 Ladies and gentlemen, your Excellencies, distinguished participants, and co-chairs of this meeting. Please join me in welcoming His Excellency, Susilu Bangbang Yudhiyono, President of the Republic of Indonesia and ASEAN Chair 2011, and from the country which has hosted this summit seven times more than any other country in the past two decades. We're very pleased to be joined by His Excellency, Li Shen-Lung, Prime Minister of the Republic of Singapore. Papa President, on behalf of all of my colleagues and the representatives from civil society, government and industry at this meeting, I would like to extend our very sincere and deep appreciation for your personal commitment to the success of this year's meeting. And to the members of your Cabinet who are not only present today, but who have lent their personal time and that of their ministries, their insights and their support, we wish to express all of our gratitude for such great collaboration. And now, to commence the proceedings of the opening ceremony of the World Economic Forum on East Asia, I invite my Executive Chairman and the Founder of the World Economic Forum, Professor Klaus Schwab, to chair this session. Excellency President Yudhiyono, Prime Minister Li Shen-Lung, it's a great pleasure to be here and welcome to the 2011 World Economic Forum on East Asia. Celebrating our 20th anniversary, and we are convening here over 600 leaders from business, government, civil society, media and academia under the theme of responding to the new globalism. Mr. President, this theme has been influenced by you. It reflects the risks and priority issues that you raised in your speech in Davos earlier this year, which was entitled The Big Shift and the Imperative of the 21st Century Globalism. The major strategic shifts you highlighted as new realities, including the rise of emerging economies, adapting to a new peace and security mindset and transforming the economy to low carbon growth are being explored in our sessions today and tomorrow. We have four pillars for our program, managing global disruptions, ensuring employment and inclusive growth, leading through sustainability and finally new norms for Asia. I want to highlight the importance to be here in Indonesia. You, Mr. President, you do not represent only the Sisi Republic of Indonesia, but also being the chair of ASEAN, you have a wider role to play in the world of today. But Indonesia is a remarkable country. If I look, for example, at our competitiveness report, I have seen that you are the G20 economy which has had the fastest and best improvements in our global competitiveness report since 2005. And let's not forget, Indonesia is also the third fastest growing economy in the G20 just after China and India. And finally, particularly in the world of today, I think we should look also at the great success of the political transformation, social transformation, which has taken place in your country under your leadership. And it may serve as a very good example for many countries for a democracy, a stable democracy, with a Muslim majority and a multi-ethnic, multi-religious society. I should not forget in introducing Indonesia the young spirit of your country. And one of the figures which surprised me most is how much connected your society is. For example, the number of Facebook users in Indonesia is the second highest in the world just after the US. And the highest number of tweets in Asia comes from Indonesia. For this reason, we have also decided to integrate our Facebook community into this meeting. And we have asked them to use the opportunity and to ask also a question to the president. And actually, there were 72,000 Facebook fans responding. And at the end of our session today, I will ask you one question, which we selected from the many-fold people in the Facebook community. But we can have only one question, but I would like to use this opportunity to thank all those in the Facebook community which have used this opportunity to be with us at least. At least, virtually. Prime Minister Licheno, as I mentioned, you were seven times the host of this East Asia Economic Summit. You are in some way a co-fazel. I am very pleased that you joined us here at this special celebration of 20 years. I also would like to use this opportunity to congratulate you because you just have been re-elected prime ministers. And now, Mr. President, we are delighted to hear your special opening address. Thank you, Professor Swap, for your kind introductions. Bismillahirrahmanirrahim. Assalamu alaikum warahmatullahi wabarakatuh. Peace be upon us. Prime Minister Licheno, Prime Minister Subhattar Batbul, Professor Klaus Swap, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen. Let me begin by expressing a very warm welcome to Indonesia, to all the participants of the World Economic Forum. When I spoke in Davos last January, I drew attention to the various powerships sweeping our world today and called for a 21st century globalism as a necessary response to new realities. I am glad that you picked up on the team of globalisms at this conference. A 21st century globalism should be different than the 20th century internationalism. In our time, globalism