 Good afternoon, everybody. Apparently Switzerland neighbours have no respect for Swiss Watchers. That's why the previous large meeting started late. That's why we're starting late, as well, because of that. Thank you all for being here. We are supposed to discuss, to look into the future. in nekaj zelo, nekaj nekaj vziv, in prične na vsega. Zato so videli, kaj ječe pravno doči v arabiji, v arabiji kraju, in ještje vsega ga bo, fina zalaj, odvečenja, po to. Vsega je tudi navozila na niferu eventi, we can't predict. I can tell you that part of the world is going to be affected by elections in Israel on March 17, or elections in Turkey in June. I can tell you that there are also other expected events. Like for example, if the oil price remains below 60, that's 20% of what it was like six months ago, it means that political money is going to flow in much smaller figures to various conflicts. This we can predict. We can also predict that in the next few months, open battles are going to be waged. Like the battles, the alliance is waging against ISIS in Iraq, and partly in Syria. This we can also predict. What we cannot predict are political events that have impact on the situation, but are to a certain extent unpredictable, not to their realization, but to their timing. Of course, we all knew that as we say in Arabic, ISIS are in the hands of God. We all knew that the king of Saudi Arabia was 94, but nobody knew that he will pass away now, and we also know that this is going to have an impact, and that the passing away of other leaders in that part of the world can also have impact. So we have events we can predict, not necessarily their effect. We don't know who's going to win this or that election, but their realization and other events we need to get ready for. That is why we have people who have been in responsible position and can come back to responsible position, who are now in responsible position, as is the first one to address the issue. That is the prime minister of Morocco, Mr. Ben Kiran, who is now, I would say, an arbitrary of Davos. Mr. Ben Kiran, the floor is yours. How do you see the next year or two from your point of view? I'm sorry, there is no translation, but I will summarize for non-Arabic speaker, he is the only one who is going to speak in Arabic. I will summarize his statement at the end. I don't think it's easy, but if we all understand the nature and civilization, who are helping to advance their country, advance their nation, and give each other a hand, God willing, we will have good things in the future. And I think that if we are all the only children of culture and we continue to speak in the future, we will not lose it well. There are two things in the Holy Quran. The first thing is cooperation with the country and the country. And the second thing is not cooperation. We left cooperation and went to cooperation. And this is what we are trying to do in Morocco. And this is what we are trying to do in Morocco. We are trying to do it in the general state, in which things are going in the positive way. Well, he basically said that in the Quran, there are at least two instructions to human beings not to get into conflict and cooperate. And that we have been in the past few years doing the conflict side, but not so much cooperation. He believes that Morocco is leading the way into establishing forms of cooperation in the near future. This is a very quick summary. I am moving now to a country at war. We can say that, at war. And the former prime minister of Iraq, Iad Alawi, is going to sort of tell us how he sees the next 12, 18 months. So shall we speak in English? Please do. In fact, the transformation, we are in the middle of transformation now. Not only Iraq, but the region as a whole. And we don't know, we cannot predict precisely what will be happening in the near future, let alone the distant future from now. I think we face severe variables, including now in the Arab world, including, of course, bloodshed and turmoil, foreign interventions and interferences. And we have at least a score of states which have been dismantled and are non-functional anymore, like Libya, like Yemen, like even Iraq, to some extent, Syria, and so on. The Palestinian issue is still, the peace process is still stalled. And nothing is happening to push the peace process forward. And this is one of the sources of problems in the Islamic world, in the world, and in the Middle East. I believe the first and foremost important part of what we have to do before we can think of the future is to secure the stability of the countries and the turmoil that these countries are facing. Iraq is facing sectarianism, is facing extremism, as in Daesh, and is facing a problem of governance. We see, I see, both Syria and Iraq as one theater already. ISIS is not separated, it's all fixed. And now it's moving to other places in the region. And what we have had from our Libyan brothers is that it's moving to Libya also, ISIS. Really there is a very serious challenge. What will determine, to some extent, the future with a comfortable degree of certainty is what is going to happen now for these countries, especially in the