 The U.S. Naval War College is a Navy's home of thought. Established in 1884, NWC has become the center of naval sea power, both strategically and intellectually. The following issues in national security lecture is specifically designed to offer scholarly lectures to all participants. We hope you enjoy this upcoming discussion and future lectures. Good afternoon and welcome to the 11th issues in national security lecture for Academic Year 2223. I'm Commander Gary Ross and I'll serve as your host for today's event. For anyone just joining us, this series was originally conceived as a way to share a portion of the Naval War College's academic experience with the spouses and significant others of our student body. Over the past five years, it has been restructured to include participation by the entire Naval War College extended family to include members of the Naval War College foundation, international sponsors, civilian employees, and colleagues throughout Naval Station Newport. We will be offering four additional lectures between now and May, spaced about two weeks apart on a wide variety of national security topics and issues. An announcement detailing the dates, topics, and speakers of each lecture will be sent by me or the Public Affairs Office, both on email and posted on our public website. Our next lecture will be held Tuesday, April 4th. We will feature an engaging discussion from Naval War College Professor John Maurer. The topic of the lecture will be announced at a later date. For each lecture, speakers will provide remarks for about 45 minutes and then for the remaining 15 or so minutes we'll answer questions from you. Okay, on with the main event, please feel free to ask questions using the chat feature on UBSOOM or for those in the audience using the microphone behind the chair in front of you. And we'll address those questions at the conclusion of the presentation. With that, I am very pleased to introduce our speaker, Professor Sarah Yamin, who will speak today about the topic Women, Peace, and Security and Why It Matters. Women, Peace, and Security is a global initiative to promote gender-inclusive strategies in response to evolving national and transnational threats. The gendered innovations in policy formulation reflect the shift in the traditional understanding of state security in view of its relationship with community security. WPS is a peace and security approach that advances women's critical roles in defining understanding and addressing complex security challenges alongside men as equal stakeholders. In acknowledging the importance of women's participation in advancing these objectives, the United Nations Security Council unanimously adopted its landmark resolution, 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security in October 2000. Sarah Yamin is the Ambassador Suwani Hunt-named Chair of Women, Peace, and Security at the U.S. Naval War College. Previously, she held teaching appointments at the Daniel K. Inouye Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies, Honolulu. The Carter School for Peace and Conflict Resolution, George Mason University, Virginia, and at the Department of Defense. Prior to embarking on her academic career, she worked in the South Asian development sector on poverty alleviation and gender education and refugee issues. She serves on the editorial board of the Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs and the Journal of International Peace and Stability and National University of Sciences and Technology Islamabad. Professor Yamin's research spans a wide range of issues related to international peace and conflict, global governance, democratic transitions, and gendered security. Her writings have been published in countless publications. She is the author of Stability Through Economic Cooperation in a Nuclear Environment. She has appeared as a Security Analysis on Al Jazeera, BBC, Canada TV, Pakistan Television, Voice of America, and Think Tech Hawaii. Professor Yamin received her BA in Political Science and English Literature from the University of Punjab, Pakistan. She earned her Master's and PhD in Conflict Analysis and Resolution from George Mason University. She is the recipient of the Faculty Scholarship and Eleanor Roosevelt's Student Scholarship Awards conferred by the Center, by the Carter Center for Peace and Conflict Resolution at George Mason University. She has received U.S. Federal Government Awards for Excellence as Mentor of the Year in 2019 and for Team Excellence in 2015. More recently, she received the U.S. Defense Security Cooperation Agency's World of Excellence Award for the period 2012 to 2022. I am pleased to pass the microphone over to Professor Sarah Yamin. Can everyone hear me? Great. Commander Ross, thank you for this very generous introduction and I'm so happy to see very friendly faces here in the audience and I would like to say hello to everyone here and online. I love the video you were showing at the outset. When I heard, if you want prosperity, grow leaders, I thought, wow, this is one of the key messages of the Women, Peace and Security Agenda because it talks about growing women as leaders. So, what is Women, Peace and Security or WPS as we call it? It's a global framework. It reflects the ever-deepening commitment of the United Nations Security Council, UN agencies, member states, governments, and civil societies around the world to increase women's meaningful participation in peace-building and conflict resolution, conflict prevention, and in providing access to relief and recovery, providing women, vulnerable women, access to relief and recovery during disasters and crises. Importantly, this agenda talks about women as equal stakeholders of security and the importance of their work alongside men to complement and supplement their roles. So, I have for you up here a list of some of the problems that we are faced with today. Some of these challenges represent our security environment. This is not an exhaustive list by any means. Next to it, we have a beautiful graphic by the World Economic Forum showing the interconnectivity of some of the risks, some of our security challenges. These security challenges represent the changes we have experienced over the years. If you look back at the World Wars of the previous century, since then our security environment has really