement with God and his designated earthly rulers identified by the monuments inscription or else disorder would fall to society. The cross of the scriptures impressive form and iconography reinforced concepts related to both universal and Christian Irish kingship which helped to project Flanschiner's rule as truthful and divinely sanction and thus helped him to sustain it. Thank you.