 Okay, good morning. Good afternoon and good evening, everybody. I think we've got our tech sorted out now. My name is Edward Simpson, and I'm the director of the South Asia Institute Institute at SOAS. I'm your host for this afternoon's event. Welcome to the third Bang-a-Bandu Sheikh Mojibu Memorial Lecture, which is run in partnership with the Bangladesh High Commission and Seventh of March Foundation. It's the third time we're running this lecture. The first was given by Professor James Mainer and the second by Dr Sahela Nazdin. It's by great pleasure today to have to introduce Professor Roman Sorban, who I will come to later. For us, it's a prestigious and important occasion because it celebrates our partnership not only with communities in London, but with South Asia or generally. We like to think of ourselves as an open-minded and open armed institution, and it's events like this that me symbolize the modern spirit of SOAS. So before I introduce our lecturer, I would very briefly introduce my partners and co-sponsors of the lecture. The first is an Excellency, the High Commission of Bangladesh, Sayed Nirmala Tasneem, amongst whom many achievements and accolades and distinctions is that she's an alumna of SOAS, which I like to recount. So we will give introductory remarks and will be followed by my colleague, Nuruddin Ahmad, from the Seventh of March Foundation. Then I will speak again. I will introduce the speaker and then we will move to the lecture, the part of the afternoon and evening you'll hear. But first, to the High Commissioner, your Excellency. Thank you very much. Can you hear me? Yes. Good afternoon. Assalamu alaikum to Professor Rehman Suhan from Dhaka and all my fellow expatriate British Bangladeshis. Good afternoon to everyone. What a pleasure and what an honor to be part of this event, the Bongo Bundu Centenary Talk, titled The Role and Vision of Bongo Bundu Sheikh Mujiber Rahman in the making of Bangladesh nation state with such prestigious institute, universities such as, you know, educational institutes in the UK, such as SOAS, which of course was, you know, I'm a SOAS alumna and I did my masters here. This is a great, great pleasure. And, you know, with, again, such a prestigious institute from the Bengali British community here, which is sustaining the honor of the Seventh of March speech is called the Seventh of March Foundation, probably the only Seventh March Foundation in the world. So I am truly honored to be co-hosting this or, you know, partnering this event today with Professor Edward Simpson, and of course the South Asia Institute, and the good work done on Bangladesh and the Bongo Bundu, the founder of Bangladesh. I think that in its own right, SOAS is the only university in the United Kingdom that has Bengali language and literature course, both in undergrad and graduate studies. And I want to pay a special thanks to my friend, Professor William Raditi, who I understand I worked with him in my previous tenure here in London. He was so passionate about establishing this, creating these courses. So, SOAS in its own right, doing research and courses on Bengali language and literature does stand out to be organizing this particular talk on the father of the nation of Bangladesh. Today as we speak from yesterday, Seventh of March, the next 10 days, Bangladesh government would be celebrating three very special, two very special occasions. That is sort of monumental and it only comes every 50 years, 100 years. One is of course the birth centenary of the father of the nation, Bongo Bundu Sheikh Mujibah Rahman, that started from Seventh of March 2020, but it will continue until December 2021 because of COVID. We couldn't really do the celebration, so it is again resuming from this Seventh of March. And of course this is the golden jubilee of our independence. And as we speak, South Asian leaders for at least six South Asian five, six South Asian countries are all going to be in Dhaka, including Prime Minister of India, President of Sri Lanka, Maldives, Bhutan, Nepal, everybody is going to come and express solidarity with the people of Bangladesh, the government of Bangladesh and the 1971 war of Bangladesh because they all recognized us. I, on this very special occasion, organizing today's talk, I think it's we're extremely fortunate that I'm the High Commissioner here and I can part, you know, be a part of this, and we all are very fortunate. This is a very special moment. And of course, the third special moment is this year's also Bangladesh and United Kingdom's Seventh 50 years of diplomatic relations that started from February, it will end coming February, which will be also organizing very fitting. But today's particular talk on our Father of the Nation on this occasion, I pay my homage and respects to the greatest Bengali of all time. And of course, the undisputed leader of Bangladesh independence, the father of Bengali nationalism. I do want to thank Suez for giving us an opportunity to partner it partnering it with them. I want to thank seven much foundation, because Bongo Buntu had always had a very special relationship with Britain, but more importantly, he had a very important and special relationship with the British Bengali community here, who has never failed Bongo Buntu. They are there, they have always been Bongo Buntu's foot soldiers, whatever Bongo Buntu wanted them to do to support his cause of creating an independent Bangladesh they've always been there. And one such institution is the seven March Foundation, they not only represent those progressive values that Bongo Buntu believed in the progressive values that Bangladesh nation state is based on democracy secularism Bengali nationalism and socialism. They are also actively promoting the pro liberation values, they are opposing the anti liberation values of Bangladesh and we know that Bangladesh nation state was created, and there was a dichotomy. There was this two groups of school of thoughts where someone believed that Bangladesh should emerge that is led by Bongo Buntu. Everyone believe Bangladesh should be a secular state was not the group which thought that you know it should be an Islamic State, even if it was to be becoming going into a secular rule or independence. So, particularly in that context I want to congratulate and thank the seven March Foundation to keep the flame, you know, burning. They never failed to do this talk on every seven March, and they have given due much speech. I do hope that on the centenary year, the seven March Foundation and the Suez actually takes Bongo Buntu's values and familiarize his Bongo Buntu into many many other institutions and you can the mainstream and all that are coming back to Bongo Buntu. Let me just say that you know in into and I did say the other day as well. But before that I must say two words about Professor Eman. So what a great honor it is to have Professor Eman's one in today's talk. When Bangladesh High Commission London also organized the last talk at the London School of Economics with Professor Eman, at that time, the only person that we could think of that can discuss the, you know, be a co-panelist with Professor Amartya and qualify to do so. It's our most imminent and national asset and economics, Bengali nationalist activist and also a valiant freedom fighter, Professor Eman Subhan, who was Bongo Buntu's rather confident, even before the independence because you know there was this turbulent time what I have heard is the month of March of 1971 from beginning of March until the 25th. There was because the 1970 elections gave Bongo Buntu the mandate. So practically shadow government was running in Bangladesh and that that in there in that aspect, he was a close confident advisor to the father of the nation. And we, he was of course also working in the post independence planning commission. So from every aspect, you know today's talk, the given by Professor Eman Subhan would be such an honor to be hosting by Bangladesh High Commission along with so as a foundation but also we will learn so much from what he has to say about Bongo Buntu. I do want to mention that you know the other day Professor Eman Subhan in his talk discussed as a discussant he did mention about one thing that you know he mentioned that Bongo Buntu was you know he realized that how wrongly the Pakistan government was using the issue of religion to to justify all the wrongs that we've been doing against the East Pakistani state sorry the Bengalis in East Pakistan. And this is exactly the very value that Bongo Buntu upheld when he founded Bangladesh, he made sure that religion is never used. And Professor Eman Subhan in this laptop also mentioned that Prime Minister Shikassina Bongo Buntu's visionary daughter, she also absolutely values this and she always mentions he does a quote unquote for him and I don't have it in front of me but I was listening to his talk the other day. And he did mention Professor Eman Subhan that also his daughter Prime Minister Shikassina also is determined not to allow religion into politics not to allow religion as a tool to you know to brainwash people or to create Bangladesh or transform it into an feminist country. So it's extremely important that the values on which Bongo Buntu created Bangladesh was stems from that particular, you know, conversation that was taking place in the 60s and 70s before the before the founding of Bangladesh. And lastly I will say one thing that you know after when Bongo Buntu founded Bangladesh as a diplomat of Bangladesh, we had studied this in the Foreign Service Academy that you know he was under pressure from many important Muslim countries that we will recognize you why didn't you, instead of you, why did you create the People's Republic of Bangladesh why don't you continue with the sustained Islamic Republic of Bangladesh. But Bongo Buntu had the guts and the courage to say no to them flatly on their face. They said, would you name your country so and so. If you cannot do it, I am not going to convert my country Islamic Republic it will continue to be a People's Republic because we have suffered under an autocratic military authoritarian Islamic Republic. So, very rightly Bongo Buntu took his lessons, like Professor Aman Subhan has said, and I just want to say that this 10 days in Dhaka has a theme. It's called the Eternal Mujib. Yesterday, these 10 days overarching theme is Eternal Mujib, Mujib Chironton, and today's particular to every day we'll have a different theme. Today's theme is Mohakala Torjuni. That means on 7 March, the finger eternal, the finger and the speech that motivated the Bengali nation to take up arms to go for an arm struggle to liberate Bangladesh. I would also be fitting that we are organizing this year, and I would like to conclude by a quote by Cyril Dunn, who's a British journalist, just to say, what kind of a Bengali was Bongo Buntu that in 2004, when BBC did this survey, why was he chosen as the greatest Bengali of all time and I already mentioned in the other speech at LSE, that