should be inclusive rather than exclusive. It should be pragmatic rather than dogmatic. It should unite rather than divide. It should be directed at addressing common global challenges rather than directed at certain groups of countries. It should be driven by the imperative of cooperation rather than confrontation by collaboration rather than conquest. Asia must be at the center of this new globalism. For Asia today, it's not the same as Asia decades let alone centuries ago. Modernization, development, democracy, open society, connectivity, these are all dramatically changing the face of Asia. Asia certainly has the resources, opportunity and most importantly confidence to shape the international system. The world is not short of ideas in fact. We have too many of them. What we lack and surely need is consensus. A global consensus is still missing in the climate debate. A consensus is still missing in the Doha round. A consensus is still missing in reforming global institutions. A consensus is still missing on how to rebalance the global economy. We will need these consensus if we are to withstand the political, strategic and economic turbulences which are bound to come our way in the future. We are assuring in a new global era which do not yet have a name and whose precise features are only coming to form. There are still some tensions, some pushes and pulls between the old world and the new world which is normal. Every transition, every transformation takes time and toil. This is something that we in Indonesia know only too well. Against the backdrops of constant change and against all odds, Indonesia has been rather fortunate to be where we are now. If I am asked what is the best way to describe Indonesia, I would say this, uniquely resilient and remarkably adaptive. Indonesia has survived many trials and tribulations. Financial crisis, political instability, riots, avian flu, constitutional crisis, ethnic conflict, separatism, terrorist attack and natural disasters. Today, Indonesia stands proud as the world's third largest democracy. Southeast Asia's largest economy, an emerging economy with political stability, with independent and active foreign policy and as member of the G20 and as founding member and this year chairman of ASEAN. I am particularly pleased that the Indonesia economy is going stronger. Of course, we still have plenty of problems relating to poverty, inequity, corruption, infrastructure and bureaucratic inefficiency. Still, our purchasing power parity GDP is approaching US$1 trillion and we aim to be in the world's top 10 largest economy in the coming decade. We have a balanced budget owing to prudent fiscal policy. Our debt to GDP ratio is 26 percent, the lowest in history. Our trade volume and foreign result are at record high. Foreign investment is rising sharply. In recent years, we have implemented what is arguably the largest and twice poverty pro-poor programs in Indonesia's modern history, which is part of our growth with equity development strategy. We have recently launched a master plan to accelerate and expand the Indonesian economy in the next 15 years. Professor Swab has asked me to share with you some lessons from Indonesia's transformational story. Well, my answer would be several things. To begin with, during the entire roller coaster ride, we always had faith in and clung to the essentials of being Indonesia, freedom, diversity, harmony, tolerance, predation and unity. Without this essential, Indonesia would not be Indonesia. In recent times, democracy has come to be part of our national DNA, all the way to the grassroots. Even when our politics and the economy were under tours, we never stopped believing in these essentials. Another reason for our progress is that despite the sea of uncertainty, we were not shy to change, to adapt and to reinvent Indonesia. Sure, there were questions, doubts, anxieties, fear, but at every turning point, the readers and the people made the courage to step forward. Time and again, Indonesia did not resist, but sought and embraced change as a matter of necessity. Of course, none of Indonesia's transformation was possible unless there was a change of mindset. Indonesia now has a confident attitude about our country and our place in the world. We are no longer stigmatized by our colonial past and are eager to claim our place in the global future. We are driven by opportunity, not fear. I notice that this newfound confidence is not particular to Indonesia. You can see it throughout Asia. In my heart, I do believe that Asia's moment has come and that a much brighter future lies ahead, but we cannot take these things for granted. Let me suggest several ways by which we can make Asia the continent of the future. First, Asia must be part of the solution to address the global imbalances. The world economy cannot afford to rely on strong growth in emerging economies alone. We need healthy growth globally, including in the developed world. One way or another, we all need to make structural adjustment to correct the global imbalances. Asia, more than any other region, can help achieve a strong, sustainable and balanced world economy. Asia must also lead the way to keep markets and