 Rhaid i'n meddwl, Brendan. Rhaid i'n meddwl am ymddangos i ddim yn ymddangos. Ychydig, ychydig a'r gyda'r ysgrifennu. Brendan, rhaid i'n meddwl y gallu ymddangos yma yma ymddangos yma. Mae'r 13, a mae'r yma ymddangos. Ond mae'n gweithio'n meddwl. Y ddiddordeb, 15 deisembr, a ddefnyddio cymryd y troika program yn ymwyaf amser o'r clywed o'r llaw. Mae'n clywed o'r clywed o'r cyfysgareddau sy'n clywed o'r clywed, ac mae'n clywed o'r clywed o'r cyfysgareddau. Mae'r wych yn bwysig yn fawr, yn ddweud hwnnw, ond mae'n ddweud hwnnw, ond mae'n ddweud hwnnw'n gweithio'r gweithio'r lluniau yma. Felly, rwy'n ddweud i'ch gael ymddangos ymddangos eu ddechrau, oherwydd i'n gweithio'r gweithio'r gweithio, ond yn ddweud o'r lluniau'r gweithio'r gweithio, ond mae'n gweithio'r gweithio'r gweithio. Mae'n gweithio'r gweithio'r gweithio'r gweithio a'r gweithio'r gweithio'r gweithio'r gweithio'r gweithio yn mynd i chi, yn ddweud a'i gweithio'r gweithio'r gweithio yn ddweud 2011. Mae'r cyhoedd, yn dod, yn ddiweddol am lŵn m Patriffordi Llywodraeth, a!!!!ddiwch yn ddweud sy'n ddweud i'r gyllid yn gy fyfydol argynniadau o'i cael ei momenta. Mae'r dyfod bwysig honno, ac mae'r gweithio ar gyfer y cyfan yn gweithio. Mae'r ddolwch cyfnog o'r 1.5 miliwn i'r proseslwyth, ac, mae'r proseslwyth yn ymddangos, mae'r proseslwyth yn ymddangos i'r eich cyfnog ymddangos. Mae'n holl gweld y cysyllt yn defnyddio'r rhaglion yn ymddangos i'r cyfnog ymddangos. Yn y gyfnod ymddangos, mae'n gweithio'r llef o'r ffondig yma o'r cyrchu a'r cyflogau. Mae'n gweithio i ddim yn ei ddweud o'r gweithio a'r gweithio, deiswydd a dweud fynd i'r effortwyd. Dyma'r drwy gweithraeth her oedd o'u chweinwysau y troi'r llyfr. Ydw i'n raeth digwydd, a dyno'n rhoi i ddweud felly mae'n dweud yn cymdeithas ffordd. Rwy'n rhaid i meddwl gyda'r quesad feth a'r ddeuun llai. O'r lief, ac mae yr wych yn haf Haw tof. Rhaid i'n rheifftrwch, rhaid i'n rhaid i'n rhaid i'ch yn hunion. was not an option. So when everything we had to do only one thing mattered, what would make the problem better or worse and would the decisions that we made each day improve the position of the country or wouldn't they? When I look back at that time I am more convinced than ever that Labour's participation in government was essential to fixing the problem. The crisis was so great that we needed a broadly based government to take it on. We needed a government that would stick to the job even if the problem got worse before it got better, which is exactly what happened. One thing we were clear about going into government was that the bailout programme as it stood was unworkable. It was a plan based on debt, not growth, the loans were too expensive, the conditions too onerous and there was no plan to create jobs. What we had to do was to rebuild the bailout programme from within. Early on we restructured the banking system while limiting the cost of recapitalisation. We renegotiated the interest rate and the term of programme loans. We ended the bank guarantee, liquidated Anglo-Irish bank, tore up the promise to re-note for the IBRC. We negotiated a reduction of 10 billion euro in our debt and 40 billion euro in our funding needs. We launched a major campaign to repair Ireland's reputation abroad, focusing both on European capitals and on the US, the importance of which cannot be overstated. Where once stories in the international press about Ireland were illustrated with pictures of high-tech workers, by 2011 it seemed that every story featured a lonely horse on an empty ghost state. The work of convincing investors and political leaders in other countries that Ireland was a sound place in which to invest and to do business was approached strategically by every single member of the government and at my direction every single member of our diplomatic staff. We know to our cost that the price of economic instability is jobs and the reward of stability is investment. In Ireland's case, a steady increase in foreign direct investment since 2012, accounting for around 19,000 new jobs so far. Our approach has been to bring forward what measures we could to stimulate activity in the short term, such as the 9% that rate for the hospitality sector, the stimulus plan launched by Brandon Howland, focusing on jobs, schools, health facilities and roads and incentives such as the home renovation scheme, while also pursuing longer term strategies in key sectors such as ICT and the development of a strategic investment fund. From the outset, the government has been determined not to repeat the jobless growth of the 90s, which is why reform of our welfare and training system has from the beginning been a central plank of our economic strategy. It has not been easy and it's not over yet. It won't be over until people feel recovery in their own lives and in their own pockets. But the plan is working. From an economy that was losing 7,000 jobs a month, we are now creating almost 5,000 net new jobs per month. Unemployment is falling down to 12.5%, its lowest level in 3.5 years and crucially we are also seeing a modest decline in long term unemployment and youth unemployment. I'm sometimes asked whether I regret Labour's decision to go into government at a time of profound crisis. Frankly, that question fundamentally misunderstands the history, characters and values of my party. I'm the leader of a party that believes in the dignity of work and in our collective capacity as Irish men and women to create a better life for our people. We cannot guarantee either without a functioning state and a functioning economy. I'm a social democrat. That means I believe in a fair economy and good quality public services. But if you believe in providing quality schools and hospitals and safe streets, then you have to know how you're going to pay for them. And if you believe in an economy that can provide