this was not a title that we gave to Bongo Buntu or Bangladesh government gave or Shiksinah government gave or somebody else gave, it's the BBC's listeners survey. Just like, you know, friend of Bengal was not chosen by people or government of Bangladesh, it was chosen before Bangladesh was born in 1969 by the people. So all this title that he gets from the people and the honour. Why, so this, this quote, I think is the best quote about Bongo Buntu and his Bengali and his uncompromising attitude uncompromising principle unequivocally he has always rejected anybody. His first concern was the Bengali people's welfare Bengali people's right civil political culture. And from that aspect, I think is a very good quote to hear to say here today to conclude. So journey cylinder and said, in the 1000 year history of Bangladesh, Sheikh Mojib is the only leader who has in terms of blood, race, language, culture and birth, been a full blooded Bengali, his physical stature was immense. His voice was redolent of thunder, his charisma worked magic and people, the courage and charm that flowed from him made him a unique Superman in these times, and he's talking about 1970s. So, I'll end here, we look forward to listening to Professor Iman Suhan, and we will also from Bangladesh High Commission will record it, we will be giving it on our website, and we are truly honoured to be having him give this talk and partnering this with the Institute and the Seven March Foundation gratitude from Bangladesh High Commission. Thank you. I commissioned many thank you for such a sharp and engaging introduction to our talk to our program. Next we'll move on to Nordin Ahmed from the 7th March Foundation before we move to the lecture itself. Thank you very much, Edward, Distinguished Chair, your Excellency, Bangladesh High Commissioner for Bangladesh, say that Munath Azmin and the most honourable guest today. It is really good pleasure, both honour and pleasure to be able to say a few words today. This is a significant lecture for us, for a number of reasons. First of all, we are really pleased to be back with the third lecture. Actually, the third lecture was going to be last year, but it was cancelled due to COVID. We had a grand plan for this year, but due to once again COVID restrictions, we had to give up all these ideas about having an exhibition cultural function, but just put up with this rather modest virtual lecture. But what is most pleasing that we are able to start from this lecture where we left. Last year, we were going to have the lecture where the Chief guest was going to be Professor Rahman Subban, because it was Bongo Banduri's 100th birth anniversary. And we thought Professor Rahman Subban is the most fitting speaker for that lecture. But nonetheless, we are able to continue with him. And this year, it is also important because this is golden jubilee of Bangladesh independence, 100th birth anniversary of Bongo Banduri. So therefore, everything is important. This lecture was also because I must say that we do hear quite a lot about Bongo Bandu, dreams of Bongo Bandu, vision of Bongo Bandu. Sometimes, lay people find quite difficult to distinguish between reality and what is reality and what is myth of Bongo Bandu, because we are not in the position of asking Bongo Bandu what is his vision was about Bangladesh. So therefore, nearest we can go is Professor Rahman Subban is the best person to tell us about Bongo Bandu dream, about Bongo Bandu role in making of Bangladesh, but equally importantly, the people that was with him shaping Bangladesh, making of Bangladesh. So therefore, I think we are very lucky to have Professor Subban with us, because Professor Subban and one of those people who worked very closely with Bongo Bandu in very difficult, challenging situation. Professor Subban had a choice when he returned to Bangladesh that he could have chosen a career and settle in West Pakistan, capital of Bangladesh, then Pakistan, but instead he choose to stay and serve his country and stay in the provincial capital and work under Bongo Bandu leadership. So therefore, we are really grateful Professor Subban is able to give this lecture, and I think I'll stop here a person to you, Edward to take over. Thank you. No, thank you very much. So two very warm and welcoming introductions from co-sponsors of this event. It now falls to me to introduce Professor Subban, but in the interest of time, I'm going to cut short a little what I was going to say. In his many years he has done many things. I think that is fair to say, including 20 years as an economist working the University of Dhaka. He was a member of the Bangladesh Planning Commission, served in the early 90s on the Council for the President of Bangladesh, and has played numerous instrumental roles in policy and government initiatives in Bangladesh and beyond. And as many of you know, he's currently chairman of the Center for Policy Dialogue, an organization that he founded in 1993. And he's published very widely on enterprise financial institutions and governance, but really, and I suppose, cutting very short what I was going to say. We're so pleased and honored to have him here this evening, because he's been at the heart of the action, so to speak, for a very long time. And I think that it's being at the heart of such action that he will be able to reflect this afternoon in the lecture on the role and vision of Bangabandhu Sheikh Majib Rahman in the making of the Bangladesh nation state. So with a very warm welcome from the South South Asia Institute, colleagues at the High Commission and the 7th of March Foundation, Professor Chauvan, the floor is yours. Thank you. Thank you. Hi Commissioner. Director Simpson. Director Mr. Rudina Ahmad of the 7th of March Foundation and all who may have signed on to this enterprise today. It is a great privilege for me to be invited to give this lecture in remembering Bangabandhu. Really, since this is his centenary year and it is also coinciding with the 50th anniversary of Bangladesh. 50 years ago I was a young man actively involved in the liberation struggle and I remember returning to Dhaka at the end of a nine month can. Can everyone hear it or is it just me. I'm afraid it's probably everyone. I think so I thought it was just me. Sunil, could you try and recall. Professor Silvan we appear to have lost his connection. Sorry about this everybody. As you can see we have encountered a zoom difficulty. Professor Simpson is taking initiative to make a phone call to Professor Amansovan's private secretary. I'm trying my best to give me a moment, sorry. Sorry about that. We had a power cut over here so we face some of the practical problems of the zoom economy. However, let us get on with it. Can you hear me all right now. Absolutely, we can hear you welcome back sir. So as I said it was it's great privilege for me to be invited to give this memorial lecture on this historic occasion. I feel it a great honor. The presentation I'm making is the role in vision of Bungalow Sheikh Mojib Rahman in the making of the Bangladesh nation state. The new nation states traditionally emerge out of a prolonged historical process, both where both political circumstances in a variety of heroic figures play a critical role. In my presentation today, I argue that while the number of important figures left their footprints on the journey to Bangladesh. I'm going to Bungalow Sheikh Mojib Rahman to merge at the right time in the right place to play the role of torch bearer who finally led the Bengali people to the promised land. In defining historical role, you drew upon those various forces, which served to make up a nation and work them together to make up the intricate and durable fabric of the nation states, which would withstand the most savages also to tear it under. Such a heroic task, demanded demanded great political skill, an impeccable sense of timing, a capacity for inspirational leadership, and the people who are made ready to move forward with Bungalow to take the historical process to its conclusion. When we attempt to deconstruct the actions of leader in giving direction to the historical process. It is no less important to also understand the thought processes of such a leader in giving direction to the struggle. In the case of Bungalow, we will observe that his own deeply held values influenced his actions. But no less important is actions and experience also shaped his values. For one lose awareness of the need to forge a sense of identity within the people you wish to meld into a nation is exposure to the vicious forces of Communalism, which were ruthlessly deployed to undermine his people sense of identity. The importance of democratic mobilization on a mass scale to sustain the struggle against the military oppression, and the need for broadening his vision to include not just the quest for a nation state, but to also construct a just society shaped his vision. When Bangladesh eventually emerged as an independent state, Bungalow to ensure that his vision, derived both from belief belief and experience would be incorporated into the founding principles of the nation state. Communism secularism democracy in socialism, eventually served as the four pillars upon which the Bangladesh state was to be constructed, and were eventually inscribed in our Constitution. The constitution is structured around 14th, the construction of national identity democratizing the struggle, the emergence of the Bangladesh nation state, and a vision for Bangladesh. And then by walking about the construction of a national identity, Bangladesh emerged out of the Pakistan state born in 1947 to provide a homeland for the Muslims of the Indian subcontinent. Within the state of Pakistan, the people of Bangladesh found themselves entrapped in the peculiar dilemma. They were part of a Pakistan by proclaiming their Muslim identity. But at the time of the partition of India in 1947 22% of the population of Bangladesh were Hindus. We expected to enjoy all the rights associated with the shared Pakistani nationality available to the majority Muslim population. When it exceeded to a Pakistan state defined by its religious identity, the political coherence of the Bangladesh polity demanded that it recreate itself as a secular state where religious identity was no longer acceptable as the sole basis for national identity. This point was well recognized by Muhammad Ali Jinnah in his famous inaugural speech before Pakistan's national parliament, reclaiming Pakistan secular character and defining religion as a personal affair, having nothing to do with the affairs of state. However, the issue of the position of religious minorities in Pakistan, applied largely to Bangladesh. In Pakistan it solved its own problems, its own dilemma of having a large Hindu in population by cleansing itself of its own religious minorities. Once Pakistan came into existence, Bangladesh's religious identity could never again provide the basis of its nationalism. It was consistent with the logic of the Lahore