societies open. Second, Asia needs to anticipate and address the growing pressures that will come from food, energy and water insecurity. Of the 7 billion people that now inhabit our planet, 60% live in Asia. As their economies grow, they will seek and compete for finite natural resources, a pattern that in previous centuries led to wars, conquests, exploitation and untold suffering. In our time, these issues need not lead to conflict. Be it in the Mekong River or in the South China Sea, we can find creative ways to turn potential conflict into potential cooperation. Given the proportion of the population in Asia and therefore its use of resources and needs for food, Asia should also lead by example in terms of sustainable growth. Third, Asia must do all we can to become the center of global innovation. Technology, more than ever, will be the key driver of change in the 21st century. With all the problems of poverty, marginalization, inequity and degradation that are still prevalent throughout Asia, technology may well be the key to resolve them. Asia should not just try to catch up, it can leapfrog into the future. And these days, innovation and technology can come from anywhere. There is a growing force of innovators and techies from Bangalore to Bandung, from Singapore to Central, that can produce homegrown innovation with global application. Fourth, Asia must step into its best emerging resource, the youth. The youth today are becoming a generation unlike any other before them. They are much more connected, more open, more creative and more active. Through the internet and social media networks such as Facebook and Twitter, the youth are developing a sense of transgenerational consciousness, a feeling of mutual empathy and shared hopes. We need to encourage this rather than resist it. The youth also feel strong entitlement for their future and want to be agents of change as we have seen in the Middle East. It is therefore important for Asian countries to provide them with the skill and opportunities so they can become the most dynamic and productive part of society. If these youth grow to be entrepreneurs, innovators and pioneers in your field, the rewards for Asia will be incalculable. Finally, to faith, Asia needs to preserve and build on what is best about Asia, a rich diversity. Asia is home to the world of the civilization and religions. It is also the continent with the greatest number of ethnic groups and dialects. In the age of globalization, it would be most ironic if Asia were to fall behind others in creating a peaceful, multicultural world. Asia is virtualized in our ability to preserve the condition of culture, civilizational, I should say of cultural, civilizational and religious harmony that for centuries and millennia have been part of the Asian way of life. Ladies and gentlemen, if we can do all this, then we shall be able to claim our time as the Asian sensory. And we can be sure that Asian sensory means a sensory of progress and peace and one of the cooperation and collaboration. I thank you. Thank you very much, Mr. President. Your speech was so comprehensive that it is difficult to start now a discussion. You answered practically all the questions which I had written down. Nevertheless, and I will start with you, Prime Minister, because you have been so active in this field. There are now many different regional arrangements in East Asia, in Southeast Asia, in Asia. Is this contributing to a stronger voice of the region or is it having a dilutive effect? And I may immediately ask one additional question. How do you maintain in the ASEAN context your identity vis-a-vis China and vis-a-vis the United States? Well, firstly on the multiplicity of groupings which we belong to, ASEAN itself is of course one important grouping. Then we have ASEAN plus various other partners, plus ones, one by one. We have ASEAN plus three, which is the Northeastern Asian partners, China, Japan and South Korea. We belong to the East Asia Summit, which brings in a wider group with India, Australia and New Zealand. And we belong to APEC, which brings in countries, the US and countries on the other side of the Pacific. It's very untidy. It's an alphabet soup. It means a lot of meetings and overlappings. But I think overall it's an organic architecture which is gradually developing, which has helped us to strengthen our ties with one another. There's a lot of temptation to try to make things neater, but I think that it's wiser to accept the anti-dinners and to let the structures evolve organically. Over time, as the relationships grow, as the cooperation deepens, then the structures will adapt to suit this cooperation. We don't know what the shape of the future will be. We hope that Asia, we believe Asia will be a big part of the 21st century, but we will not be the only part of the story. America remains a very powerful country. Europe has a lot of potential even though it has difficulties now. And we have to link up with these different parts of the world. An organic architecture which can evolve and be flexible and resilient is part of this. You asked about America and China and ASEAN. Well, both America and China are very important partners of