 How do I, is it just page down for this, just making sure I know how to, okay, how to make it go back. Hi, good afternoon, I'm Cheri Kizan and I'm presenting this paper on behalf of myself and my co-author, Fe Magpayo Bagajo, who could not join us, she is a retired biologist in the Ateneo de Davao and I see with the red in the bios, right, that she's actually currently right now the, back at the biological collections, right, taking care of the biological collections, which is kind of like FES baby, right. And so this paper is really a small part of a larger study and I'm, we're focusing this particular one just on the plant identifications because we feel that that's important. So let me begin. So indigenous peoples in Mindanao are often visualized as men and women dressed in denotative ceremonial attire, clothes that signal belonging to specific locales or territories, or membership in a particular ethnolinguistic group, similar to Benedict Anderson's observation on the generative power of certain images as a kind of logo, quote, unquote, for a newish nation. Mindanao itself is sometimes signified by colonial era photographs of its autochthonous inhabitants, a pattern that we observe, right, with this digital material, such as the one used in this particular conference. Now I couldn't resist doing this, so I'm doing this. So clearly this image shows us a Bogobo family, in fact on the lower left there is a caption that says Bogobo's dash family Davao PI, which leads me to believe that this was probably as one of those souvenir postcards that people would purchase, right, and send on, and it's most likely to be, right, definitely early American period. And so I thought that for this kind of narrative, when we actually see it as some kind of, you know, emblematic of the indigenous peoples of Mindanao, I couldn't resist. So I said, well, let's look for other, my work being the Bogobo Tagabawan and Jangan family images. So I got this on Facebook, right? And this one is a picture of a young girl in Jangan Bogobo dress. The Facebook is the Bogoboklata public Facebook, and they just called it at Kalina, Davao City, which also tells me this is a Jangan girl. So certainly photos of themselves dressed in traditional clothing, it's certainly significant and important and has some kind of, you know, memorializing content. But I also couldn't resist including this, which was sent to me by Viber, of essentially my god son, Dato, and his sister, Kaikai, in contemporary dress taken just within the month of June, to kind of give us a sense of, you know, how these photos actually have many possible purposes, right? But my task today is actually not going to be talking about that particular kind of work, but another aspect of this work. So indigenous textile practices in Mindanao are certainly synchronously distinguishable from each other by resultant cloth and clothing styles. It allows us to accurately characterize individuals in a historical photograph, such as we saw before. The concept of group specific style or attributes organized more than a century of photographic and museum collections and publications, which include some of my work, for instance, on Mindanao cloth and dress, both in colonial and post-colonial contexts. So there's lots of work on this, right, from Colin Benedict in the American 20th century, as well as Reyes, Roses, afterwards, there's a lot of work that thinks about Mindanao in terms of this notion of group style. So it's not necessarily an empty referent. However, the concept of group style is limitations when dealing with phenomena that transcend social boundaries, interdisciplinary, historical, and cultural studies, examining translocal long view social processes in Mindanao, not bound to group specific material practices, provide some insight, whether through the framing of zones of plural interaction in indigenous agency. This is kind of like what Hayase is doing with this notion of East maritime, Southeast Asia, or Edgerton in northern Luzon or Paredes among the Higaonon, or theorizing episodes of stochastic political and economic engagements, such as what Abinales does as well as too. So in this paper, we focus on what we call indigenous textile practices, which we define as... I'm sorry, I should talk a little bit more about this before I leave this on. So just to give you a real kind of quick primer on Mindanao textile styles. On the extreme left, you have here in the Apa, and at the bottom two are two examples from her own private collections. She's a Jangan Bogobo herself, but her husband is Tagabao Bogobo, and I met her in the Tagabao Bogobo territory, so she would identify as Tagabao Bogobo until I asked her and then I find out she's Jangan too. So these are two pieces in her collection. So the center piece is what the Bogobo would call Dakinayan or Dakinaino, which would be a three panel skirt, which is a high status skirt. And then on the middle, you will see the Mandaya, one panel, Dagmai Klaw. So in the Bogobo, you would have them sewn in separate pieces, the center panel being the mother panel, and the reds are what they call the Bata, right, the child panel, whereas the Mandaya would make this in one entire single panel of cloth. They don't kind of sew them pieces together, where you would have the crocodile motif in the Bogobo one separate, and the Mandaya one incorporated in this larger panel. So they're both crocodiles, but you can see that stylistically they're quite different, right? Because the Mandaya call their cloth, the Ibaka cloth, Dagmai, the Bogobo do not. And then on the far end would be an example of Tiboli textile, where, and this is a very special one because it shows Langdulae, those of you might know who Langdulae was, the late Langdulae, it shows her interpreting a signature. So