resolution, which sought regional autonomy for the northwestern eastern provinces of India, and not religious autonomy for the Muslims of India. Since the fight for Pakistan was built around the demand for autonomy of the two Muslim majority states of northwestern eastern India. The demand for regional autonomy remained the central driving force of Bangladesh's politics throughout its tenure in the Pakistan state. Within a united Pakistan, right from the first days of its new nationhood, the Bengalis found that their commitment to regional self-rule, as demanded in the Lahore resolution, had been subordinated by the central government of Pakistan. Had the central government been a democratic government, where the demographic majority of the Bengalis within the Pakistan state could be reflected in the shared exercise of political power at the center. The lack of promised provincial autonomy for Bangladesh may have proved more politically tolerable. The denial of autonomy for Bangladesh in practice meant the exercise of central power by a non-Bengali dominated ruling elite, drawn from the ruling classes of Pakistan, allied with the military and bureaucratic elite, where Bengalis were virtually excluded. This denial of shared power at the center for the Bengalis, as well as the frustration of their demand for provincial autonomy, was compounded by the assault on the cultural identity of the Bengalis. Associated with the proclamation by Pakistan's first governor general, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, of Urdu as the single national language of Pakistan. Urdu was a language of certain provinces of India, where it was spoken by both the Muslim and Brahmin elite. Urdu was in fact the mother tongue of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, derived from his birth in Allahabad. Whilst Mohammad Ali Jinnah could barely speak Urdu, and could neither read nor write the language. This quite fallacious association of Urdu with the Pakistani identity recreated a sense of Bengali identity with the inhabitants of Bangladesh, which they felt had been subordinated to their Muslim identity. Political domination and cultural subordination of the Bengalis was compounded by the denial of democratic access to the economic opportunities being created by the Pakistan state. In the 1950s and 60s, the state played a critical role in providing the dynamic of development in most recently independent countries, including Pakistan. A West Pakistani dominated central government used its monopoly of power to channel resources and to manipulate economic policies which served to accelerate the development of West Pakistan at the expense of Bangladesh. Thus, for example, national import policy was used to channel Bangladesh's export earnings from Deut, the country's principal source of foreign exchange receipts, to finance the industrialization of West Pakistan. In return, Bangladesh was to serve as a protected market for manufacturing exports from West Pakistan. Within Bangladesh itself, the exercise of administrative power was monopolized by non-Bengali bureaucrats and deployed to promote the growth of a non-Bengali business elite over the next 24 years came to dominate the modern economic sector of Bangladesh. This denial of political rights and economic opportunities to the Bengalis of Bangladesh inspired the demand for democracy and self-rule for Bangladesh, which constituted the central driving force of Pakistan's politics for the 24 years of its existence as a unified state. To sustain this denial of democratic rights to the Bengalis demanded a projection of a Pakistani identity over a Bengali identity. It was argued that an economically and politically strong West Pakistan ruled by an enlightened elite should be tolerated by Bengalis in the name of Pakistani nationhood. To master subversion of the spirit of the whole resolution, the Pakistani ruling elite had to revive the notion of Pakistan's religious identity. It was argued by this elite, virtually from the first year of Pakistan's existence, that the assertion of a Bengali identity was un-Islamic, as well as anti-Pakistani. The reality of Pakistan's politics was that its rulers have always been driven by secular archetypes for power and wealth, where religion has provided a convenient smokescreen behind which the democratic rights of the people were usurped. The political struggle of the 1960s in Bangladesh were thus driven by four key goals. The restoration of democracy, whereby Bengalis could share power in the central government through drawing upon their democratic majority through the franchise. The realization of self-rule through the acceptance of the principle of autonomy for Bangladesh. The channeling of resources appropriated by the central government towards the development of Bangladesh. And the recognition of Bangladesh as an integral part of the culture of Bangladesh and is one of the two national languages of Pakistan. These four political themes had a territorial base located in Bangladesh. Thus, the concept of democratic assertion coalesced with the notion of a separate identity for the Bengalis. The physical separation between two wings of Pakistan had inspired the idea that Pakistan was a state where two economies, even two societies, coexisted within one polity. However, as the political aspirations of the two regions of Pakistan began to diverge, the notion of two polities also began to assert itself in the consciousness of the Bengalis. Thus, a Bengali identity associated with language and culture within a state with differentiated economies, polities and societies and located in a country geographically separated by the land mass of India. Established a unique sense of separateness amongst the Bengalis within Pakistan, which had few parallels in any other state in encapsulating multiple national identities. The political struggles of the people of Bangladesh, starting from the language movement of 1952 to the democratic movement of the 60s were driven by these four salient concerns of the Bengalis of Bangladesh. Even the shaping of a national identity, this might be an infection. This emerging sense of distinctiveness between the people of East and West Pakistan did not automatically evolve into a sense of national identity, because the Bengalis of Pakistan still thought of themselves as it needed a major political effort to weave together these various notions of separateness within the consciousness of the Bengalis into a sense of shared nationhood. Whilst a number of historic political figures, such as HS Suravardhi, Shere Bangla Fazlul Haq and Maulana Bhashani, laid a vanguard role in the political struggle of the people of Bangladesh. The catalytic act of political entrepreneurship needed to forge a sense of nationhood for the Bengalis was provided by Bangalore. From the period in 1966, when Bangawandhu launched the sixth program, down to the defining two-year period from March 1969 to the end of March 1971. In the course of an election campaign of unique historical significance, Bangawandhu played a dominant role in the struggle for self-rule for the Bengalis. Now I talk about his role in democratizing the struggle. Identity has to be consolidated through a process of democratic struggle. The mobilization around the demand for Bengali as the national language had played a vital role in the national struggle. However, Bangawandhu recognized that it was around issues of the people's livelihood that the sense of deprivation rankled the most deeply. Deprivation was made visible in the disparate levels of living between the peoples of West and East Pakistan and in the disparity in levels of development resulting from the inequitable allocation of public resources in favor of West Pakistan. Bangawandhu played a catalytic role in institutionalizing this growing sense of deprivation. In focusing on the issue of economic deprivation, Bangawandhu could draw upon a body of work on issues of regional disparity presented both as academic papers and through more popular presentations by some Bengali economists, mostly associated with Dhaka University. I was privileged to be part of this group. Some of the economists had already propagated the idea that Pakistan should be conceptualized as a state with two economies whose unique problems should be addressed through a high degree of devolution of policymaking and resource mobilization, invested with the respective regional governments. Bangawandhu drew on these arguments on disparity as well as devolution in preparing and presenting his historic six point program before the people of Pakistan in the spring of 1966. His program, the six point program, eventually became the Magna Khata of the struggle for self-rule for the Bengalis. Here again, timing was all important. Pakistan provoked in fort of war with India in the last quarter of 1965, where it narrowly saved itself of military defeats by signing the peace treaty with India, brokered by the USSR and Tashkent. During this short war, Bangladesh was left completely defenseless. And that its defense had been outsourced to China. This was a fiction in 1965, and was to again prove so in 1971 with more fatal consequences for Pakistan. But Bhutto's message confirmed to the people of Bangladesh, the long standing duplicity of the argument of Pakistan's ruling elite, that Bangladesh is export earnings, but being used to build up a strong Pakistan army, which would assure our defense by destroying the Indian army in the west in any such military confrontation. The six point program provided the constitutional parameters for complete autonomy for the two regions. Four of the six points focused exclusively on the devolution of economic power. The six points reflected, for the first time, a formal recognition by a major Bengali political leader. That political coexistence between eastern pocket in West Pakistan, even within a democratic central government was not a feasible option for the people of Bangladesh. Only through a devolution of political power, policy making and administrative authority, as well as command over economic resources with the two provinces of Pakistan hope to survive within a single nation state. Interesting to note, the six point program had a historical precedent in the cabinet mission plan of 1946, where political mission, sent by the Labour Party, which had been elected to power and great Britain in 1945, offered a constitutional formula for post independence India to resolve the Congress and Muslim League conflict, which had stalemated the negotiations for India's independence from British rule. The cabinet mission presented a constitutional formula before India's political leaders based on a devolution of central power to three component regions of northwest India, central and eastern India. The cabinet mission plan was based on a recognition of a separate political identity, dividing the Muslim and Hindu community in India, and just chose to devolve power to the regions where each of these communities with