wake of the death of the late King Abdullah, who is one of the stabilizing factors in the Middle East. Our problem now is to face the most extreme, most dangerous thing, the bleeding condition that ISIS is causing. And I, frankly speaking, I haven't seen a coherent strategy yet to face ISIS. What we see is scattered measures to attack this point or take care of that point. But a coherent strategy, neither on the regional level, nor on the international level, nor even in Iraq itself. I know where the cars are, they have a strategy. The parts of institutions in Baghdad have a strategy and so on. But we don't have a coherent strategy, where all, I think the missing point of what has happened, and we don't want to go into details, that facing ISIS depends on two themes, on interwoven themes. The first is military, where we have to use the military capability, whether it's pulling intelligence, whether it's special forces, whether it's aerial bombardment and so on. And then there is a political theme, which is most important. If you don't get the people together and to buy in to the political processes in these countries in question, then no matter what winning you can make in the military side, you will be a loser at the end of the day. I know I speak to many people in Mosul and Tikrit and Ambar. And they say, what if we fight ISIS, where shall we end? Are we going to be accused of being bathists again or terrorists? Or how can we? Or are we going to be considered as second class citizens in the country? I think this is where the problem lies. First of all, how we can get rid of ISIS, so at least we can see the future more clearly. The future we believe in is that we need to have democratic states, unified states. We need collaboration. We need growth and stability. And stability will not be ensured unless there is security. And this is the only thing we want to see in the future, including, of course, resolving the Palestinian question through the negotiations and the peaceful process where the Palestinians will get their rights. So really to be precise and to forecast what is going to happen in Libya, for example, or what's happening in Iraq is very difficult. And I frankly speaking, I think that we should be very clear that to end this war and to create stability and to get the Libya again and Yemen and Iraq and Syria and so on resolved, it's very difficult because we don't know where the information is happening. We don't know where it's going to lead. We know there are many variables interacting. We know the international community is more concerned about their own problems and paying attention rightly so. And we know that there are in the region a race to dominate the region between various regional players. Thank you. I think it's stuck in certainly in the public. From the very first communique on ISIS, the American government has said that it added a sentence saying that the fight against ISIS is going to take a lot of time. And recently General Dempsey, the chief of staff said that it may take 30 years. This morning both Kurdish and Kurdish-Iraqi and Iraqi officials were telling us that things are going in the right direction, that they are recapturing territory, that it is not going to take so much time. I think the public would like your opinion on that. I mean, how much time is it going? The victory is at the end of the road, insha'Allah. How much time is it going to take? But we can't depend on insha'Allah. Really if there is no action and the problem I see, and I say it in the government of course in Baghdad, and I was amazed by the statements that came this morning of exaggerating what is happening. I can't lay a timetable for what and when for some reason because we don't have a strategy and Iraq does not possess a strategy. And there is no real coordination between Kurdistan and Baghdad on this issue. And the international alliance which are involved in bombardments for the last three months or so have not achieved anything really, except preventing ISIS from moving and taking Arbeel and twice preventing ISIS from taking the periphery of Baghdad and coming to the center of Baghdad. My information that ISIS are now much more capable than they used to be. They are recruiting people. They are making use of the chaotic atmosphere that have been created. They are making use out of the militias that have been deployed in Iraq. They are taking advantage of foreign fighters who are coming to the aid of the Iraqi government and to the Iraqis. And they are taking advantage of the portraying of the problem as a Sunni and Shi'a problem which is not. It's a group of extremism who are trying to impose their will on the Iraq people. But this is really what's happening. I think we, with all my respect to our colleagues in the government, we can't, insha'Allah insha'Allah, yes. But insha'Allah if there is nothing, God says that help yourself so I'll help you. Dr. Mahmood, there has been crucial in the Libyan sort of upheaval against Colonel Qaddafi three years ago. Then Libya was an extremely positive place full of optimism and everything. And somehow at one point it took the wrong turn. How do you see