decent work with fair conditions, then you cannot hand control of it over to international financial markets. That is why the Labour Party never shirked the decisions necessary to rescue our economy and to secure the future for our country. And it is also why we will do nothing now or in the future to put that recovery at risk. Not everyone has agreed with the decisions that this government has made. And I understand that. There is no easy way to make a budget adjustment of 30 billion euro. But even in the face of the harshest realities, we have been and continue to be determined to maintain a threshold of decency in how we face down this crisis. That is why we restored the minimum wage, reinstated the joint labour committees and maintained core welfare rates for the unemployed, for carers and people with a disability and pensioners. It is why we choose to raise taxes on wealth such as pensions, financial assets and property rather than on take home pay. It is why we found resources together with Atlantic Philanthropies to begin a new initiative targeted at breaking the cycle of childhood poverty. And it is why we are focused on taking some of the burden of young families in particular by helping with bills for uniform school books and GP visits for under six. Social solidarity comes in many forms. We should not forget the fact that a significant amount of the reduction in public spending in recent years has been achieved away from the front line and without disruption to public service users. Compared to 2009, broadly the same public services are now being delivered with 10% fewer staff and with a pay bill that has been reduced by almost 4 billion euro. Industrial peace is an economic asset and it has been instrumental in getting us to where we are today. As a country it is widely remarked that for all our difficulties we have sustained a strong sense of social solidarity and social cohesion and we should be proud of that. There have been difficult decisions but there were also many roads not taken. It is thanks to the work and the sacrifice of the Irish people that we have reached this moment. And I believe that the Irish people are entitled to know that in Ireland today and in the Ireland we build for tomorrow their hard work is not going to be squandered nor their children's future put at risk because of bad politics, bad government or a blind eye on low standards in Irish boardrooms. Exiting the bailout is an important moment but it is only a step along the road. We now need to look to the future and we need to set ourselves new targets that we pursue with the same vigor and determination that we applied to the restoration of stability and to exiting the bailout. We have shown that as a people if we set our minds to ambitious goals then we can achieve them and for me the next target is full employment. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights adopted by the United Nations in Philadelphia in 1948, declared in article 23 that everyone has the right to work, to free choice of employment, to just and favorable conditions of work and to protection against unemployment. Yet looking at the economic history of Ireland since the famine, the most striking characteristic has been the failure to provide work and opportunity in Ireland for all of our people. At the height of the boom we thought briefly that we had finally achieved that goal but it proved to be an economy built on sand. And yet the goal still remains providing opportunity and employment in Ireland for all of our people including those who have recently left. My view is that full employment is achievable, not immediately of course but over a number of years. To me it is a basic requirement of our state that our people have the opportunity to grow up here to form relationships here. That people who want to work hard and provide for their families can do so and that they can aspire to provide for a better life for their children. Those are basic human needs and worthy human aspirations and yet this is not something that can be said of Ireland for any sustained period of our history. But if we learn the lessons of the past and if we apply ourselves with determination and focus it is something that we can achieve. The great transition that Ireland has made during the period of its membership of the European Union is from being a low income largely agricultural economy to being a high tech advanced industrial society. We have shown repeatedly that some of the most technologically advanced companies in the world can thrive here and we have many examples of indigenous enterprises that have developed and prospered here. There are many Irish success stories. As the global trading system expands there is no reason why a small open economy like Ireland cannot trade its way to a high and sustainable standard of living and maintain an economy that provides work and opportunity for all our people. The medium term economic strategy that the government will launch next week will have the goal of full employment at its heart. It will show that while it is challenging and will require favourable economic conditions internationally, full employment can be achieved if we pursue it with the same determination that we applied to the goal of bailout exit. For all of the problems we have experienced since joining the euro the fact remains that membership of the single currency gives Ireland unrivaled access to a market of 500 million people. We have to learn the core lessons of this crisis which is that membership of a single currency requires careful and disciplined management of our affairs including the public finances. And yet we should also be confident in our underlying advantages as a trading nation and as an attractive location for investment. Building on our strengths we can develop a strong model of export