respect, respectively in a majority. This formula was initially challenged by the Congress party, because the extreme degree of autonomy to be ceded to the regions was unacceptable to them, and so the plan was also subsequently repudiated by the Muslim League. The partition of India, leading to the emergence of Pakistan as a separate nation state, thus originated in a breakdown in the constitutional negotiations over the extent of devolution under a prospective federal constitution in an independent India, and not because the Muslims were determined to proclaim themselves as a separate nation state. Ironically Pakistan again broke up, and Bangladesh emerged as a nation state, initially because of the reluctance of the Pakistani ruling elite to accept a new devolutionary federal constitution for Pakistan, based on the six points. The six points were projected by the Pakistani leadership as a thinly veiled blueprint for secession by Bangladesh. Strangely enough, the Pakistani leadership, including Bhutto, never engaged themselves in a serious dialogue with the Awami League, except in the last few days of United Pakistan, on the implications of operation and operation life in six points. The more substantive concerns of the Pakistani ruling elite originated in their reluctance to relinquish the absolute power to rule Pakistan. The attempt to suppress the mass political mobilization across Bangladesh in the summer of 1966, associated with six point program, led to the arrest of Bangubandhu, along with most of the Awami League high command. He was later charged with inspiring the infamous Agartala conspiracy case, and tried for high treason. It kept in jail for two years. It took mass mobilization, uprising in both wings of Pakistan, culminating in the downfall of Ayub Khan, to obtain the release of Bangubandhu in his colleagues. The failure of the round table talks with the opposition leaders, eventually compelled Yahya Khan to hand over power to Yahya. Yahya at the end of March 79 had to seek a political accommodation with the opposition in both wings of Pakistan by promising national elections. Even though Pakistan was to be governed by Varshan law, Bangubandhu was confident he could win an overwhelming mandate from the people of Bangladesh to frame a constitution based on six points. Now this is the role of the 1969-70 election campaign enforcing national identity. Bangubandhu calculated that nothing short of an overwhelming mandate from the people of Bangladesh would generate enough pressure on the Pakistani ruling elite to devolve power to Bangladesh under the six point program. If such an overwhelming electoral display of support would persuade the military junta of Pakistan that rejecting and suppressing the universal demand of the people would jeopardize the very foundations of the Pakistan state. This turned out to be a prophetic assumption on the part of Bangubandhu. To build an overwhelming democratic mandate behind six points demanded total support from the people of Bangladesh manifested in the polling response of the voters. Historically all attempts to resist political domination by the Pakistani elite were frustrated by the divisions amongst the political leaders of the Bengalis. Bangubandhu sought to go over the heads of its political rivals in Bangladesh to seek a comprehensive popular mandate for six points. To build this popular unity, it was necessary to forge a common identity for the Bengalis. The main message of Bangubandhu's political campaign after March 1969 was to persuade the Bengalis that not only were they separated their social, political and economic life from Pakistan, but that Bengalis of Bangladesh were one people who should vote together to proclaim the right to live a separate life from West Pakistan. To build this mass unity demanded a focus on identity politics and the capacity to project this identity into the consciousness of every villager as well as not enough to build a shared identity within an urban educated middle class, which had hitherto been the principal reference points for political activity in Bangladesh. It was essential to persuade the masses of people across the nation that all Bengalis were being politically oppressed by Pakistani ruling elites. The key message encapsulated in a political poster put up by the Awami League workers in every village in Bangladesh, Purbo-Bangla, Shoshankano, via Eastern Bengal, a wasteland, itemized in simple language, the statistics of disparity in oppression between East and West Pakistan. In delivering the simple message to the people of Bangladesh, the role of the Awami League as a party should not be underestimated. Since Bangla, Bangubandhu's message to the voters did not land on their doorstep by osmosis, but required large scale party organization and dedicated work. The role of Sajuddin Ahmed, General Secretary of the Awami League and right hand Bangubandhu as well as other key figures and dedicated workers should also be recognized. Over the two year period, Bangubandhu emerged as the unchallenged leader and the embodiment of the national will of the people of Bangladesh. In this period he graduated from being the leader of a political party into a national icon for the Bengalis of Bangladesh. Wherever he went, the entire population of the area, men and women old and young, assembled just to obtain a glimpse of this near mythic figure. Without his presence, the Awami League would have still won the election. But it was Bangubandhu, in short, the overwhelming support of the voters for Awami League candidates, because in his person he transcended his party and came to represent the aspirations of all Bengalis. Here again, I wish to point out that I speak from firsthand experience because I accompanied him on many of these campaigns and I witnessed what I'm writing about. This emphasis on the role of Bangubandhu should not again detract from the growing receptiveness of the people to this message of self assertion over a long period of time. The total support of the people of Bangladesh for Bangubandhu was manifest in the election of December 1970, where the Awami League not only won 167 out of 169 seats contested from Bangladesh, but also 75% of the vote. At this point, it won large pluralities in virtually every constituency where it was successful, thereby minimizing the contribution of such events as the November 1970 cycle in determining the size of the majority vote. The outcome of the December 1970 election had given the Awami League an absolute majority in the National Assembly of Pakistan, as well as total control of the provincial assembly. And it clearly demonstrated that the voters of Bangladesh had unreservedly endorsed the six point program. And it proclaimed to the world that the Bengalis had forged a collective identity and that they had invested Bangubandhu with total authority to realize self rule for Bangladesh. That's what it originally been a political demand for constitutional autonomy had culminated in planting the seeds of a nation state in the hearts and minds of the people of Bangladesh. The emerging implications had arisen out of the election campaign and its outcome in December, were not fully appreciated by the ruling elite of Pakistan, including Zulfiqad Ali Bhutto. Neither Bhutto or Yahya had foreseen that implicit. That implicit in the had foreseen the overwhelming electoral victory of the Awami League. Nor did they recognize that the authority commanded by Bangubandhu over the people. Until both Yahya and Bhutto deluded themselves that the election results were an urban middle class phenomenon fueled by Bengali emotionalism and influenced by the adverse reaction to the November 1970 cycle. Until both Bhutto and Yahya met Bangubandhu in Dhaka in early 1970, they believed like that like previous Bengali leaders before him, he could be persuaded to compromise a six point demand. The West Pakistani leaders failed to recognize the CS make changes, which had been registered in the self awareness of the people of Bangladesh between March 1969 and March 1971. They did not realize that as a result of the elections in December, the six points had become the minimalist demand for the constitutional solution to the unfolding political crisis. As a consequence of this new found sense of nationalism and Bangladesh voices were being raised after the elections, even within the Awami League for full political independence. We appear to have lost Professor Subhan again. I apologize for inconvenience cause. Sunil in the South Asia Institute will be on the case. Please be patient with us. I think Professor Subhan has covered first two points. He was about to talk on emergence of Bangladesh. And the last was vision for Bangladesh. He's covered the first two. Welcome back Professor Subhan. Oh, sorry about that. Yeah, can you hear me. Yes. Sorry. Right, sorry. Okay. Yahya's decision of first March 1971 to see Nadia postpone the inaugural National Assembly schedule to meet in Dhaka on third March. Was viewed by all Bengalis is the end result of the conspiracy to deny them their democratic mandate registered in the elections of December 1970. Yeah, I move on to the emergence of the Bangladesh nation state. Ganga Bandhu's response to the decision by Yahya to postpone the assembly session was to call for the political mobilization throughout Bangladesh. The popular response in Bangladesh to a school registered a measure of support, which remains without precedent in the history of democratic and liberation movements. The non-cooperation movement was spontaneously joined, not just by the people of Bangladesh, but by the administrative and judicial machinery, the forces of law and order, as well as the business community. The non-cooperation movement eventually graduated in a formal shift of allegiance of the machinery of civilian government in Bangladesh, away from the central government of general Yahya Khan to the authority exercised by Banga Bandhu over Bangladesh. Eventually the entire machinery of state, located outside the military cantonments Bangladesh, unanimously came forward to pledge their loyalty to the leadership of Banga Bandhu. I quote here, the resignation letter of the chief martial law administrator left and in general Yahoo Khan, when he decided that force would not work the control of the administration has now passed on to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who is now de facto head of government and all public life. I am convinced there is no military solution which can make sense in the present situation. In consequence I am unable to accept the responsibility for implementing a mission, namely a military solution, which would merely lead to large scale killing of unarmed civilians and would achieve no same aim. It would have disastrous consequence. This was in his resignation letter to Yahoo Khan. By 5th March 1971, all troops had been withdrawn into the cantonment by Yahoo. Banga Bandhu had found himself the unchallenged ruler of Bangladesh and the entire machinery of