 What is the publication about? So this publication is about the feminization of politics. This is a report that is called Feminized Politics Now. I don't know if it can be read. A Toolkit by the Municipalist Movement. And here, Feminization of Politics, of course, is connected to gender, but it doesn't mean simply having more women represented in key decision-making places, but it actually aims at doing politics in a more feminist way. So in the report, we distinguish between seven dimensions that the feminization of politics includes according to discussions, visions, and practices within the municipalist movement in particular. These dimensions are gender, sorry, gender balance first. So it's not the main issue, but it is an issue. Then power and cooperation. The third one is leadership, then democracy, care, diversity, and non-violence. And in each case, at the beginning, there is an analysis based on interviews and so to activists and to public officials and also discussions that we had within the feminization of politics network that is composed by members of different municipalist organizations. And then also, after the analysis, there's a toolkit for each of those topics where people can find concrete examples of how to make progress in these different areas. And I mentioned municipalism. When we talk about municipalism, we mean not simply winning local governments, running for elections at the local level, but actually articulating social movements and collectives at the local level in order to build power from the bottom up. And this can include an electoral strategy, but it's not only about that. And in any case, when it does include an electoral strategy and the aim is also to transform the local government and not simply to implement more progressive policies at the local level. Why does it need such a toolkit? We need such a toolkit because although feminism is becoming a mainstream debate in many places and we have more discourses in public debates about gender balance and horizontal democracy, there's still a lack of knowledge regarding how to actually achieve change in our political organizations. And sometimes learning from what others are doing is much easier, and the idea with this toolkit was to offer a small push to this. So working in political organizations on a daily basis shows many of the obstacles that determine the capacity of the governance or the openness and democracy of these spaces. And this affects a woman in a special way. The report is the product of the reflections that we made with different members from different organizations, and also with some interviews that we made. And transferring these processes of reflection, the methodologies we applied and the concrete tools to a toolkit is a result that we think that it's helpful for other organizations. And these allow these organizations concerned about their own internal processes on their own democracy to work and to reflect about that. And it also helps the process to grow and also to build like a strong network of political organizations. So the aim of this toolkit is to provide a starting point for a debate and to support the improvement of our political spaces. Who should read the publication? Everybody. This is a publication that is mainly focused on the lessons that we have already learned from the municipal movement and it aims to strengthen that movement and that organization. So it can be easily adapted to political parties, to social movements, to organizations, collectives or even other kind of groups. For example, we know that there is currently a research group on a university that are trying to implement some of the tools that we propose on the book. So that's another way of using it that we didn't discuss before. And it can be also quite useful for individual activists or people in general who are just interested on many aspects of these ways of changing the way we do politics on a daily basis. And in fact, there is another interesting thing that is that you can read the publication in different ways. For example, you can read it from the beginning to the end. You know, in your spare time, for example, but it can be also used as a reference document, consulting the specific parts of it, as Laura explained before, it is divided into different chapters. So, as each of them is dedicated to a different topic, you can just, for example, just one dimension of the other time, for example, we want to focus on communication right now. So you have that chapter and you have different tools and ideas and interviews for reflection there, or you can even use it for, I don't know, an internal workshop to create a reading group on that topic. The important thing is that when you have that book on your hands to generate personal or collective reflection within the organizations. And we think that in that, for that purpose, the book provides enough information to produce real changes on the decision making processes. And therefore, those internal changes will lead to external results. Well, I think that above all, we want to emphasize that there is no excuse, but because feminist is not above all is not just one area where to implement, I don't know, a few policies, or a challenge that it has to be always postponed because you know, I think organizations have to face macro, micro challenges and political, let's say, emergencies that have to be, have that urgent and therefore those feminist topics, you know, we have to postpone them, not at all. Feminism is in fact the only possible path towards a more horizontal way of doing politics. What does feminization of politics mean? As I was mentioning before, so traditionally, feminization of politics referred to having more women represented. Actually, it referred to parliaments. And there's a very famous book by Johnny Lovendusky called Feminizing Politics, where she introduced the term and the discussion, and the discussion has been going on. But to us, in this, in this