led growth which in turn sustain good jobs in the domestic economy. A core part of our strategy of course has to be investment in our people and a new way of thinking about the role that social protection plays in our society. We need to retain a strong social safety net and we have shown in this crisis our commitment to doing that. But yet we also have to think about education and training as part of that safety net in that we need to ensure that people have the skills to move between jobs. The reforms that my colleagues Joan Burton and Rory Quinn are driving through pathways to worker aimed at reinventing the welfare system so that it doesn't just catch people when they fall but it also helps them to get back on their feet. The purpose of our economic strategy is not just to maximise the total number of jobs it is also to ensure that we have good jobs which allow people to adequately support themselves and to provide for their families. It is a goal of government policy to see living standards increase in a sustainable fashion. We want people to have a better quality of life which comes with rising incomes. We also want people to be able to plan and to make decisions about moving job or buying a home in a context where they can have good and reasonable expectations about their future. During the crisis the welfare system has buttressed and supported household incomes but as the economy grows income from work will replace income from welfare as people move back into employment. As resources permit I also believe that we should look at ways of lifting the burden of taxation that has fallen on hard pressed families in recent years. Again that will be possible in the medium term with the right policies and determined implementation of reform. As a country we are not just an economy we are a society. We have duties and obligations to each other and we measure our progress and well-being in many ways. That is true in Ireland and it is true in Europe. Social solidarity is at the heart of fundamental values we share in the European Union. The greatest challenge Europe faces today is to address the growing divergence in the economic employment and social situations across member states. This is being actively tackled now as an urgent issue in the Union across the range of policy areas not least in the reform of the EU's economic governance architecture. Indeed I believe that economic and monetary union is incomplete without a social dimension. It must become embedded in our path forward within the EMU. This is one of the reasons why it is so critical that we see more social democrat parties in government across Europe and I look forward to being joined by our SPD colleagues in Germany following their ballot this weekend. Across the developed economies there is a growing trend towards more inequality. A wider gap between rich and poor we have to confront this issue both at national and international level. We need new ways of thinking and a new determination to build a fairer society. In Ireland our most pressing social need is to create jobs. Not just more jobs but more and better jobs which will sustain good living standards. And we need to do more to tackle the root causes of inequality particularly through our education system which is so fundamental to achieving fair opportunities for all our citizens. And as a society we have values that we can and should articulate on the world stage. Exiting the bailout is the final act in returning Ireland to the status of being a normal member of the European Union and yet we seek to be far more than that. As our presidency of the union has shown we have a capacity as a country to influence the direction of the union that we can and must exercise to the fall. Through our membership of multilateral organisations and particularly through our engagement with the UN we bring our values, our strong focus on development, human rights and climate justice to the international arena. I am proud to say that despite the crisis we have been able to sustain our high level of effort in development aid. Thanks to the professionalism of our defence forces, despite tight resources we have taken on new peacekeeping roles most recently on the Golan Heights. We are strengthening and deepening our role in Africa working with partners such as the US on nutrition initiatives but also expanding our long historical relationship with Africa into a more modern trading relationship. In the future we can and we must expand as our trading relationships with emerging economies and as we do so we will strengthen our diplomatic and cultural ties. The past six years are an experience that we should not wish ever to repeat but in the midst of adversity we have also seen many causes for optimism. We have sustained a strong sense of social solidarity. We have maintained and indeed deepened our international relationships. I want on behalf of the government to express our thanks to our partners in Europe for their solidarity and assistance during this difficult time. Our fellow member states who have worked with us to stabilise the euro and advance the banking union. Our friends in the UK, Sweden and Denmark who advanced by lateral loans. Our many friends in the US who have supported our efforts to promote investment. I want to thank our colleagues in the commission and in particular Commissioner Ollie Wren for his lasting commitment and unstinting assistance to Ireland. All our colleagues in the ECB and the IMF for their skill and expertise and of course the many dedicated patriotic Irish public servants who worked so hard to bring us to this day. There are lessons to be learned from the past but also much to be proud of. As we exit the bailout we set out now on the next stage of recovery and renewal and I believe that we can do so with confidence. Thank you very much.