Bangladesh behind him. In no other independence movement has such a shift of loyalty emerged prior to the recognition of national independence. Bangladesh's de facto independence thus emerged as part of a process where between 1st March and 15th March when Yahoo finally flew into Bangladesh to initiate negotiations with Banga Bandhu. Bangladesh had assumed all the correlates of an independent state. So totally was the non-cooperation movement that the economy and infrastructure of Bangladesh came near to collapse with life threatening consequences for the people of this region. So Banga Bandhu had a necessity to escalate the movement from non-cooperation to self-rule in order to restore economic activity and maintain law and order. A rudimentary policymaking apparatus had to be established by him to take decisions about selective revival of the economy and establishment of administrative authority. Many ad hoc problems of administrative political or commercial nature which needed resolution were presented to him at his private residence in Dhanmandi. The machinery of law and order was restored as the police began to take orders from Banga Bandhu and to work in cooperation with the Bami League workers to restore a sense of security to the people. By the 15th March for all practical purposes, a functioning administration operating under the direction of Banga Bandhu and administered by key of Bami League colleagues had emerged as a de facto administration and political authority in Bangladesh. It is arguable indeed that Bangladesh's authority, Banga Bandhu's authority was not just de facto, but could be termed de jure since his leadership enjoyed electoral legitimacy registered in the overwhelming vote of the population endorsing their political confidence in Banga Bandhu. This exercise of political administrative authority by Banga Bandhu over the entire geographical area of Bangladesh was more than enough to meet the criteria for sovereign recognition by a foreign government. This exercise of authority by Banga Bandhu throughout Bangladesh was projected before the world through a large contingent of the international press were present in Bangladesh to cover what appeared to be the emergence of a new state. Banga Bandhu was at the same time communicating with government leaders who were believed to exercise some leverage over the Pakistan government to seek their assistance in persuading Yahya to accept the logic of the democratic process in Bangladesh. The world press regularly projected Banga Bandhu's message to the ordinary people of these countries. So the Sheikh Mojib O Rehman during March 1971 became one of the most globally visible personalities in the third world. When Yahya Khan arrived in Bangladesh in mid-March to resume political negotiations for constitutional solution to the crisis, he was less no longer negotiating with the subject, but with the politically equal. Banga Bandhu at that point was not only sovereign in Bangladesh, but commanded more authority in his own territory than Yahya did in West Pakistan. If such negotiations between Banga Bandhu and Yahya had been carried out on the basis of political realities which prevailed on the ground in Bangladesh, a peaceful solution to the political crisis might have emerged. Such a solution may have ended in a loose confederal arrangement, which may have eventually led to a peaceful parting of Bangladesh and Pakistan. Political rationality had unfortunately long since been abandoned in the negotiating arsenal of the Pakistani leadership. Yahya goaded by Bhutto and some of the hawks in the junta still persisted with his delusion that the show of force would bring these middle class Bengali leaders to their senses, or that some of them would come forward over the dead bodies of their colleagues to seek a compromise with the military. The junta did not believe that the Bengalis had the political cohesion, courage, tradition or military capacity to sustain a war of national liberation. To the end, they could not comprehend that a nation state had been forged within Bangladesh during March 1971, where people would be willing to fight spontaneously to protect their sovereignty. At the back of their minds, both Yahya and Bhutto believed that if worse comes to worse, Pakistan would leave Bangladesh a scorched earth where the Bengalis would pay in fire in blood for their presumptions of sovereignty. As it transpired, Yahya used the cover of political negotiations to move troops into Bangladesh to build up enough force to suppress what he believed with enough force to suppress the forces of Bengali nationalism. By the time Yahya gave its final orders to General Tikka Khan to launch Operation Searchlight, his military code word for committing genocide on the Bengalis on the night of March 1971. It was Pakistan which was the usurper of authority from the democratically established sovereign state of Bangladesh. Thus the armed assault of the Pakistani armed forces on the Bengalis was seen as an act of military aggression by one sovereign state on another. This was how the Bengalis viewed the assault on their sovereignty and indeed how much of the world viewed the military aggression against Bangladesh. As of the 25th of March, Bangladesh was already a sovereign state in the minds of its citizens. The proclamation of independence by Vandu on 26th March in response to the military assault on the Bengalis was a juridical act recognizing a de facto in legitimate authority. The proclamation debate over who declared independence of Bangladesh is thus a largely irrelevant debate. It is self-evident to anyone with common sense that the operative issue is not who declared independence, but when Bangladesh exerted their own independence, which they did during the month of March 1971. The legitimacy derived from the unchallenged authority of Bunga Vandu was crucial to the sustainability of the Liberation War. At the time that Bangladesh independence was formally declared on 26 March. Bunga Vandu commanded what few of any leaders of independence movements have commanded during their phase of struggle with an imperial authority. The freely given an overwhelming electoral mandate to speak for Bangladesh. Such a mandate was not available to Gandhi or Nehru or Mao or Ho Chi Minh or Ben Bela or Negruma or Nairere or even to Mandela, all of whom obtained full electoral legitimacy only after independence. Bunga Vandu had already exercised de facto authority in the eyes of the world over the territory of Bangladesh when he proclaimed Bangladesh independence. The Bengali members of the armed forces were at that stage willing to break their oath of service and pledge their allegiance to the liberation of Bangladesh. Today the genocide unleashed by Yaya and the Pakistan army, but have been condemned by many governments and they would be in global outcry. In 1971, most governments with rare exceptions still believe that the state that a state however weak its popular legitimacy could massacre its own citizens with impunity. Thus in 1971, Bangladesh needed to invoke the support of the people of these countries who would in normal times have never heard of Bangladesh. The global campaign to reach out to the elected representatives to exercise pressure had a big impact on on getting governments to come forward and pressurizing Bangladesh to stop the genocide. But this global campaign was greatly facilitated by the visibility and the acceptance of Bunga Vandu is the leader of Bangladesh at that time. Now, let me point out that our margin is the sovereign state demanded the complete involvement of the people of Bangladesh, the consolidation of a sense of national sovereignty in the minds of the people of Bangladesh was not the biggest skin deep process one associates with formal declarations of independence, the ordinary people find one day that white skin rulers have been replaced by Brown science. In the case of Bangladesh, national sovereignty was inculcated in the consciousness. It was the mass character of this consciousness building, but provided the underlying strength for the nationalist movement. In March 71 Bangladesh is at all levels drawn from all faiths and social background, participated in the mobilization to beauty in the authority in every village a sense of Bangladesh sovereign status took root, and people became psychologically prepared to defend their sovereignty. In those days of March citizens were acutely conscious of the threat of military attack by the Pakistan army. Even within the cantonments, their preparations were attacked for visible to all Bengali members their rank and file, along with their officers at within their hearts and minds, proclaim their loyalty to a sovereign Bangladesh under the leadership of Bunga Vandu. In the Pakistan army launched its aggression on the people of Bangladesh. On the night of March 25 the entire population spontaneously rose up to resist this, even without any coordinating military direction. Two years of political mobilization by Bunga Vandu had made them conscious of the identity. The exposure to self rule in March 71 had made them a nation. This process of national consciousness building throughout March, politically equipped to people with no tradition of armed struggle, or even the use of arms to take up arms and be prepared to shed their blood to defend the newly acquired sovereignty. Let me now end quickly. This is the beginning of a vision for Bangladesh. The liberation struggle have defining impact on Bunga Vandu's vision for an independent Bangladesh. The struggle had inculcated a sense of national identity into the consciousness of all Bengalis. Ironically the genocide by the Pakistan army, which did not discriminate between Muslim Hindu Buddhist or Christian further reaffirmed our sense of nationhood. Bunga Vandu recognized the importance of sustaining this national consciousness by re-emphasizing the importance of secularism where religion could no longer abuse for political gain or to commit mass murder. The centrality of democracy was no less important in defining Bunga Vandu's vision. But as an idea of democracy embraced the inclusion of the masses of Bangladesh, who had provided both width and depth to the liberation struggle to give it the strength to withstand the might and extreme violence of the Pakistan army. In post liberation Bangladesh, Bunga Vandu envisaged a democratic order which would not be exposed to elite capture or could be made purchasable by the power of wealth. In the final analysis, all these dimensions of nationhood were subsumed in his vision for a more just society in reaching out to a mass constituency which could draw in the working classes of the urban areas as well as the rural masses. Bunga Vandu was conscious of the need to offer these new elements in his support base, something more than the prospective self-rule. He had at an early stage of his political journey, been made aware of how the Pakistan movement had been hijacked by Pakistani ruling elite, made up of landlords and