report, the concept needs to go beyond that for different reasons, and I will mention a few of them. So first, because, because it's important to address the root causes of the imbalances in representation, and this means looking at the practices, the daily practices, and identifying two tools to change those practices and not simply finding ways to have more women, because that could be done in different ways that don't address the root causes. So the second reason would be because when those root causes are identified, we're not just talking about women anymore, but anyone who doesn't have certain privileges in society. And this is also helpful to shift the debate from women and men to actual real discussions that are more intersectional in our societies. Then third, because we need to question the actual idea of politics in itself. And this cannot simply refer to representative institutions and for the municipalist movement in particular, and it needs to be based on a broader understanding of the political ecosystem that includes social movements, individual citizens, and that is based on changing relationships between these actors. So the idea of politics in the feminization of politics can also be played with, and not simply the idea of feminization. And then finally, in this understanding of the feminization of politics, as I mentioned before, gender balance is just a very first small step. And feminist policies are also one piece of this puzzle, but the key is to focus on the practices of how power is built and how decision making is implemented every day. So the form of political action becomes as important as the outputs. How is it linked to the discussion about democracy? It's because we are not talking only about results, we are talking about processes. And, as we said in the publication, democracy in the municipalist movement means strong participatory democracy and not only representative democracy. And this participatory democracy has a close affinity with feminism with, and this approach, because both they are trying to dismantle privilege and hierarchy. And they both share the aim, not only of sharing decision making power, but also how to distribute responsibilities, discoresponsibility, and also to distributed leaderships. And I think as there's a distance between the representatives in politics and those who are representatives and who usually made the politics in the cities, or there will be a privilege that needs to be eliminated. And I think that this is the link of this discussion. So this can be tricky because sometimes people think that participatory democracy simply means opening an assembly and let people talk about it. But as we talk about processes, feminists put a proposal. This publication makes a proposal to show this informal privilege and power inequalities that happens in places where the politics happened. We argued that the structure is a key to having a strong democracy and this structure should aim and giving everyone to say and share power and clarify how the decisions are made and how the tax are distributed and how we are responsible of all of this. How does this toolkit contribute to fighting sexism? First of all, we understand or I think we should put sexism in the debate from an intersectional across cutting a broad perspective on what we understand as sexism. And basically that's what this publication proposes to do. It entails to see the diversity in which ways patriarchal practices exclude certain people from politics, not just women. And that's why the book addresses the daily dynamics of sexism that reproduce it within organizations. And for example, let me rank two examples. First of all, one of the key issues that is normally not addressed is care, which is a topic that as I say does not usually appear among the priorities of an organization. And care is one of the items that reproduces gender stereotypes and also an equal distribution of work. So for example, this report or this book brings tools for that. For example, questionnaires for organizations to understand how care is distributed or reproduced within it or also self-care questionnaires, which is also quite important. And it can be useful to start the debate on a conversation and analyze the dynamics of the economies of care too within the organizations. And another good example is the non-violence politics within our movements, our organizations, our political parties, because it's a topic that it really needs to be addressed in most of the context, sadly. And here the toolkit presents different experiences of different organizations that people who we have been interviewing through this time. And the proposals on how to deal with non-violent measures from a non-punitive perspective. For example, addressing this issue can be a chance in the organizations to agree on what do we understand collectively as violence, how we can address it, how we can avoid inaction in case violence happens within the group, how we can repair the victim. And we also provide some ideas, for example, some protocols or some drafts to start your own protocol in a participatory way, for example. So you can use these tools to start the discussion within your organization. So to sum up, we believe, and I think I speak on behalf of the three of us, that this publication steps down from the ivory tower of political theorizing to become like a living tool, like a living instrument, which is quite easy to read and I think that quite interesting. And it's also very flexible in its application. And we really encourage people to read it from that perspective, from an open and perspective on how to use it and to work it. And of course, to improve it, to bring new results, new ideas, new reflection and practices, because this feminization of politics project is still alive, it's continuing, it's still working on different projects. So that's the way we would like people, we would like to invite people to address, to tackle this publication.