 So, geolanguistics and confinities in the Carteau Atlantic area in the US and Europe. This study derives from several reflections based on the research carried out by the geolanguists of the major European multilingual atlas, the Atlas Linguarum Europae, or ALA if you prefer. The sources used for these studies are data collected in the field from direct native speakers, in the course of the 20th century. Geolanguistic raw materials is based on river or maritime species whose social use has declined in many sectors of the European continent in parallel with the development of the market economy. Fortunately, these local dialects have been collected and studied from the beginning of the 20th century to our days. The recorded data have been gathered in the numerous linguistic atlases which are now open to a vast domain of interpretations thanks to the new electronic mapping tools while taking into account also the recent research carried out in the fields of archaeology, history and ethnology, and of course paleo-antropology and genetics. Yes, rural speeches are peripheral and unlike what happens in urban areas, they seem immutable while the social and economic changes occurring in their society are slow. In fact, the main observable change is the radical shift from the local dialect to the traditional official language. The conservatism of the dialects is explained by the huge social gap between the educated classes and the dialect speakers who have often remained illiterate and isolated from the European centres. As regards linguistic change, it's just the opposite of the traditional view which, according to the tree model, recognizes the origin of the dialects between the disappearance of the languages of antiquity considered as fosives and the birth of modern languages in their middle ages. Local speech or local dialects are not living natural organisms in constant evolution. On the opposite, they are conservative and evolve very slowly under pressure of geographical and ethnic contacts and social-cultural transformations. Within the framework of this continental atlas, the ILEE, the priority objective of geolinguistics becomes the search for profound affinities across borders and linguistics and cultural areas rather than that of divergences. Some researchers, notably those of Mario Allene, confirmed by Marcel Ott, have for 30 years seriously called into question the invasive theory of Indo-Europeans. They remarked the incompatibility of the Indo-European models chronology with the new findings in geolinguistics or archaeology. They also deployed the fact that there was no archaeological evidence of the Indo-European invasion, which was supposed to be very important for the 4th millennium BC. Jean-Paul de Moul had also the same position since the end of the 20th century. Allene's research based on geolinguistics, archaeology and anthropology proposed the parroting of paleolithic continuity, PCP. This model demonstrates on the basis of concordances between dialectal and archaeological areas that the lexicon of the present-day European dialects retained part of the features of prehistory and thus attests the unbroken presence in Europe of Indo-European and non-Indo-European languages and populations since the upper paleolithic. According to the PCP, the Celts will have settled in the Atlantic coast in the Iberian Peninsula to Amorica and Scotland since the Mesolithic. The purpose of the present study is not to privilege the Celtic area but to use these geolinguistic realities as a way of questioning the notion of languages and populations' continuity in the Atlantic area of Europe as we already did with some of us by publishing the book Air-Languistic, Air-Culturel as you can see here on the slide. So let's see some examples now of these concordances. The names for Ras, here are the Celtic English and Roman's names of the Ras. So it is a very clear demonstration here of linguistic concordances in the Atlantic area. On both sides of the channel we can first remark the Celtic names Breton-Groix, Welsh-Groix and in dialectal English of Cornwall-Groix coming of course from Cornish-Groix, which is not used anymore. So the Celtic names explain the etymology of some of their English and Gallo-Roman's equivalent in green here on the map English Ras and the Gallo-Roman's forms Vrac, Vra, collected in Normandy and also in eastern Brittany. Before being applied to a species of fish the Celtic terms Welsh-Groix or Breton-Groix colloquially mean hag or witch In their comments on the names of the witch in Europe Caprini and Aline in 2007 note that in Celtic the colloquial term refers only to the cementing field of hag as well as to witch sorcerers but in a derogatory sense. In southern Europe, particularly in Italy or in the Iberian peninsula, we have Galician-Mega or for example Italian Strega they still clearly refer to the magic and the religious field. One also finds a reference to the mother goddess in the Slavic or Finnish dialects referring to Vladimir Prob, Caprini and Aline explain the restriction of the Celtic semantic field by a consequence of the rich craft trials carried out in an intense and repeated manner in these regions of western Europe from the 14th to the 17th centuries. So in that context it is not difficult to understand that the magical aspect of the witch had been eliminated and disappeared. However, the magical or religious trait seems to have survived in the Celtic names of the wraths. In fact, the seaside Celtic speakers used to believe that fish to have supernatural abilities. Several Celtic tales relate the prodigious action of the wraths which appears to be endowed with the magical power that allows it to reign over the other marine animals of the rocky area where it lives. The wrath is sometimes also called rockfish on the British coast and in