aspirant business elite, the armed forces, and senior bureaucracy. What most people tend to overlook is Bunga Vandu's lifelong empathy with the common people. More than most leaders in his own life and his herculean campaign to organize the Awami League party, he had first hand exposure to the unjust and exploitative nature of the society in which the common people lived out their lives. From his earliest writings in his prison diaries, he speaks of socialism as an instrument to end such exploitation. Thus for Bunga Vandu, the idea of a just society was not just about ending the exploitation of the Pakistani elite, but of eradicating it from the social order over self-rule Bangladesh. When I was invited by Bunga Vandu to work with Tajidi Nairma and Kamal Hussain to prepare the election manifesto for the 1970 election campaign, Bunga Vandu specially alerted us to prepare a document which would construct a more egalitarian exploitation free society. The belief amongst the Bengali progressive circles that Bunga Vandu was a mouthpiece of the aspirant Bengali bourgeoisie was irrevocably put to rest once the 1970 manifesto was published and subsequently validated by Bunga Vandu's own actions. As was the case after the Awami League victory in the 1970 election, so was the expectation once Bangladesh was liberated that Bunga Vandu would now moderate his views and revert to the traditional role of all post-colonial leaders who made extravagant promises during the course of the struggle, but then settled down to deploy state resources and policies to build up an elite class in the image of the social order that had been left behind. When the same economists who were associated by Bunga Vandu in operationalizing a six-point program in preparing the AL manifesto were invited to take on the role of members of the planning commission, his mandate to us remained un-reconstructed. His first words to Noodle Islam in me when he invited us to set up the planning commission on 12 January 1972 was that he wanted to pursue a socialist policy. Bunga Vandu's vision of socialism was expressed essentially as a metaphor for his vision of a just exploitation free, more egalitarian society. Bunga Vandu's compulsion to repudiate in egalitarian unjust society he had left behind in Pakistan was made stronger through his experience of the liberation war. He was conscious of the fact that the masses had been mobilized by him to participate in the struggle for self-rule. They had paid the heaviest price through directly taking up arms in the liberation war and as the principal victims of the genocide inflicted on the people of Pakistan by the Pakistan army. Since 15th March 1975, Bangladesh society economy have been involved in a direction which remains somewhat contrary to Bunga Vandu's image. In recent years the economy has indeed demonstrated robust GDP export growth, structural changes, considerable improvement in its human development indicators and reduction in poverty. All such developments certainly demonstrate the many advantages we have realized through our independence and particularly in the big advances made in recent years. But there is little argument that over the years, Bangladesh has emerged as a more egalitarian society with its elective bodies subject to elite capture. What we need to explore in the days ahead is how far high growth and impressive infrastructure development can only be realized within the framework of a hierarchical social order based on a privileged business elite. Perhaps more relevant to our commemoration of Bunga Vandu's centenary and for honoring his vision is the importance of exploring what can be done to reconcile our developmental ambitions with the mission of the founding father to build a just society. Such a perspective could perhaps serve as one of the guiding principles when we seek to set the direction for Bangladesh on its 50th anniversary on its path towards a developed economy, a genuinely democratic quality in a more just society. Thank you. Professor Surban, thank you very much. As the High Commissioner is, is indicating we've not yet developed a clapping function for zoom, which is a little bit of a shame. I, for those of you in the audience, I would like you to be aware that you just listened to a remarkable lecture of momentous events, very likely told, which was an incredible achievement so thank you very much. For those of you in the audience who might have questions we have a Q&A function available at the bottom of the screen. A few questions already come. Most of those are for Professor Surban, but one or two of those might also be usefully directed at the High Commissioner, she has no objection. But as our special guest I'd like to ask the High Commissioner first if she has any questions you'd like to put the message so about before we open the floor to a general Q&A. Hi Commissioner. Sorry. I just want to express my gratitude to Professor Aman Subhan for delivering such a wonderful, such an analytical, sociopolitical, you know, socio psychological explanation of what, you know, he structured it in four chapters and this generation in particular our generation is so much devoid of this knowledge, you know this institutional memory, the socio political picture, particularly you know how Bengalis were looked down upon by Pakistani elite. We've only read about it from few, I would say books that are available but I wanted to know if Professor Aman Subhan would write on it. Would there be a book where he analyzes all this because for our succeeding generations it's extremely important to learn from these lessons, so that we do not repeat such things in our national history. So, if he would, and I wanted to understand that quite often when I'm supposed to talk about these issues on Bangal Bundu and the Bangladesh Liberation War. If I say this was a racial discrimination, would he agree it was a racial discrimination what we've been discriminated because we are Bengalis was there this you keep on mentioning that the middle class Bengalis you know the underestimating you know whether they would be able to do this arm struggle they're very peaceful people, you know, and whether any we've always been an egalitarian society, but particularly you know 60 70s those times so was was it a racial discrimination was it a case of racial discrimination and also the genocide that you spoke about a little bit if you, you know there was no recognition of Bangladesh is international recognition of Bangladesh is genocide. But what is your recommendation how do we internationalize it. It's very important that you know this is 50th anniversary of our independence and if you reflect back. This is something that on what Prime Minister she can see now has tried to do many times but, as you know the case that you know it. We did our international crimes try to learn of course we would this is this was a needed a closure, but at the same time, what we are trying to do here in London on the 25th we'll have a talk on this. And in fact, Dr. Ronok, Johan will speak on it but how can we achieve international recognition that you know there was genocide committed on the soil of Bangladesh. I will just stop there. Thank you. Thank you. I mean as far as my writings are concerned. I have covered quite a bit of ground in my first memoir on tranquil recollections, which covers my journey up to the end of December 1971. I also have another book of writings from two economies to two nations, my journey to Bangladesh. So, if you have access to those you can please get my thoughts on the subject others have also written on it. Would you write something on the occasion of the centenary of the bongo buntu. I have written a lot actually. In a book. So we can compile it. In fact, Ronak and I Ronak has written even more than I have. And we are putting together all our various writings, and are bringing it out in a slim volume. But as far as the issue of genocide is concerned I would suggest that you should wait till 25th when Ronak will be giving her lecture because she in fact is an authority in this subject, and has been of course discussing this issue of the recognition of genocide in what are the conditions required for that. Okay, wonderful. Hi, Commissioner, did you want to come back. No, thank you. This is a ethnic thing well I suppose Bengalis Bengalis more of a cultural category than an ethnic group but I suppose there would be an element of race involved in this so I suppose we aren't really a race by any objective sense of the term as far as I know. But we are clearly identified identity group. And that was I think what was highlighted in the genocide. And so would you have a message for the new generation, you know the present generation of Bangladesh youth. If they had to relate to 1971 and the, and the history that you just spoke of what would what would be their take from this the lessons learned things that they shouldn't repeat. The main message which he conveyed throughout his life was the need for justice. And you should have both political justice through democracy, and more important you should have social justice so that in fact there will be no sense of communal or cultural discrimination. And above all, you should really have economic justice so that all people would in fact face their struggles and life through a democratization of economic opportunities. And I think this is something which he began by fighting it for Bengalis at the regional level but it transcended into social struggle. And I think this was his parting message to all of us. Okay, thank you very much. We have a number of other questions that have appeared in the q&a section. I won't take them in the order in which they have appeared. I'll pose my own order on them. I apologize for the question. Askers doing that. The first one I'd like to take is from side in am who asks. Professor someone hasn't mentioned the 11 point demand of the student movement. Could you comment on the idea that the 11 point student thing led to the adoption of socialism as a constitutional goal for the economy of Bangladesh. Okay. Well, the 11 point demand was certainly joined with the six point demand and became a common demand. But as far as socialism was concerned. And Gubandu himself was advocating socialism long before anyone had ever heard of the 11 point or even the six point demand. And in fact, if you read his prison diaries. He was in fact actually articulating the need for an exploitation free society. I think his latest work about his visit to China, which is the Bangla version has come out, but the English version is also about coming out. He expresses this very strongly very was greatly impressed by his visit to a socialist China in 1952. The aspect of socialism has of course been part of the Avami League discourse, as we are now discovering as we are digging and drawn up. One is the leading researcher into the archives and finding that references to socialism, going back to the foundational documents of the Avami League, and then eventually into