Libya and the neighborhood of Libya in the next 18 months? Well, I'm a little bit hesitant of predicting everything because when I predicted by late 2011 what's taking place in Libya right now I was accused of being pessimistic and that I am always look at the black side and the empty side of the glass. I'm sorry to say that if things continue the way they are in the region, the way we deal with the current situation things are gonna get worse and here's my reasons. First, I think the structural problems which exist in the region are still there. There is a lack of alignment, this is the first gap between the national economies of the Arab world and the global economy. Rarely if you find any national economy in the Arab world which did what we call in the visioning exercise positioning that economy within the context of the global economy, you do the positioning to discover the competitive edge where you can mobilize your national resources around it. Those resources, whether natural resources or human resources, then you start aligning the subsystems with this national economy that it's the political system, Allah for more participation whether it's the social system you deal with the values that hinder the participation and the work value whether it's the cultural which is the most important, the education it has nothing to do with the 21st century. So we employ in our governments how to fear that those kids might run to the streets not we employ because the economy is growing and the new vacancies are available to assimilate more even if the economy is competitive enough you will not find that the subsystems the education has nothing to do with the needs of the economy our culture, our values they have nothing to do with what's needed for the national economy to be competitive so these are two holes between the subsystems and the national economy and between the national economy and the global economy. Then there is those who are coming out because they've been marginalized, they didn't find jobs they became extremist they continue to be extremist because we are moving in the same vicious circle we are reinforcing this vicious circle more hundreds of thousands of young people are coming to the market, they don't find jobs so they find Dash, they find Al-Qaeda which they offer lucrative offers good salaries, they offer paradise and they offer even jihad and nikah so you name it, it's there you know yes, you cannot beat this offer while the government or the system does not offer the same thing therefore I think the vicious circle is going to continue what we need is to deconstruct and reconstruct the socialization process you need a new Arab mind to be compatible with the future, you need a new Arab mind to deal with the challenges of the 21st century I'm afraid to say that the future is on the side of extremism, why is that if you look at Dash for instance, first the structure of Asian Dash today is between 15 and 25 years old while it was in Al-Qaeda during the late 70s and 80s it was from 25 to 35 years old more professions are coming to Dash because it became fashionable Dash not only this, they are very skillful in technology so technology is serving them better the age practice is serving them better while the Arab systems are dealing the same way are we going to witness the end of Arab uprising? no, as long as those holes in the structures the Arab world are there whether in our cultural systems and our economic systems lack of alignment between all those systems I think the uprising will continue to happen and extremism will continue to happen for the Arab regimes they have to realize that there is new name for legitimacy more inclusion and development the real security for any regime today is development the real legitimacy for any regime is to embrace its people to include them, not to exclude them thank you, Amir Bey as a former secretary general of the Arab League you have many reasons to look into the future and to ask yourself what kind of elections you are going to have in Egypt in two months from now is the donor meeting going to be successful because Egypt needs external financial support and more generally how do you see the Arab world evolving in the next 18 to 24 months thank you, Hassan in fact I wanted to speak in Arabic like the prime minister and all of us tried but we were told by the organizers that there is only one exception it will be given to the prime minister so we will have to speak in English starting also with Bismillahirrahmanirrahim the elements or the salient points mentioned as the basic points for our discussion you mentioned two things number one the Israeli elections and two the oil prices well I don't believe that the Israeli elections do matter for the Middle East change in the Israeli policy is what matters what would influence affects the future of the region but changing one prime minister with the other it is of no relevance to the issue or the subject you are discussing number two the oil prices some analysts believe that it is like a curse there will be a shortage of money and less capability to assist and so on the other side of the coin is that it