he actually signed her work, right? But I'm showing it to you here because it's an instance of the Tiboli tricolor style, so that Tiboli can actually do Ikat, you know, doing three colors in one particular row. But that's not the focus of this, but just to show you that it's certainly not an empty reference to talk about groups, there is such a thing that we could talk about this group style. But we're thinking here of something that kind of underpins the notion of even creating something in terms of style. So in this paper we focus on what we call indigenous textile practices, right? Which we define here, pattern material processes and social arrangements organized around the production of cloth and dress. So these processes tend to produce culturally distinct clothing assemblages, which we can describe as group style, that can express or delineate identities of historically marginalized people, but they're not constituted by it. We more narrowly focus on plant know-how in this particular paper as part of material processes and observe through social arrangements that make their utilization as well as collection and documentation possible. In the title of our paper we even call it rather grandly botanical knowledge, right? Therefore we think of it as it consists not only of information or unusable or desirable plants, but also the practices such as labor sharing arrangements that make such knowledge actionable, right? So that's what we mean by knowledge. That's knowledge that's actually actionable. So we're interested in textile specific plant knowledge that may be generalized regionally across culture groups, while also maintaining awareness of distinct ways that local communities organize make use of and transmit such knowledge. We broadly draw on anthropological and historical ideas that consider macro surveys of material culture at the regional level, such as for example what Brodel is doing right for the Mediterranean or Brodel wants to do right as far as that kind of history from below. Cultural history is both of resource used by normatively invisible peripheral populations such as that Eric Wolf does, right? For what he calls peoples without history and the specific challenges and opportunities in interdisciplinary method and theory in the interpretation of material evidence from archeological and ethnobotanical fields such as the work of Ian Hodder writing archeology, Yaro Ludwig in ethnobotany and so on. So the methodology that informs what I'm presenting actually occurred in kind of three phases, right? So the first phase, when I started this work in 1993, it was really interesting because everyone would tell me that there's no more weaving and therefore I'm going to end up with an empty set. I said okay fine, if that's my finding, that's my finding, but I have to start somewhere. So it was a survey in sampling 1994 and at that point in time I had to kind of decide on how to limit or how to systematically define what I'm looking at. So I said well let me look at what kind of a production is still happening out there in the historically known communities that do, I'm interested in abaqa and ikat, so abaqa the banana fiber and ikat the technique. So in 1994, there was a survey of bagobo, tagabawa, and jangan, those are two subgroups of the bagobo today. There's a third one, Ubo, which I was not able to study. The Mandaya, the Tagawalo, Tiktoboli sites, I didn't include here, but I also was able to visit some Zimbabwe sites, which I mentioned in the previous panel, only in the Malungon in Matanau area. And the second phase was mixed methods, right? In this case I decided that I was going to work only with a multi-site between two, Tagabawa and Jangan, for gopo sites in 1987. And finally community-based shadowing, photography and specimen collection. So the first two phases have actually already been published. And so I'm just going to summarize our findings from there. It's the last that we're, that I'm presenting, Fair Naya presenting in this case. By the way, Fair has basically helped me with all my plant IDs from the get-go. She was introduced to me by a friend, a mutual friend, and her generosity has sustained me quite over the years. But let me summarize the earlier phases that have been published, right? So the first thing, by the end of the first two phases, we know that there is a broad distribution across regions of what I call an indigenous semantic category, right? Of prestige of cloth. So in other words, across the region, and I'll show you a map in a little bit, right? There is an understanding that there is a separate category. It's an indigenous semantic category, right? Of a prestige category of cloth. Because the peoples of Mindana are major textile consumers from for centuries, right? So they've always been consumers of textiles as well as producers. So this is very specific categories, so that's the first. And the second is that's a narrower distribution of people who actually still own them or use them, right? And an even narrower distribution of people who actually still make them, right? So that's the second. And the third one, it's established by phase one and phase two, is that there is a shared plant repertoire, right? And so I've known this, it was in my dissertation and all that, but we've not really set out to actually establish this, but in this specific way, which I feel is important, and that's too. So here's kind of like, it's not a very pretty map. It's a kind of like homemade map with PowerPoint, right? So bear with me. But essentially it's a schematic map that shows to you. So all of the areas named here, right? Going, I'm going left to right from the Zambuaga Misamis region, Western Mindanao, where you have the Sabanan, right? Then going counterclockwise, Kalinan, Talomo