ASEAN. America for many, many years since the Second World War. China increasingly in recent times, and particularly over the last decade or two. We'd like to strengthen our ties with both of them. We'd like to be friends with both of them, cooperate in many areas. And we see great potential in China's prosperity and development and its extending of its relations all over Asia. Potential for trade, potential for tourism, potential for investments into China as well as from China into different countries in Asia, including Indonesia and other ASEAN countries. And we hope that this will continue. One thing it depends on, that China remains on good terms with America. Then it's easier for us to be friends with both. And long may that continue. This gives me opportunity, Mr. President, to take up the question which was asked by one person in the social community, in the Facebook community. And the question comes from Aaron Anand Aracha, and he writes, Dear President, I'm a Malaysian student and I'm a firm believer in the close regional integration of ASEAN countries. Where do you see ASEAN 10 to 15 years down the road? Yes. In my view, by 2020 or 2025, 10 to 15 years from now, ASEAN will be getting stronger, more cohesive and economically more integrated. Under new charter, we endeavor to be a big community, the ASEAN community. That is in essence an economic community, a social, cultural community and also political and security community. Of course, ASEAN is not the same as European Union, but one thing. ASEAN today is more structured, more rule space, more unified and having better policy co-organizations. Our strategic long-term agenda, ASEAN wants to be a strong pillar, important pillar in the region, the economic pillar. ASEAN wants to be playing more important roles in maintaining peace, stability and order in the region, especially in the Pacific Asia region. And of course, the spirit is now ASEAN wants to connect our association with the global community of nations. That is the future of ASEAN in my view. And of course, ASEAN must do more. We have to deal with so many challenges internally as well as externally. But I believe very strongly we are on the right track and we will be able to achieve our goals. And for the young leaders, I am hoping, especially young leaders of ASEAN, 10 to 15 years from now is your time. You will assume better roles and leadership to continue our endeavor to achieve our great goals to be ASEAN community. That is also contributing to the maintenance of global peace, stability, justice and prosperity. That's my answer. Thank you. Prime Minister, I may follow up this question. When you look at Europe and you compare it with ASEAN or Asian integration, the European Union may have some difficulties at the moment whereby I'm personally optimistic that those difficulties will be overcome. But there are shared values underneath. So it's a common commitment to certain principles, particularly principles of democracy, which are missing in some of the ASEAN countries. How do you see the evolution of the situation? I think ASEAN is in a different situation from Europe. Europe, as you say, shares many more common values amongst the member countries of the European Union. And of course you are many years ahead of ASEAN in the work of economic integration. You started after the war and this is 50, 60 years worth of effort. ASEAN is much more diverse. It's not just political values but also the histories, the cultures, the colonial paths where we have had different colonial metropolitan governments and therefore countries have developed in different ways. But what we can do is to bring ourselves together and find common ground where we can and put aside those areas where we are different for the future for another day. We know we have to do this. If you look at 2020 or 2030, China will be a much more developed and prosperous country even than now. India will also have made considerable progress. And if ASEAN is going to be part of the story, we have to be much more integrated amongst ourselves and we have to be much better linked up both with China and India and also with the rest of the world, with America, with Europe, with Latin America, even Africa. And that's what ASEAN needs to do as a strategic imperative in the next phase. Because unless the 10 countries of ASEAN can come together effectively, you may have titles, you may have meetings, but if you are not a practical, meaningful economic community and integrated economic community, you will fall off the radar screen and it will be to be to the considerable detriment of our peoples. It's very interesting to compare ASEAN and Asia and Europe in this respect. After World War II, as you mentioned, we had the development of a true European identity. Now the problem of Europe is in face of problems to still prioritize the European identity over the national identity. And as I see in Asia, it's just different. You are in the process of developing Asian identity. Would you agree, Mrs. Suss? I think we are qualitatively different. Between France and Germany, you fought wars for many years or centuries, but basically it's one European culture. And after the Second World War, with