 We offer a proposal aimed at studying the model of the religious behavior and form of the religiosity related to the Iberian society, the worship and rituality, with folks overattaching on the worship spaces in caves, important in the religiosity of these prehistoric societies. They form an active part in the territory with an evident role in community identification. We look at diverse territories and contests between the province of Castellón and the Alto Guadalquivir, which is our spatial area of reference. Our chronological framework is equally broad. However, we focus mainly on the 4th and 3rd centuries BC. We are faced with a diverse map as a fundamental feature. In another vein, in a traditional way, the term cave santuari in Iberian societies has been used globally. This has led to worship spaces in different territories and with different features. We aim to break with this idea. In this way, our approach will be based on two variables. First, as cave spaces in the territory of collective participation, integration, and religious identifications, as multi-sensorial contests with special traits that facilitate the recreation of rituality charged with symbolisms. The in-depth study of ritual aspects linked to this type of space needs to contextualize the role of the landscape. We have talked about this this morning in the religious structure of the Iberian societies. In those societies, the religious system is well connected and tied to nature. The territories have a clear symbolic dimension that was created through landmarks, which were integrated into and even participated in the mythological narration and the construction of the worldviews. It's basic that we integrate the political territory into the study of these liminal spaces. In this way, we believe that ritual mobility is a fundamental variable as it can be incorporated as a social action important to make inference on self-definition, territorial definition, and of course symbolic religious aspect. The pilgrimage was yet another way of appropriating the sacred landscape as a space chart with traditional cultural meaning of the memory of the community. In the Iberian societies, that ritual mobility have included the movement of a large number of people and a large scale of mobility. As such, it's what's necessary to involve the class of mobility in the construction of the collective identity relations in which a strong emotional component would have been involved. In this context, we place the pilgrimage as an initial phase in the complex religious performance and we analyze it as another stage in the ritual process. Thus, the pilgrimage is to sacred spaces and landscapes in suit communication with the divine and turn those places into territories of grace. To analyze the modus of religiosity, as we said, it's necessary to incorporate a study of the case as multi-sensorial spaces. The spaces were the opposite to day-to-day life. They provoked intense emotional responses visiting these natural spaces caused expectation and fear. Sensorial sensibility also creates a feeling of community. This is a change of experience created this and feeling that reinforced the cohesion of the group. Thus, the worship community were emotional communities and emotions motivated the ritual and helped to connect to the specific supernatural powers. Interpretative tendencies such as archeology of senses provide us with a basic source of information. Following this tendency, we must look at the sensorial and emotional experience in the ritual practices. If we analyze this type of Iberian context, we must evaluate first the symbolism of the journey connected ritual that not only took place on way to the sacred space but also at the destination. Secondly, the multisensoriality that is observed in the restricted space of a cave in which sensorial impressions are span, permitting a connection with the hereafter. But there are no universal experiences in the same way as the sensation we experienced when we entered a cave today but independent of our age or our life experience, it's no easy matter to understand how those people in the fourth and third centuries must have a feeling inside the caves. Therefore, we defend the need to contextualize those experiences. As Hamilakis point out, both of the affective sensorial and temporal components must be analyzed alongside the political and other elements in the archeological records. All this sensorial history can be read in the context and in the offering or ritual elements of the archeological record. Emotion and experience, we are also important to analyze the survival of the centuries so as to make them multi-temporal. As Van Dijk remind us, experience is fundamental to memory and it's the memory that legitimizes the continuity of the ritual practices. Okay, so based on the heterogeneous map of the religious manifestation in caves, we wish to approach the models of religious behavior perceptible in these spaces. To our context, we apply recent proposals constructed from the social anthropology that focus on the identification of modes of religiosity. In particular, we base our analysis on one of the most far-reaching theories proposed by Harvey Whitehouse that focus on the differentiation of two models, doctrinal and imagistic. Looking mainly at variables in form, participation, frequency, dissemination, and memory. These models are either contrasting or complementary as ways of measuring religious and ritual actions. The first model, doctrinal, alludes to those practices that correspond to reiterative patterns. And the second model, imagistic, is characterized by the intervention of an intense emotional charge, magnificent in case represented by a small number of people. The heterogeneity of the billion religious landscape allows us to apply identification and classification tests following this theoretical guidance. In this way, we analyze how they were incorporated into the