area, Sibulan area, Bansalan area, Lake Sibu area. Coastal Southwestern Mindanao, Western Gauch, Malungan, Matanao, Karaga-Lamiawan, and finally Agusan region, East Central Mindanao. These represent what we would correspond to the first phase, right? This areas, which there is this indigenous semantic category, right, of ceremonial cloth, but it exists. So you might go to those phases and they might not have the cloth anymore, but if you show them pictures, they will say, yes, we know that, and that's for this purpose, right? So that's very, very important. So this first phase is like really a semantic thing. It's not necessarily a physical thing. So I call all of these regions of heritage use, right? So there's this category in people's heads, right? This understanding of the importance of the cloth. And then the red bits are the places that I actually visited, right, in the first phase of research, in the attempts to kind of determine, right, where there is still some production going on. So the Karaga-Lamiawan area would be the Mandaya. The Mandaya, of course, are in all over, but this is the place where I went. Malungan, Matanao, of course, there, Dlaan are more widespread, but that's where I went. So this is really basically snowball sampling. So I would go where people were willing to have me, right? That's kind of like how it worked out. So this is kind of like a schematic map of this prestige category, right? Which people understand a baka-ikat to be important, indigenously, right? So not for collectors or the collectors like them too, right, but indigenously speaking. So for weddings, they have to be important, right? So for certain occasions, they have a certain significance. So the yellow bits are the areas of what I call, you know, active production, right? So the Mandaya areas and the Karaga-Lamiawan area, whose work ends up right in Davao City, in mostly at the Lake Sibu area, of course, whose work ends up not only in the Gen San City, but also in Davao area. Those are the areas of like the most active weaving, and much of it goes, it's indicated also in the tourist industry, right? So that's kind of what's going on there. So we're looking at plant use in this prestige category of textiles, right? So when you go to these areas in Mindanao, people who belong to indigenous cultural communities, they tend to not look indigenous in our minds, right? So you go there and individuals of self-identify as belonging to one of the many attractiveness groups in Mindanao can appear to be fully assimilated. So they would look like they're fully assimilated into settler populations. However, field research since the 1990s determined that this special semantic category, right? This is very, very important to persist. This category is sometimes referred to by this one of Visayan term, karaan, right? Which means ancient antique or archaic. Or by the neologism among the Tagabawa Bogobo, costume, you know, costume, but they say costume, right? I used to think of costume as just costume in English, but it's not, it's a completely different term. It's a term they use for outsiders to talk about their cloth. But when you're over to Tagabawa, they talk to you in, right? They call them Umpat Bogobo. So it's very, very different, right? So it includes, so this category of karaan stuff or costume, right, includes tailored garments, jackets, shirts, head, shoulder cloths, as well as cloth not intended to be worn. So these are actually two types, right? Cloth to be worn and cloth that is not to be worn. So cloth not to be worn are usually hung on the walls. They're usually what we call the bride wealth cloth, but not for all groups. It really depends on the particular group. So ikad pattern pieces made of abaca, was a textileist, sit at the very top of this classificatory hierarchy. Some groups use these only for dress, and some of these uses only for today anyway, in the since the 90s, right? For not for dress. So the patterns are specific to each group, each locality. Consequently, the cloth known by many groups, specific names, for example, Tinanlaki Niboli, Dagmayan Mandaya, and are distinct from special garments they are made with, for example, bride wealth grade women's skirts, or Tabimlato, right, and blaan, or Sinodgnayan, or Sinodksabadgato, Sintagabawa, right? They kind of confuse us, right? Because they're all these different names, but they actually refer to different categories of textile, some dress and some not. But for sure they all share this kind of like, abaca, ikad kind of matrix. The characteristic red and black ikad motifs are derived from endemic dye plants, red from orinda citrifolia, and black from the ospirus netida, which we'll discuss below. So the cultural value assigned to ikad pattern, abaca cloth, is affected not only by the scarcity of finely made vintage pieces, but also the degree of difficulty and expense in commissioning a new one. So in our study of plant use, we're focusing right on plants used to make abaca ikad. So how do I define active weaving communities? So the shortest way to say this, that when you get there, we basically do snowball sampling and interview different people, right? So we distinguish heritage ownership, right? We already know that. So families that actually own pieces because it was passed down to them, or it was acquired through past Bridewell exchanges, right? Heritage ownership tends to also be mapped to economic ability. So well-lawed families tend to hold on to their pieces. Economically challenged families tend to lose them. Even if they don't want to, there's always gonna be a story of some no good nephew that stole it from their grandma and sold it to the shopkeeper, right? Without their permission. So you always have those types of stories, right? So that's part of it, but