visionary leaders on both sides came together, and you formed the nucleus of a European community. In Asia, we have not fought wars with one another, but our cultures are very different. The religions are different. The traditions go back to different great civilizations. The Indian civilization, the Chinese civilization, as well as influenced from western civilizations, the Americans who were colonial power and the Philippines. So to come together and to form one Asian identity, I think is probably one visionary objective beyond the next. One day we may get there, but right now we are focused on practical cooperation, which will yield us practical benefits for the members. Even if you could say one basic element of the Asian culture is Confucius, and if I take you up Plato, and when you read the two, there are so many similarities. So hopefully we will develop one day shared values in the world. Well, all the great religions share many common values, but I think they will remain different great religions for a long time to come. Let me turn to a more economic issue. How well if I take our annual global risk report, one of the major risks which was identified was a strong slowdown of the Chinese economy, and a continued increase in currency volatility, particularly giving as a further possible devaluation of the dollar and considering the impact to it. And I may ask first you, Mr. President, and Prime Minister, you have also your experience as head of the Monetary Board, so you certainly are quite equipped to answer to this question. But Mr. President? Yes. In my view, there are many issues to be settled in our global economy. We discussed in that in various forum in the G20, in APEC, in ASEAN, in many forum. Of course, their perspectives are different. We have to discuss about global economic imbalances, about the use of currency, the national interest versus global and regional interest. So what we have to do is actually we have to find our common interest, how to overcome the situation properly, how to put a proper balance between our own interest, our national interest versus other interests. And of course, it's not easy sometimes. If we are talking about, for example, we discuss again and again in the G20 forum about policy coordination. What kind of coordination can drastically be achieved in these connections? So in my view, what we need is to continue having dialogue, having not only meeting, cooperation to find realistic and say achievable solutions that can benefit all. I would like to answer any general terms and these connections. And the spirit is, in my view, there are many, so there are many critical questions to address globally, but with our ability to find a proper balance among all interests is the key. Prime Minister, I take up the question again and I would formulate it in a maybe walkative way. Would you welcome a rise or a revaluation of CUN? I think that's a very sharp question. If you put it like that, my answer is no. But I would say that a gradual realignment of currencies is helpful. Helpful both for the overall balance and also helpful for China itself because it can be part of the restructuring which has to take place in China, a restructuring to become less reliance on export-led growth and to have a greater component of domestic demand, whether this be investment or consumption and to have spreading of the benefits of growth away from the export sector towards the rest of the economy, the domestic workers, the farmers, the people inland, which would result with a gradual appreciation of the renminbi. I think that this is an argument which has been made and which even Chinese economists and scholars would acknowledge has some weight. How to balance that against the political difficulty of raising an exchange rate which will affect the export industry and therefore risk-causing unemployment which could cause political difficulties. That's something which the Chinese leadership have to judge and I think between them and the Americans, they will discuss this very carefully. And I think they have been doing so. And from what I can see, they've avoided a collision so far and hope they continue to make progress. My follow-up issue with the related question it seems to be the case that some Asian countries are now very much confronting the challenge of inflation and economic growth. Yes, indeed. What is your recipe to address this issue? Well, if the Americans put their house in order, that will help a great deal. This is because global monetary conditions are abnormal, it's a wash with liquidity, interest rates are almost zero and so money is running around looking for investments and if you don't trust investing it on Wall Street in the American stock market then you look for other investments in the emerging markets and the result is you get property prices, asset prices go up in the emerging markets which causes many problems. Hong Kong has experienced this, the Chinese I think have also been experiencing this. Singapore has seen it to our property market, has seen very drastic increases over the last two years to our concern. But it's an open global economy and you cannot completely cut yourself off. Neither is