could be really a positive change because it will behoo the governments to act on real correct economic basis to produce to develop the economy and to be serious about developing their state of life number three the revolutions that have taken place starting with Tunisia, Egypt etc have changed the public opinion in the Arab world in its entirety people now know that they can protest and they can change the regimes it happened twice in Egypt it happens in Tunisia and it will be the order of the day for so many years to come the changes that it is not easy now to tell the people we are going to have elections or we are going to do this or that it expects that the usual yes sir or they will not really pay attention no, it is under scrutiny by all the people now what the government did what kind of elections and why now and why not tomorrow and why not yesterday the public opinion in the Arab world started to play a decisive role and this will determine the future the public opinion is taking advantage of the new advances in technology not only the internet and the social connections but the freedom of thought and expression that you see in so many TV stations in French, in Arabic, in English etc so anybody can listen to what happened in France what happened in Washington what did Mr. Obama said yesterday and why did he say that and the basic point he advanced about the economy of the middle class this will resonate all over resonate in the universities our universities with our professors of economy with our policy makers and economy and so on the Arab world is changing the youth, young people are now composed for over 60% of all our population from Morocco to Oman from Mauritania to Oman it is a change in the not only the age bracket but the way people think and they drive behind an opinion or behind a certain request or a certain demand now for example in Egypt women the constitution has stipulated that 25% of all local governments parlaments, councils will have to be women if the elections or the government policy of appointment does not reach this 25% it is unconstitutional so there is a comeback or a real overture for women and their role in the political life this is very important it will bring change it will bring new brains and new attitudes and new reactions also the good governance I happen to believe that the reason behind the revolutions in the Arab world the main reason is the bad governance and the cumulative effect of the bad governance I can say that about Egypt certainly there was bad governance that has led to the anger the frustration that the people felt and the 25th of January 2011 was no question the result of such frustration and anger because of the bad governance not only in economy or in social policies or in security policies or in geopolitics the whole thing was wrong it was one man's decision this will not come back to the Arab world it will be because people want to say that we have the right to decide our future you cannot have just one person decides for you he has to consult he has to put things before the public opinion and here I wish to pay tribute to the king of Morocco because he started this practice and therefore pushed any feeling of frustration or anger of revolution this is the way you want but not only this we have to move into a different more open government democracy in my opinion will be the order of the day the public opinion will not accept dictatorship anymore not that this will happen tomorrow but this is a process and the process has started that is why I am optimistic about the future of the Arab world link to all that as we were discussing the new order in the Arab world and in the Middle East West Asia and North Africa we will have to discuss a new order and to form one all of us the old order will not work cannot serve the purpose Middle East Thank you, Amar Dr. Aarif you have many reasons to be among us this afternoon one of them that you are also Libyan and interested in the future of Libya but also that you have been an extremely well sort of traveled observer of political Islam and of Islamic movement in this region and you were the one who yesterday was telling us that ISIS has established strongholds in your country in Libya and you mentioned five places where ISIS, so it's no more just Mosul or Raqqa it's also North Africa as well and how do you see this is going I mean the sort of flat idea is that we are faced with either the barracks or the mosque and that we have to choose between the two are you of this line or do you think there is a possibility of other alternatives? Bismillahirrahmanirrahim First of all I would like to express my heartfelt condolences to the people of Saudi Arabia and the Arab world for the passing way of a great king King Abdullah and also to just make a quick comment about monarchies and their stabilizing role unfortunately in 1969 we lost our monarch King Idris Rahmatullahi Ali through a coup, an army coup and unfortunately we've suffered the consequences for 42 years or more as a matter of fact we are still struggling to even draft a constitution when we had a perfectly nice constitution going back to the 1950s but