that's their people who own them and use them, right? Active weaving communities also include owner users, but they're more now distributed, right? And so by active, I mean like if we went there, is there evidence of weaving concurrently? And the ones who do we were knowledgeable weavers have their recollections or participating in the making of any cloth in the last 10 years, right? That's kind of like the general way we would do it. So ethnobotanical research is conducted around the same time by a fair, right? Around the Lake Sibu area, she was working with the Ubo, right? Who live in areas surrounding the Tiboli. She also learned from them that the Ubo supply dye plants to the Tiboli. Specifically, canalum leaves, right? Because you need copious amounts of it as well as morinda. So the botanical domain knowledge cannot be fully studied and understood without the collaboration of weavers and dyers. Such knowledge is clearly not limited to craft practitioners, right? And maybe fruitfully investigated in broader populations who directly engage with culturally relevant textile practices. So they might not weave themselves, but the Ubo supply, right? And the Ubo value, the cloth, right? So we have to kind of clarify these things when we speak of weaving and who weaves and who doesn't weave and who owns and who values, right? Those are very important things. And the first and second phases of research also established that the shared fiber in that plant repertoire, among the extant weaving, oh, sorry, this one shows you the Cibulan area where the initial collection of actual dye plants were done. And then I had a photo album and I used that to go to various areas in the Bonsalon areas where we actually did this specimen collection, right? So it's a table that's been previously published, except the new bit now is that it's diospiros netida, which was not known before and we'll talk a little bit more about that. So, but in this particular table, we summarize, we summarize, right? The terms, right? The first column is the terms for the Bagobo Tagabao, because that's the principle group I work with. So for the dye plant, it's Cicari, but if you go across, you'll see that the Bagobo Jangan have their own term for it, Calig, the Blaan, called it Lagu, the Tibole Loco, and so on and so forth, right? So it's important to understand that each group will have their own names for these plants. So the first phase of research, right? It took place in Bitaug, produced, maybe I can skip ahead to the next slide. Okay, yeah, so this is the dye plants that were basically brought to us and we photographed them, right? This was initially in Sibulan, right? So you would have Abacah, I'm using the Tagobo Tagabao terms here, right? Boho, Cicari, for the Morenda here, Kinarem, which stores of black, and then the lumber for the tree, which is Pola, right? And the lumber is Bahi, which is also a Visayan word, but it's also the term they use for the lumber, right? So those would be the sources for those. So these identify these forests, like the major plants, you would say, for Abacah-Ikat production. So the collection of plant materials in each visit was, so basically what happened was, because I only have five minutes, right? Basically what happened was once, we used this album of photographs, right? When I went to the Mandaya, went to the Blaan, and I went to the Poli, right? To basically determine, right, so what's this? And then they would immediately identify, right? That's Kinarem, that's Cicari, right? So it was non-controversial, these four major plants. And so there was no additional botanical, whatever work done in those areas, except in instances when they would identify a plant that wasn't here. And so I have, for instance, if anybody in the audience is right, would be interested, I have a whole bunch of plants that we don't have such specific IDs for the Mandaya, for example, as well as other groups, right? But these are the four that are consistent across all of them. And so once we knew of this in 1997, we conducted, I guess, looking back, we didn't think of it that way, of course, but it turns out that that's essentially what happened, right? Salinta Monon, many of you know her as one of the Gaudman and Likha Nambayan from the Bogobo. I was actually the one that nominated Salinta for this, why she's late. Salinta Monon died in 2009. She was my principal informant. Salinta agreed to be shadowed. And so we commissioned her to make some cloth following Tagabawa Bogobo's instances of commissioning a new cloth being made. But the new bit was to ask her if we could also document her in the process of dyeing a cloth and therefore learn about the plants. So that process, I was assisted in this process, of course, in the second phase, right? By Doris El Nakano, who's a Tagabawa Bogobo from Davao City, Miguelito Bancas, Jangan Bogobo also from Davao City, who eventually ended up getting married afterwards. And so the two kids at the beginning, those are their kids and this is my grandson and my godson and they call him Datu. And so they were the ones that basically did this, but it was Salinta who determined when they would come and she was assisted by affiliated households, the household of her sister. Indo, her brother, Uktog, who's a blacksmith and one of her married sons, Saiko, up in Bitaoog. And so it was her that basically said, okay, now you come and then they came, right? So the whole process was essentially determined by her. And the specimens were collected based on FES input. She told Doris El what was needed and it was brought over to Ateneo, the Davao for photography, Exito photography by Fe, and then for depositing. So what are the results? I gave a copy of this paper to Prisina as well, right? So basically, no new information, but