it easy for any individual country to solve the problem by itself. That's our dilemma. Now, Mr. President, in your speech you are outlined the importance of innovation. If I look at China, China is turning out at the moment 6.5 million graduates as far as I understand every year, more than half or around half in technical scientific areas. Now what does it mean for the business model of the countries in the region? China also based on the 12th five-year plan shall become a formidable competitor in innovation-based industries. Now where do you see the competitiveness of a country like yours based on raw materials, based on production, based on innovation or probably a mix, would you like to address this issue? Yes, I think each country wants to improve its competitiveness. For Indonesia, we are realizing that we should only base our economy from the conventional sector such as our agriculture, our industry, our current services. We have to do more to improve our competitiveness. I fully understand that the role of education is very important to improve the quality of our human capital. That's why we are also now working very hard to produce more new, talented workforce in Indonesia. We are improving our education, our uniform status to be able to compete in this globalization. I understand that countries like India have great competitiveness in information technology in services. China does have the same capabilities besides manufacturing. Indonesia is, of course, not only developing its own resources such as mining industry, but we have to ensure that we could also improve our technology, our know-how, our skills, our science, and also the innovation capability. So we will follow the path of the successful country in being able to improve the competitiveness through improving the quality of their human capital. Prime Minister Licheng Long, we, in the speech of the president, he addressed already the issue of the young population. But when you run a democracy, or you don't run a democracy, but if you lead in a democracy, I would say it's a phenomenon of empowerment of young people. And I should say, I mean, there was some indication in your country of dissatisfaction, but I have to add immediately every European leader would be happy to get more than 60% approval rate in elections. But how do you integrate this very impatient idealism? I would say it's usually idealism, which you see in the young generation, but it's impatient and it's direct. You have to listen to it. How would you see to incorporate this in a democratic system of decision-making? Well, this is a challenge which all countries have to face. All societies have to face, because with the social media, with the internet, whether it's Facebook or Twitter, and with instant communications and feedback, we have a completely different generation now arising. They are the future. They are the ones whom we hope will take our societies forward and we hope that we will be able to provide them the skills and the preparation so that they can build a better life for themselves than we have had. And yet we have to ask, how can we fit in the expectations, the values, the habits of thought of a generation where you communicate instantly and immediately you know the answers to questions, to a world which has changed, but not changed to such an extent that you can get everything which you want immediately you wanted. And that is a challenge. We have to be of that generation. You must have leaders who are able to talk with them and communicate with the young. You have to be in that media to know how to operate on Facebook and Twitter. Some of us do, some of us not so well, because we didn't grow up with this. But as an institution, we have to learn to do that. And we have to learn to be in sync with that generation so that you can express those aspirations in a constructive way. And yet as the years pass, as the challenges come, educate a new generation as to what in the world has not yet changed and how they have to adapt so that they can thrive and prosper in the 21st century. When we look at the G20 process, Mr. President, you are part of the G20 process. Prime Minister, you are not directly. So I may ask both of you, as an insider and a quasi-outsider, what do you expect from the G20? And here I may add one particular question. East Asia is very dependent on certain agricultural and mineral commodities. And one of the issues, for example, on the agenda of this year G20 is to see whether a stronger, I would say, regulation or supervision of commodities market is a market that is needed. Mr. President, as an insider. Yes. I would like to start by saying that in my view, the G20 can do several things, cannot do everything, because G20 should not claim that we are representing all nations, even though the structure and the composition is about okay. It's better than, for example, G7, G8 or BRICS. We in the G20 are representing developed nations, emerging economies, as well as developing nations. So actually the forum should be able to accommodate, to identify the real issue of our economy, the global economy, I mean. And the G20 should also understand the interest of all nations, developing as well