be that as it may we now have a rise of something quite sinister which we call ISIS or Daesh and I believe that it's very important not to see this phenomenon as unique to the Arab world and part of the way to expand our horizons is to look into history and the history of many civilizations including the European one I believe ISIS is nothing else nothing other than Islamized fascism basically or fascism painted with the paint of Islam I believe that the period we're passing through in history in the Arab world is very similar to the period Europe was passing through towards the beginning of the 20th century and the same dark forces that led to the rise of fascism in Italy and Spain and in Germany are now leading to the rise of an Islamically painted fascism which is ISIS it is no coincidence that the mass executions, the tortures the degradation of the human being the hallmarks of fascism are all present in the ISIS phenomenon so I think it's very important not to see this as an Islamic thing but I think it is more to do with the will to power and I think the will to power becomes more acute as people feel scared and threatened I believe that what is happening in our region is a reaction to the loss of meaning in many ways and the failure of many of our traditional institutions especially the religious ones and the cultural ones to actually not only preserve themselves but actually revive themselves and renew themselves so as to give meaningful frameworks for young people I believe that it's a cultural and spiritual crisis that's generating this nihilism and ISIS is simply an ideology of nihility of nothingness of death affirming rather than life affirming while Islam as in Christianity, as in Buddhism as in Judaism, as in all the great faiths of the world is a life affirming culture unfortunately our institutions that used to affirm life and to celebrate life and to spread ideas of compassion and peace and understanding and forgiveness and humility are giving way to a nothingness and ISIS basically lives on this nothingness and promotes this nothingness and that's why I believe that the easiest thing we can do and it's the worst thing that we can do is to sink into despair or cynicism about this whole thing I believe that there is much to be hopeful about there are intrinsic modes of resilience within the Arab world that are extremely important I believe the caring of Arab women is an extremely important form of resilience Libyan women met last week they met a couple of a few weeks ago also they met last week in Tunisia and before that in Egypt and their discourse is amazingly life affirming amazingly peace focused, compassion focused dialogue focused we need to listen to these voices who are an integral part of this Arab spring but who unfortunately got suffocated as soon as the Arab spring was successful by fascist movements that basically deprived them of that voice there is resilience in our young people it is not the case that all young Arabs are prone to ISIS and it's still with the vast numbers that are joining ISIS it's still a tiny minority of Arab youth Arab youth do not accept this they want to reject this but they're looking to their adults in the society and they're not finding meaningful discourse the religious scholars are making no sense the preaching is not reaching the hearts the revered institutions of the past are just peddling cliches we need to renew our culture we need to renew our discourse and give these young people meaning and the first thing we should do to give the meaning is to listen to them this is a second form of resilience that we need to invoke a third one which is extremely important is to respect locality the state that tries to plan from above and impose its will is another form of fascism it is also a will to power we need to listen to the locality be it a municipality or a township but we need to respect these local forces the social fabric and initiate a true genuine dialogue of the social fabric level that can lead to a consensus that can give us constitutions on which we can have states that are healthy being built so we need to invoke all these things and we need to most importantly stay hopeful, stay positive and create networks of goodness and compassion and that is why we are part of this network of adavos you can only fight networks of darkness with networks of understanding appreciation and mutual respect and thank you Thank you Arif I will take a first round of questions from the public now with the lady to start with present yourself and ask your question as how is it possible? I am Sara Alawi I actually have a question for Dr. Ayad Alawi and it's not an easy one Don't you dare to ask it at home? This is human rights You said in other words that efforts to strengthen the army and even international bombardments of ISIS alone will not overcome ISIS You are part of the Iraqi without the strategy of course You are part of the Iraqi government why is there no strategy? Thank you Zanahi What he was saying I am sure it is music to the ears of a lot of people who are sitting here especially the liberals I am not one but I am sure the liberals are very happy