we do determine, right? It's basically Musa Textilis, right, for the Abaka. Again, the first name you see there would be Tagabawa, but the alternate names would be Woho for, right? Janganbogo, Bulutai for Blahan, right? Abaka or Lannar for Mandaya, et cetera, et cetera. Arekasiye, right? Which is the Pola, Cariota-Romfiana for Lumbar, right? And that's also a cross group, especially for the beater, right? The sword, the weavers call it the sword, the great big sword in the loom that's always across the board. It's always made of lumber from the Cariota Palm. We're in the Citrifolia, which is kind of well-known all over Southeast Asia as a source of red. Theospirus netida, again, this is the important one, that it's netida, right? Not all the other, not Pociflora, it's netida because of the small fruit. And again, Nalum for the Janganbogo, Kinalum for the Blahan, Kinalum for the Tiboli, Kinalum for the Mandaya, right? Kinarum for the Obo, right? So we have all these specific local names. And then we have some minor plants. So the colorants, these are field photos, not from Bitaug, but from earlier phases, right? Kalaug, which is well-known to everyone. Kunil, Kunib, right? It's this yellow ginger, right? And then of course, Tagalog is called this Achuete, right, the Luga, right? The Luga, which is the source of, these are the minor colorants, right? But more minor plants, which is very important would be the mordant, right? So morenda citrifolia is a red source and for the color to stick to the cloth, you need to add other plants that would actually make it stick to the cloth. And so all over Southeast Asia, morenda is used, but what's unique is that morenda in Mindanao is only used on Abaka, right? So morenda on Abaka is completely different from morenda on cotton. So these are the mordant plants. Asange, balia, libago, right, that were used, added to the dye bath because morenda dyeing takes quite a long time, like a couple of weeks of dyeing and red dyeing, right? However, what's interesting is that the way you get black is very easy with the osperos netida. When you compare it to Southeast Asia, the way they achieve black on cotton is usually through indigo. And indigo requires mordants as well. But for some reason, the osperos netida does not require mordant, so black's easy to get, right? So black is so much easier. And I make the argument in another paper I'm working on, right, about the aesthetic impact of getting black easily and how difficult it is to get red. Another minor plant, I like it. This is a bottom right, this packaging plant. It's a big leaf, alokasia, they're common, right, used for wrapping the root. And in the middle is a bunch of plants used for what's called the ritual bundle, right after the dyeing, they actually hit the dye threads with it in order to make sure that the color doesn't go away. The bottom is my favorite, it's called the ole-ole, because they say you hope that ole-ole is to actually not forget. You hope that the fiber doesn't forget the color you put in it, which would be red. So bunch of generalizable statements we can make about translocal shared plant knowledge and local aesthetic expression, right? So we know that there's a shared plant botanical inventory, right? Across abaca-icot-producing groups in Mindanao. I haven't done any fieldwork among the Subanan. I would love to have people do that, and if people have, I would love to know more about what they have. There's some publications about them, but there's no plant information on that. This was done through multi-phase collaboration with indigenous specialists. I've been having a conversation with Una, and this was before FPIC, so before the whole informed consent process. So this was like an old-fashioned way of doing it. But it was through essentially the notion that you as a researcher are there as a guest, right? So it's really about this notion of guesthood, right? Material processes and social arrangements. So when we think of them, we have to think of not just as things, but also the social arrangements, right? That make these things meaningful. Generalizable practices also vary when you get to the local level. And finally, that there is, I would say, a textile grammar that ultimately shapes specific meanings, valuations, uses and distributions of ceremonial cloth, which is really quite specific to Mindanao. And that's the end of my presentation. Any questions while... Yes, please, yeah. Basile, well, Basile is quite well known. It's the Yaqan. I think you're thinking of the Yaqan, right? The Sulu and Magindanao have a, it's like a much different kind of dynamic, right? But Basile, I don't think that they've stopped. I think it's still going on, but perhaps you're not as aware of it. But it would be cotton. They would be using cotton, and it's an important silk if they have it, right? Yes, it would be cotton. There would be some home-spun cotton. What's interesting is that Magindanao, for example, I now know of Abaka. But they say, and also go south of this, they look up on Abaka as a low fiber. It's like, it's a low, status one. So it's used for, right, poor people, right? Although I do know that Magindanao has been mentioned in some of these shipping lists as an export item, right? But yeah, when you talk about Abaka, right? Then they're aware of it, but it's not seen the same way, right? Whereas for these communities, it's actually, they write poetry, right? They sing songs to welcome the cloth, if it's seen in that very special way. But for the people, as far as what I've been so grateful for, from Sulu and Magindanao, Abaka cloth is nothing compared to, especially to silk, right? Silk is the, and the Indian trade cloth that they have to wear. Therefore. We'll have a few more questions after, but let's have Carlito.