the 21 point program in 1954 had already been articulated. So, once I suppose those from the left who associated with the 11 point program would like to feel that they had a contribution to it, I would say that well they did at that time. But the antecedents as far as Banda was concerned for far older than to the extent that people like myself were part of this discourse. So I think that we were teaching socialism to the people who are incorporating it into the 11 point program. Thank you very much. So the next question is from Gulam Ali, and I will direct it perhaps both to Professor Silvan and High Commissioner. You did a master's degree at SOAS, he tells us, writes an overwhelming majority of Pakistanis today and knowledge atrocities and injustices committed against people of formerly East Pakistan. Do you not think that there's a need to use this realization on the part of Pakistani public politicians and intellectuals make room for a grand reconciliation between two nations. Does it exist any significant channels of communication between the people of both nations. This wound now needs to be healed. What would you propose in this regard. Well I think the crucial problem is that the successive Bangladesh regimes have always made the point that they would want recognition of what happened in 71. And an apology for what happened in 71 form the leadership. But historically, this is never going to come, because as long as the Pakistan state is held captive. In the hands of you may say it's real rulers, the gentleman in uniform. It is going to be very difficult for even democratically elected governments who may be interested in reconciliation to in fact actually come forward and to register the formal apology and the recognition of the wrongs of 71. And for, in fact, creating the basis of a reconciliation. So I think this is remained the problem. And I'm not quite sure what the way out for this is beyond any significant change coming about but one would hope that it would not be prejudicial to people coming together at the level of citizens and I have certainly had occasion to visit Pakistan Pakistan is a visitor here and quite a few of us congregate within the framework of South Asia initiatives. And these are ways in which we can move forward but the objective reality remains that there has to be a recognition within the leadership of Pakistan about this problem and to use that as the basis on which to construct a new pattern of relationships. So would you like to answer. I, I direct the question to you just because you might have some different form of response. Not at all. I think Professor months of one is encapsulated Bangladesh is a state position, because to our successive Pakistan government Bangladesh governments have every time there was an official visit, an opportunity for this kind of apology and that was the most important one that Professor months of one also recalls them sure he'll recall that there was an economic account that was, you know, there was no state succession. So, Pakistan Central Bank had quite a large number of reserve sold from Bangladesh due to exports and other issues. So that was never resolved. But then one thing that Bangladesh insisted is an apology and a recognition that such crimes have been committed. And, you know, crimes against humanity, etc. But since that never came, we never went to the next step so each time there'd be a high level visit these issues will come into the come on to the agenda, but we never saw any initiative on the other side. So I just add to his voice. Thank you. So we have two questions now relating in different ways to India. The first one is from Rakesh Mathur who writes he was looking forward to hearing something about India's role in Bangladesh, gaining freedom. What about the state of Bihari Muslims after the creation of Bangladesh. That's the first part of it. So that's a quite a specific question. And then the second one from William Crawley is much more wide ranging. And I can imagine that might be a second book on this. And that is to what extent did Gandhi's economic ideas and Gandhi's idea of socialism influence Sheikh Majibur Rahman. Okay. So, the first one is Rakesh Mathur. Well, of course, this wasn't about the over view of the whole liberation war. In fact, I have written about India in two memoirs of mine. The first one, I point out that I was in fact one of the first people to arrive in Delhi and to open up discussions with the leadership of India. In fact, Mr. Tajuddin came there at that time and he opened up relations, but I had gone there just at the beginning of April and in fact had met with Mr. P. and Haqsar and other influential people over there to educate them about what happened in Bangladesh. And I was of course also involved with building up relations with India during my days in the planning commission. So this is part of another story. And of course, Professor Raghavan has written an excellent book on that subject, which I would certainly advise you to read. As far as the, what was the other part of the question. About the influence of Gandhi. Oh, well, actually, what was interesting was that bongo one do was if anything more influence by Gandhi's post 46 commitment to avoiding communal conflict. So we are these historic photographs of bongo one do standing in the room behind Gandhi and Mr. sort of worthy where they were having this fast in Belia Gata in Kolkata to in fact actually stopped the riot. So one do was a self claimed disciple of Mr. sort of what he went along over there, and was a great believer there. And when he decided to go back to Bangladesh to Pakistan is East Bengal in the end of 47. So whatever the advice them that one of the first things you should engage yourself in is to ensure that no communal riots take place there because otherwise there will be a huge exodus of Hindus into West Bengal which will further aggravate communal tensions over here. His first mission was in fact a Gandhian mission to in fact actually try to stop communal conflict in the new state of Pakistan. As far as his vision of socialism was concerned, I haven't really come across, I mean he was a great admirer of the Mahatma, but I have come across no real evidence to suggest that he drew any direct inspiration from the Mahatma ideas of socialism or the Mahatma society, which had their own unique features. One of his ideas about socialism went along a more conventional lines though I don't think he was a great believer in all these sort of hard lines sort of theoretical constructs of what the sort of conventional socialist discourse really presented. He essentially addressed the values of a socialist society and took quite seriously the institutional initiatives which are demanded for in fact really creating a more just society. The concept of social ownership of the means of production, the concept of bringing about cooperatives in the rural agriculture in the rural areas, these were all ideas which were very closely held by this belief in worker participation in management and benefits of production. All these ideas he believed in he wrote about and he spoke about. Thank you very much. The next question is unfortunately listed by as an anonymous attendee, and I'll paraphrase it rather than reading it directly because I think it's an interesting question. The question is something along the lines of shape with your vision was just and democratic. How, how do you practically and intellectually reconcile those ideals with a darker side to do with opposition control of the press and political parties, and the one man rule priorities and that is how do you, how do you bring together those contrasting ideas and explain them within a political narrative. Well I think, as far as the social component of social economic component was concerned, whatever vision he articulated through what he was he's obviously referring to as the box program is of course projected over there, I mean if at a point in time, he came forward with the body of ideas demonstrating his idea of bringing about justice in the rural economy. This was there, but his democratic agenda as it initially emerged in the box out program, obviously was not consistent with his lifelong beliefs and his commitment to a democratic order. I mean, after all, I can think of no person who has struggled for longer in his life, and had suffered so much in his struggle for democracy whole struggle for Bangladesh itself evolved out of his struggle for democracy and the denial of democracy. Ultimately, the liberation of Bangladesh, the liberation war itself emerged out of the ultimate denial of the democratic mandate which he had earned through his election campaign. So, we have still, we still remain attempt, we still attempt to in fact understand the last phase with life, but what I would like to point out is that I do not really believe that that part of his agenda was his last word on the subject of the political society which he wished to construct in his vision for Bangladesh. I think what we saw was intervention for a brief period of time, how he would in fact have modified and developed it over a period of time is less clear. I mean, there are various hypotheses which suggests that his main objective at that time was to bring in a much broader constituency of support, drawing from the younger, more radical elements from other political parties including those who in fact had once been with him and had gone on to constitute what came to be known as Joshua, and that once he had brought them together within a common framework, it is possible that he may have redirected his agenda back to his sort of lifelong commitment to a democratic process. But all this remains speculative and what he had in mind where he was willing to take it, we can do no more than speculate. So, I would really not want to say much more about this, because the very move that he took at that time remained unclear to many of us, and quite a few of us believe that actually most of the powers that he appropriated at that time actually were already available to him because he was an all-powerful and unchallenged leader through the democratic process itself with no real contestation open to him. But as I said, he went down a particular path and where that path would have led, we have to leave this open to speculation and if anyone can unearth any further documents on what was behind this, I would be interested to learn about it. I think that's an excellent answer to a difficult question, but you've also taken the question very directly. So thank you. And the final question I'm going to take from the Q&A before we go to Norf, a vote of thanks, is from Saif Osmani, and I'll put it to both Professor Saban and the High Commissioner just to see what comes out. And Saif Osmani says hello. At the Migrant Memory and Post-Colonial Imagination Research Project, we're looking for personal cultural objects that represent Bangladesh over the years. And then there's a link to the website which is called Memories of