with what he was saying because that is the cause of the problems that we have today we talk about ISIS here but nobody is talking why ISIS started What he was saying is creating ISIS Now since Dr. Salamas words were at the beginning let's look into the next 12 to 18 months let's not look ahead of that but for the next 12 to 18 months which we cannot be as optimistic as Excellency Amra Musa for the next 18 months where do you see how we are going to fix the issues that you raise the issue of inclusiveness do you see it is going to happen anywhere in the Arab world? We have to look to get us to the next level in order that we understand and we accept each other rather than a wise man was telling us the other night that you abuse somebody with color than you are racist you abuse somebody who is Jewish you are anti-Semitic you abuse somebody who is a Muslim or Islam then it is freedom of speech which is sorry even to say it is unacceptable because that is a defeatism from then so that is Mahmood Jibrej Well I take these two questions to start with and then Mahmood The reason for not having a strategy is really embedded in the problem between the allies the international alliance and the way how they see things as far as fighting ISIS and between the regional vision of what kind of strategies needed and Iraq is lost between those two conflicts because Iraq does not have the means to defend itself the army was dismantled when the invasion took place and when occupation took place and as we are building the army again we don't have weapons we don't have enough ammunition we don't have weapons we don't have trained the army the army that we retrieved unfortunately suffered a lot of setbacks and this is where we need the help of foreign countries and alliances who say that they are against ISIS that's why no strategy have been developed and indeed when I speak about the political side it is important to realize that the only ideology which is binding people now is the Islamic ideology the Islamization which has been taken out of context and Islam has been hijacked and a group are claiming under the ideology of Islam because the ideologies that prevailed over the last two centuries have not produced anything except chaos and bad management that's why it's very difficult to have a real strategy to fight ISIS before going to Dr. Jabril I would like to go back to you Mr. Vankiran you somehow represent in Morocco where should I say a softer form of political Islam and the one we are discussing here what is your view of how religion is going to mix with politics and how it can mix positively and how it unfortunately sometimes mix with the blows of Labour Look, in the end without the idea of religious background or ideology there are three cars in the Arab world the car wants to control and to keep things as they were the car is strong and wants to go back to a final phase ...teba, da tebega populistica pa ist�aj tudi lahko iznov neko... ... roti in neko izativega. Tukaj tako, da bomo je taj nekaj... ...menej sat powder... ...menej sej sezon... ...toj sezon možemo izvori tudi tudi tudi tudi ikaj tebega... Na vse zrpjave ne je vse počkot, če je vse sva politične zrpjevi, počkoti pa tudi, ki je vse tega zrpjevi. Tudi, ki je vse sva politične zrpjevi, pa tudi, ki je vsi vse tudi, ki je vse sva politične zrpjevi. kaj je statičnja, kaj je izgleda? ali mi to naprejhanga, je ampak da ste prispeši svičnih bolj, in tukaj ne značili, da je inš느�žen sivognost, in tukaj, da bomo premisle v ročenja, vsi bodo koristite, ki možemo imati mestav več, in ne to so n festival n就j noh, kot ne bo Řslo pozetil, če da je zelo izgledošel in iz storov. To je zelo si početno, in odkali je. La budemna tazalaha m'a enfosina. Ida tazalaha n'a m'a enfosina, tajar tehakom se jeržojila hododihi v tešdod, kama kana da ima. Meni sof je, pa k'o lakaj sof je uspeh. Mohemme, še in lakaj, sajateh se jakon lana makanetun vih, tafredo ali, jakod ima jel atibar m'a vakifana, v sajateh jomkin, lakaj, in teština v Israeliji takod ima jel atibar. Tak jel h Garrett Black, hej ima jel izvaja izvaja izvaja taj še in možemo do regulatedh vOOD in dej na d nano, became wadz Wave. Kam zbojimo druge z nebi. nekaj nekaj, ali se prizvali. A ni je zelo se zelo, ki je prizvali. Islam je ničo zelo, ki je tudi in izgleda, ali tudi je začal, ko islam, ...en kot se nekaj se bolem, nekaj se se izpočivali na vsega, v svoju publika. Tezef Jibril, pravlj. Zavrešem proraj s trebenim mali analizah in posledu s kvaliji. Z Brendeljosti, ki je to, ki mislili me Zendeljosti, nekaj zelo izgledaj svojim vsočenim vsočenim vsočenim. Nice zelo je to reaktovce. Izgleda se v vsočenim vsočenim vsočenim, skaj svojim boljim do vsočenim vsočenim vsočenim. Zelo reakteni, in ne ne bi prejazati vse alternativ, do začanje vsočenim. Zdaj sem prišljala izgledanje tukaj. V svoj 19. sejšrjih, tudi je bilo vzgledanje, kako Jamal al-Dil al-Afganim, Muhammad al-Abdu, je bilo vzgledanje, je bilo vzgledanje, ali je bilo vzgledanje, je bilo vzgledanje. Vzgledanje vzgledanje, je bilo vzgledanje. Tudi imazili do svoju milijsku, kot bilo vzgledanje, ni živi, da je prišlo. Vzgledanje glasboj. Vzgleda to glasboj