as emerging countries. By addressing those issues and challenges, I believe that the solution to make by the G20 will be answering to a certain degree the real issue that we are facing together in our economy. And countries like Indonesia and other developing nations that are part of the G20 can also express the concern, the interest of developing nations, such as the issue of development, narrowing gap of the development, financial inclusion, combating poverty and others. So for me, if the G20 continue playing positive roles by realizing that the G20 must address all issues that are faced by all countries in the world, so the G20 will be still relevant as a premier forum for today's global architecture, an economic realm. Second point you are mentioning, Professor Schwab, about the regulation to make in the G20. Regulation is needed, of course. Overregulated is not good, but in my view, markets can go unregulated. Appropriate regulation is needed to ensure that we could prevent unnecessary crisis that may happen because of lack of regulation in our global economy. So it depends on what kind of regulation to make. But on the one hand, if you are mentioning about the natural resources, food commodities, then the idea is to ensure that we are still maintaining open economy, open trade and investment, while also protecting other interests of our, I should say, our development of the environment, etc. So regulation is needed, but in my view, regulation should not hinder the efficiency of the market, that other market mechanisms, I should say other rules that we need to ensure that global economy is moving well, getting stronger, more balanced and more sustainable. Prime Minister. Well, I think the G20 is a practical compromise. The world's problems are complex and interrelated. We are all involved one way or the other. If you have all 200 odd countries in the world involved in a conference, the meeting will never end. On the other hand, if you have just a handful of countries involved settling things for everybody else, the solutions will not be accepted. So somewhere in between the two, you have to find the right compromise to have the key participants represented. Everybody feels he has a look in directly or indirectly and able to reach some consensus as to the right way forward. And the G20 is an effort to do this. It is bigger than the G8 and it is much smaller than the whole of the UN. But of course by itself, even the G20 cannot solve all the problems. Singapore has – we are not a member of the G20. We attended the last summit in Seoul and I have been invited to attend the next summit in Cannes, in France this year. But we have tried to make ourselves useful by participating in what is called the Global Governance Group, a group of 20 odd small countries at the UN who get together, compare notes, share our common concerns. And therefore hope thereby by making common cause to have a more effective voice in forums like the G20. We are coming to the end of the session and we will have a traditional formal opening short ceremony. But before doing so, Mr. President, Prime Minister, we have here quite a number of top business leaders in the room. What would be your message to those if you look at the next 10 years, create employment? What do you want to tell the business leaders here and so on? In one or two sentences. Are you satisfied with all the business leaders concerning social responsibility, inclusiveness and so on? I want to say one sentence. We need our collaboration in achieving better growth, in creating more jobs, in reducing poverty while protecting our environment. Prime Minister? Well, I think you are an important part of the solution to the world's problems, so if you can continue to generate prosperity for your companies and for your economies and continue to encourage your governments to keep your economies open, to keep markets working, to help the benefits spread to as wide a proportion of the population as possible. Then I think we can have a stable world where we can evolve and transform ourselves quickly and get to a better tomorrow. Otherwise, you can see all the opportunities, but something can go wrong. Ladies and gentlemen, friends, I would please join me in thanking President Yuto Yono and Prime Minister Li Xianlong for having been part of this opening session and having provided us with some insights in the present situation. And I would like to add here one sentence, Mr. President. I would like to thank you for the great hospitality we find here. We have, since you came to Davos, we have enlarged our ties and strengthened our ties with Indonesia and have now quite a strong contingent of the business community being part of the World Economic Forum. So it's a great pleasure to be here. And Prime Minister, I'm looking forward to the day we are back in Singapore. Ladies and gentlemen, please join me in expressing our gratitude. And now to inaugurate the 20th anniversary of the World Economic Forum in East Asia, together with President of Indonesia, I invite to this stage Marielka Pangestu, Minister of Trade, and Bahata Rajasar, the Coordinating Minister of Economic Affairs for the traditional Indonesian gong ceremony.