Partition, Bangladesh through 50 objects. So the question for the panelists is what personal objects or heirlooms remind you of the period of the creation of Bangladesh. My goodness. I'll tell you one which has nothing to do with Bangladesh. Throughout 1969, when I was campaigning for a stoppage of aid to Pakistan in recognition of Bangladesh, throughout 1971, I had been sent out as an envoy by the Bangladesh government in exile. Throughout the campaign when I was in the United States, I kept hearing on the soundtracks a song by Aretha Franklin called Spanish Harlem. And that tune of Spanish Harlem has remained in my mind for 50 years. But I don't think that would be a very suitable symbol for the sort of collection that you are having. I would have thought that the symbol for that particular period would I think be the bandana, the red bandana tied around the forehead of the freedom fighter. I think that would be a very evocative image of the Liberation War. Thank you. Hi Commissioner. Thank you, Professor if you allow me I would just like to add to two questions that was given to Professor so one before. One was a role of India. The other one was, I think Infants of Gandhi and it was followed by the, what was the stages of the I would like to respond to that. Now come from the last. So the question of Bihari whoever's asked that. So, as you know that the Bihari people are, you know, the stranded Pakistanis is the official term used by Bangladesh she government Bangladesh government which is, they were the ones who gave an option to the ICRC. They were called the Geneva camps and they were created as humanitarian camps during the war. And those people who opted that they want to go back to Pakistan, and they would prefer a Pakistani passport and identity, and they don't want to be a part of the newly independent Bangladesh. And for that it was an unresolved issue and again, amongst the four unresolved issue between Bangladesh and Pakistan. After the independence, each time there would be high level visit this would come up and Bangladesh would ask the Pakistan government. These are your people, they want to be part of Pakistan please take them back, but they were refused they were successive And eventually, the new generations of that that particular residents of those camps, they had that, you know, asked for the right to have Bangladesh citizenship, and those who are born in the soil of Bangladesh, and the Bangladesh courts have given a verdict that those who are born on the soil of Bangladesh should be given Bangladesh citizenship. So now they have been given Bangladesh citizenship. There's a small number of seniors who still want to be back to Pakistan they continue to deny you know they refuse to take the passport to Bangladesh but the new generations are hold Bangladesh passport so we have given them that right. So that's the current status of the of this people, the stranded Pakistanis or the Biharis, and regarding, you know, influence of Mahatma now this is an area of my interest particular. So if you read the unfinished memoir of Bongo bond who Sheikh Mujibir Rahman, there's a good chapter on what happened during the riots in Kolkata the great Kolkata killings, and at that time, he was a student of the Islamic college, and the role that he played, he tried to provide you know he had this hospices with his friends that they would create and support the people, whether it's Hindu or Muslim. In fact, that is a basic. Of course, he was inspired by Mahatma Gandhi. He was inspired by his non violence, his vision that you know he they should not be Hindu Muslim riots in Kolkata and that's why Gandhi rushed there. And he did join the peace mission of the Gandhi and he did participate with his political guru sir, he went there twice. And in the autobiography in the unfinished memoir he writes that he and his photographer friend had made. They decided that we have to give the true picture of what kind of violence to place between Hindus and Muslims. So unfortunately, and they took those photographs made an album, and they presented it to the Gandhi. And he they wanted Mahatma to understand what has come of this partition, and that is exactly why Bongo with the didn't want the political rights to be repeated and Professor immense one just mentioned that the sense is so I'd be told him that go back to Bangladesh but make sure that Bangladesh this kind of political rights, sorry, religious rights are not repeated in Bangladesh. There was extremely conscious of that and I think that was the inspiration from Gandhi that his take out is that to have a non violent society to have a, you know, secular society and to have, you know, inter communal harmony, it was extremely important to him. And the role of India is role of India was that India has been a special friend of Bangladesh, and 10 million of Bengali refugees to shelter in India. We must not forget the role of India in Bangladesh is independence and the joint forces to which Pakistan had surrendered. So, today, as we speak, in a few days Prime Minister Modi will be in Bangladesh to celebrate Bangladesh is 50 years of independence. And the two countries are currently going to what India calls it the sonali odd type, which is the golden chapter of our relationship and I think the, every time the role of Indian army, the people of India, she met the Indira Gandhi, everything has been duly recognized by the government of Bangladesh on will Prime Minister she casino had given this award called friends of liberation war, and we have recognized every single soldier at later on during our war independence, every single politician, a line of politicians talking from Pranabukha G and she went in there Gandhi, so on. So you know, we have, we do recognize it each year, even here when we do the National Day, when we do the victory day of Bangladesh we invite the Indian High Commissioner. So it's a tradition. And therefore it's very duly recognized. Coming back to 1971. Hello. Well, you know, I was about four or five years old, I think, at that time, and I was in Dhaka, and my father was working in the central government in West Pakistan and he was stranded there. And he was house arrested. And we came to Bangladesh before the war started, and we had to flee so my hero missed when the 25 March genocide was happening. We were with our uncle who was a professor at the university. And we saw exactly what was happening and we had to rush to some remote village to protect ourselves was lots of young girls in our family. And I think that's about it that memory of rushing. I don't know if you've, you know, Alan Ginsberg September road just saw a road in September. I don't know if you've read that, but it says exactly how every person felt who fled the atrocities. I think that would be my personal hero. And I think that an apology is owed to the women who are raped and tortured and sexually violated that apology never came. And as a woman, I still await that. Thank you. Hi, Commissioner, Professor, thank you very much to unexpected items for the 50 objects 50 years collection. I'll hand now to know for the final vote of thanks. And I thank you for your patience, nor you're muted, unfortunately. Okay, sorry. Okay, first of all, I do apologize that we had to put this event together very hurriedly. We spent only just over one and a half will to get this way. So apologies again if something did you like, but I think during course of organizing this event. I talked to a number of people and discussion ended up around. I am telling you, and look, this lecture is going to be different from any lecture you have heard. This is going to be interesting, most interesting, informative, and authority. This is going to come from a person who is not only been in high witness the event, but he had been part in shaping it. Therefore, and I was proven quite right. So it's been really wonderful lecture. I think everyone will join me for a warm thanks to the professor for most informative and authority. Finally, I would like to just quickly. I know we have been online for quite some time. And we have. Professor Aman, Aman Subhan also have to go soon. But also, I think for some strange reason, the technology has played quite a lot today. So we do apologize for this. But finally, I would like to end by saying some people. This is fourth year, third lecture. I think I would like to start thinking by thinking everyone as well for being such a wonderful partner. And I know Ed and his team, but that's all the hard work. I always come last minute and take credit for it. And especially when within his team, I would like to give a special thanks to Sunil Pony because someone behind this scene, you can see him, but he's always there. I would like this year. I would also like to thank, give very special thanks to Bangladesh High Commission in general, but more specifically to the High Commissioner herself, because she has been wonderful, an inspirational partner for us this year. And we see this is there. There are quite lots we need to do. So as I'm selling my foundation, I committed and we'd like to see High Commission on board in for a long term partnership to purchase some of it. Finally, I would like to thank some of my colleagues at the foundation. And I think that they have had too many. I think a special thing goes to Ansar Ahmadullah. He is such a person testing very quietly. He is like equivalent of Sunila Swas, right. So he, and there are obviously for read. I just bought you the German, all of them deserve to be things. Now, on conclusion, once again, I would like to turn, go back and think, I don't, I don't have enough work to express our sincere gratitude to Professor Rehman Subhan for wonderful. Thank you very much, Professor Subhan. Okay. Thank you very much. Normally, I'd be able to invite you all for a cup of tea in a samosa, but instead, I just have to press the end meeting button on zoom, which is an inglorious end to what's been a fascinating session. I'll just finally like to thank as well. Thank you Professor Subhan for giving us such an excellent and provoking talk. All of you coming to listen to the High Commission being here and the High Commissioner for being here all afternoon so that your time is also much appreciated. And finally, to know, and the seventh of March Foundation, likewise for being such excellent partners. I'm not aware that Professor Subhan is anticipating his evening meal and the sun, well the sun is shining where I am I hope it is in London. So I wish you all a lovely afternoon and thank you so much for being here and sharing this unique experience with us. Thank you. Thank you, sir, Professor Rehman Subhan. Thank you so much. Take care of yourself. We pray for you, your good health and long life. And we can see Dr. Ronan Johan there. Hello, madam. We look forward to hearing you on the 25th. Thank you so much for agreeing to talk to us. Thank you. Thank you, Professor Simpson, seven March Foundation. Your excellence is very nice working with you in partnership. Thanks.