zlitiviti. The monopoly of that revolution, of that uprising, and everyone is claiming credit for bringing the regime down. And this is a problem. The rule of the elite who are talking about democracy or talking about national aspiration is to develop a model, to develop a dream for those young people. Otherwise it will be just an empty shot in the air. This is the first level. If we come down to the Libyan case I would say there are also two levels. The first level is how to stop the bleeding. I would go a national dialogue is needed. But the national dialogue that should consider and recognize that there is a huge gap of mistrust between the Libyans. They should deal with it. And secondly, that there is no exclusion for anybody, anybody who accepts a civil estate, who doesn't resort to violence, to express his political desires, political reject, should be included in this national dialogue. Libya is for all and should be built by all Libyans. This number two. In terms of concrete actions, we should start right away a decentralized government, where municipalities should start providing services for the people. Zelo se je zelo poživljena v začetku. Zelo se je poživljena v 5 ljubi, ki je zelo pošli v arm, zelo pošli militijskih. V zelo pošli v ljubi se je vse zelo. Zelo se je začeljena za vse ljubi, da se ne odvijete, ker se to zelo pošli. Zelo se je začeljena vse zelo odvijete na preferi, zelo na vse. To je začeljena, da se je začeljena, ...zaj, da bo v tej štih dobrovanjali zelo za tajto dnev, ... ...završanosti z ponoviti. Zelo je to še vedno ponovilje, da je vedno v vršanih... ...završanosti v zelo v tej štih ekonomijski projekt, ... ...završanosti zelo za vršanih, ... ...završanosti z vrša edukacija, ... ...završanosti in izgleda, da se ne zelo, ... ...završanosti z nekaj delet, ... ...završanosti zelo za to zelo za tajto gled, ... musk si početno zelo. To je ino češnja kultura, je nekaj nekaj nekaj, zelo trenorizm je vse začel, je ne bogato, in to je problem. Češnjo, nismo 500 minuty in zelo začnjem, da smo pred njiž prej prej ministra Mikati, ki je njiha s njim, nekaj ne sem, in, zato se zelo, nekaj nekaj nekaj nekaj nekaj nekaj, vznikov. In drugi del je, da se zelo, že je Srja. Znam, da je odlič, da se poživimo za tko 100,000 ljudi. Vse ne zelo, da je Srja. Realizam, da je spetakljena unijskih naznikov. Vše ga odlič, da je Dr. Ead, v neko vse drželj, da se leha, da se venduje, kaj je bolj dobro vsoje, that the situation in Syria is so complicated and I don't think a separate approach would do because of the accumulation of a number of the refugees displaced and so on. Now is the worst moment for them in winter, and I'm sure that the UN has done all it can. The Arab countries have done all they can, but we all fell short of dealing with this problem properly. And as Prime Minister Makati is here, I have to make a special mention. Lebanon, and what Lebanon has done, and what Lebanon has hosted a big number for them. But we have to do more and the political solution for Syria will have to be worked for, and for big countries, permanent members will have to abandon the policy of managing crisis. They have to address the crisis. They are, as we have seen in Palestine in many other problems, there is a problem, difficult to solve, so it is better to manage and keep going here and there. So I hope that the special representative who is in all the hand in all those issues will take into consideration the point that managing the crisis is against basic rights and will add to the problem of refugees in this place. Prime Minister Makati. I have a question, just I would like that you clarify. Is this, it is the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria? What they are doing in Libya? Well, it is. So it's becoming a generic name. Yes. What's the reason of existing such generic name today in Arab society? That's another question that we have to elaborate, I guess. So it's not any more Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. It is becoming a movement in this Islamic State. Transfigional. Last word to Dr. Iyad. Possibly to address this question. Mr. Makati. I think we can't be displaced and the refugees and those who are unfortunately being killed, the numbers amount to millions of people, not only 200,000 or around this figure. And really I cannot see any way but for the international community and the regional community to help as much as they can and to resolve the problems as quick as possible. We cannot wait for people to decide at leisure what to do and what to have, and otherwise every day passing we are losing people. And people are getting displaced and getting to seeking refugees in status in different countries. For the situation, and this is, by the way, this is when you look at Lebanon or you look at Jordan, Jordan quarter of the population now from Syria. One million, we have in Iraq, inside Iraq only displaces two millions. But that's why it's very difficult and I think the UN is aware of these enormous problems. But I don't think they have a solution for this issue. Thank you all on this not very positive note, but still realistic one. Thank you all for being with us.