cave religious space, whether they were exclusive models or in contrast, they could be read as complementary. We begin with the idea that the worship spaces in caves were largely governed by the imagistic modes of religiosity. Here we will take a brief look, really brief, look at some examples, all of them on the limits of their territories and distance from the places of habitat. La Piedra de la Aguila, late 4th, 2003 BC, is an example of a ritual space that marks the territorial limits of the Palame in the Sierra de Segura mountains. The worship in this cave was associated with agricultural appropriation rituals, where plant offerings, cereals, and legumes were carbonized and deposited in pottery vessels and spartor saxophones. The repetition of the offerings reflected eternal return to the right and cyclical behavior linking to the recultural calendar. However, the composition of the deposits, not two are the same, tell us that the mechanisms were regulated up to a certain point. The memory was built on the basis of multiple voices and it is not possible to define social hierarchy to the right. Contests such as these reveal strong social cohesion processes on a local scale based on animatistic model. La Cualesapo and La Coamerinae, frequented between the 5th and the 3rd century BC, are ritual spaces in caves located on the southwestern border of the Opidum of Edeta, Valencia. The worship of Covalesapo was organized around a hunting ritual and an offering of deer and obi caprits. The hand and the subsequent offering of animas which are the space and time with an atypical illumination symbolized a key initiation ritual for the Iberian aristocratic societies, which is materializing the pottery image of various territories we have in the image. The ritual practice carried out in Merinel revolved around the repeated offering of animas, cranial parts of young pigs and obi caprits, most of which were deposited in pottery vessels and on plates. This practice may have been related to a wide diversity of rites of facets and protagonists. Although the types of offerings show a certain degree of reiteration, characteristic from the doctrinal mode, the ritual density of the two spaces implies a limited frequency that provides unique experience for certain social groups, thus entering again into the animatistic model. Finally, La Cualesapo is a ritual cave located in Serra del Mariola, in Salicante, in one of the main communication corridors of the central area of Contestania, which marked the border between the territories of La Cobalta and Cabello de Mariola. This cave, frequented between the 5th and the 4th century BC, contained a deposit with a variety of pottery. It stands out a large red pig group where amphora with a sense of juvenile initiation and the assemblage of around a hundred cooking pots, linked to commensality practices or the offering of cultivated products. Also interesting is the small collation of brown rins and hooves, hooves possibly related to the transformation of the body image. When elements of childhoods such as rites were abandoned, the repetition and standardization of the offerings is a good example, again, of the doctrinal model. However, other elements are more related to the animatistic mode, thanks to the sensorial experience produced in some exceptional areas of the cave. Other examples open up diverse possibilities in which properties of both modes of religiosity may have been combined, and the doctrinal mode prevailed over the matistic mode. This is not a contradiction, since they are not two forms of religiosity, but ways of organizing the religious experience and its actions. One example of this combination will be the vast territory of Castulo and its sanctuaries that were worshipped at, after a pilgrimage of several days, Collado de los Cardines a la cual al obera, and contributed to organizing a very large religious community. Different practices with huge importance to the society were held held in them, rites of passage, non-scient rites, aggregation rites, couple and fertility rites. There are variables that define this context from the doctrinal model, but nothing, sorry, from the doctrinal model. So we have the scale of participation on frequentation, which is very large community making several thousand offerings, for example, only spotless, we have like seven thousand, for example, the repeated types of behavior expressed through the bronze iconography, and a clear class distinction. However, from our point of view, these features do not invalidate intense emotional experiences, in which diverse mechanisms were also involved. One example is the person in this context, documented in Castellar of visual phenomena, such as gyrophonies, as César Esteban will show us later, that will have magnified the intense and surreal experience. So the regardings we can make based on the application of these theories on modes of religiosity and rig the analytical perspective, at least within. This reaffirms the need to overcome the passive concept of the materiality and to study in depth aspects to go beyond mere visual representations, investigating the channels of sensorial and emotive empathy. This task involves approaching the cognitive geographies that are fruitful source of analysis in the religious space. The heterogeneity of the very unritual landscape allows us to appreciate how both forms of organizing the religious experience were manifested in contemporary context. In the case, therefore, it is necessary to apply an analysis to different scales that explain their functionality in the territorial context, at the same time as their role in identity building on social level. This is a line of study that we have very outlined here. We are working Carmela, Carmen Reda, and me, Nasi Grau and Ivana Moriz, you can say hi. But we think that we possess a huge potential in the very unritual space we're just starting right now. Thank you. Thank you.