Scottish garlic we have also creco, which means rocky from garlic creak rock. It's also called old wife in Scotland and in Irish maher na malach, mother of the wraths or sea wife. The names of the wraths reveal a motivational process indicating a totemic system of beliefs also noticed by Francesco Benotso in the Celtic names of the whale in 2012. That group of fish names present many similarities with Setna, a goddess sea wife in the Inuit mythology. The Inuit's way of life used to be based on fishing and hunting up to the middle of the 20th century. This notion of supernatural power providing game of fish is founded on an anonymous conception of the word which attributes to supernatural entities a form of subjectivity. Then one can agree with the game space spirits to have the right to hunt. For the Inuit, Setna does not remain for a long period in a natural cave but according to the Inuktitut the word Setna will have been derived from the term Sana, there under offering another relevant semantic association with the Celtic names of the wraths. Another type of example, the names just to note that in this connection the Breton Croix is also often used in toponymy to detonate megaliths such as the most famous of them Minirach, a stone of the hag and this phenomenon is common to the Celtic area since the term Olds is commonly used to denote Minirs of the man. So another example of concordances in the Celtic-Atlantic area names for Nose. In the Gaelic Linguistic Atlas of Scotland Throne is not the most frequent term used for Nose. One find also Throne and Throne variants. The Gaelic area of Throne correspond evidently to the southern Irish area of Throne and then to the Welsh area of Throne and the Breton one of Throne in a ströfrö alternation which is common in the concordances between Gaelic and Galo-Bretonic. Welsh Throne and Breton Throne both mean nostril. They then correspond to the Galo-Roman styled form Throne, snout and probably coming from a Gaulish Throne. Then let's also recall to the French, to Throne, to Skull and also Minne-Renfrognay a fronning face they are off-coast derivatives from that Celtic lexical group and we can recall as well the English to Throne. Let us mention the Occitan and Italo-Roman Throne used to decimate an unhappy and defeated face for the Throne to pout to look sulky obviously connect of French Throne familiar chain for Merck grotesque also pleasant face in Scots Gaelic and in Scottish toponymy Throne refers also to Heel, Headlin and Cape. In fact all these terms Throne, Throne, Throne etc. will be nothing else than the projected diversification of the referent Nose, Nostril and Mosos note in Celtic languages. Let's go now to the names for Alder. Here again we notice that the Celtic Gaelic area correspond to the Irish Throne and to those of the Welsh and Britain equivalent Gwerne. In Galoromans oil and oak areas the terms descended from the Gaelic word Gwerne are still in use in the white southern area. The Celtic lexical continuity is maintained in north-western Italy and Catalonia by the respective Verna and Verne forms. Yes and the similarity to the previous Throne, Throne map is striking including in this case a higher density of Celtic variants in southern Gaul, Catalonia and Italy. Let us recall that Celtic also refers to the marsh, the mast of a boat and as well as the rudder. It will also case in last Cornish occurrences. So it will also be necessary to reconceal the data with the French place name derivating from Gwerne and Verne which gave the numerous Verneu from the Cornish Verneu-Yalon elder clearing and so Verneu of course the famous Jules Verne whose patronymic name is of toponymic origin. The name is for slow. The configuration of this map calls back the previous one Bruton Irin the cognate of Gwerne and Gaelic Arneu. Distribution of the cognate Romance variants extend again over a much of the Garro-Romance area Aragon and Catalonia and this time including the Basque speaking zone. The names for Sedge the Sedge is the cutting grass characteristic of Pitlands or acid lands and the distribution of the name of the Sedge offer a lexical map that seems to testify to a very old implication. This plant was used in braiding techniques for a long time before the first human settlements. The extension of the variant is roughly identical to that of the maps already studied. In Italy, Escar form is still used along the Po and the Adige Rivers and the Sisca area extend of Spain. The names for Sif a riddle. The Gaelic names for this of the Sif in Ancengul extend mostly towards the North Galoreans area encompassing Normandy devoid of occurrences of that type. It should be noted that Romance forms do not mean properly Sif but rather Sif residue resulting from the Siven. Names for to hide to hide hiding place the Romance form as we could find in French dialects Mushi Muse or in North Italy Muccia mean to hide and Tonaisin demonstrated that all these Romance verb can be of Celtic origin and relies for these on the variants Irish Mug Welsh Mug and Breton Mug Smug, Siffication, Trouble Cover Hiding Place and the corresponding verbs Irish Mug Welsh Mugody Breton Muga, Sifficate to cover, to hide. These analyses tries to show several examples of maps demonstrating remarkable geolinguistical concordances in the Celto-Atlantic area. In order to move beyond the dead end in which classical philology and Indo-European theory leaders, it is important now to study linguistic area by considering the exchanges it may have had over the long term with their neighboring linguistic territories. By taking it to account the last results of history and ethnology this kind of research presents all the opportunities to be innovative and to help us understand better the continuity of languages and populations in the Atlantic zone. Thank you for your attention.