transformed. What we face is an interconnectivity between various security challenges. So, when something happens, whether it's an environmental threat, our societal challenge, a geopolitical issue, it impacts other elements of security. One thing leads to another. And in order to undo these challenges, we have to have an astute understanding of the interlinkages. Because we live in a globalized environment, our security is also vulnerable to the security of other nations and states. Who would have known prior to COVID-19 that a few patients in a Chinese mega city experiencing some health conditions are going to spread this infection very rapidly around the world that half the global population would be impacted. Millions would be killed. Actually, the entire global population was impacted, but half are considered infected by COVID. That would also trigger an economic crisis, exacerbate poverty, increase the incidence of depression and anxiety and domestic violence, suicide, disruption of health and educational services, other essential services. Or who would have thought that the crisis in Ukraine is going to contribute to a global economic slowdown? It has triggered severe food and energy crises around the world. And as a conflict resolver, someone who is trained as a conflict resolver, and someone who's been looking at failed and fragile states for well over a decade and a half, I often ask myself the question, what makes some societies more resilient than others? What is it that makes some societies more able to bounce back, more able to cope with these global shocks? And the answer for one big piece of the puzzle is human security. It's a big piece of the puzzle. And we should really care because if one society and state, if the people in one state are not secure, the rest of us are also going to be insecure because we share this environment. So social scientists can gauge the resiliency of a country partly by drawing on data that measures human security. The United Nations Human Development Index provides data, for example. There are many indices out there. And what we find is that many organizations working on these data sets are increasingly looking at the human security of women, gendered insecurities, because they provide a lot of answers. We find that pre-crisis, free conflicts and crisis, women in many countries have inequitable access to health, education, opportunities for self-actualization, the ability to contribute to decision-making in politics, the, and they're unable sometimes to contribute to formal economies. And what that data tells us is that when those countries are hit by crises and disasters, they are less resilient. It is more difficult for those countries to bounce back and withstand those shocks, whether they're national or global. Those are gendered insecurities. And I'm going to give you some examples of those. But let me, let me also add that when I talk about gendered insecurities, what I'm doing essentially is giving you an idea of the traditional understanding of security, which sees women as weak and stereotypes women as weak, which only gives you part of the picture, doesn't tell you the whole picture. So let's start by talking about the use of rape as a weapon of warfare to highlight women's vulnerabilities. The UN recognizes that rape is used as a strategic tactic in warfare to punish, terrorize and humiliate the enemy. In genocidal campaigns, as recently as 2017 and thereafter, the Burmese military used rape as a weapon of war in its genocidal campaign against the Rohingyas. Nearly a million of them were displaced and they fled to neighboring Bangladesh, the world's largest group of stateless people. Earlier on in 1994, in Rwanda, the majority Hutus used rape as a weapon of war, as a weapon of genocide against the minority group Tutsis. It is believed that between 250,000 to 500,000 women were raped. There is one woman who reported in the BBC that my son asked me who was my child, who was my father, but I was raped by 100 men. I didn't know which one of them fathered my child. And there are so many more instances. Let me also tell you, ladies and gentlemen, that women are more vulnerable to natural disasters. How so? How can natural disasters discriminate against women? Well, here I have an example of Bangladesh. Some data from there, this country is one of the most prone to severe weather events, climate change, rising sea levels. Every year, they experience floods, typhoons, cyclones. In the 1990s, the mortality rate of women in Bangladesh was nine women for one man. Why was that? You would ask me. It's because women's literacy rates were so low. Early warning was going out through text messages they couldn't read. Women in Bangladesh culturally don't know how to swim. They don't know how to climb trees. There were these long saris, like six yards of cloth wrapped around them, and for cultural reasons, they didn't want to take them off. They didn't even know how to swim, but that makes it much more difficult for them to drown or to protect themselves, and their saris would get caught in debris. And they didn't want to go to the shelters because those shelters did not give them privacy. And so they didn't feel safe. And there is evidence that when we have disasters and crises, whether they're natural or human-made, gender-based sexual violence increases. Let me also share some data from the Indian Ocean tsunami in 2004. 11 countries that were in the Indian Ocean ring that were impacted by it. In 11 countries, for every man who died, there were four women who drowned for similar reasons as the one I quoted before. And not only that, women who survived were subjected to strip searches in camps. Trade was on the rise. Women were exposed to higher incidences of gender-based sexual violence. Aid was not being given to women because many donor agencies don't recognize women as heads of households. So if they were single, they were not receiving aid. Human trafficking. Let's talk briefly about human trafficking. We have data that tells us that 65% of the global victims of human trafficking are women and girls. And the most common reason for human trafficking is sexual exploitation, sexual slavery. And the traffickers make money out of it. So it's not just a humanitarian tragedy. It helps non-state actors and potentially criminal state actors who prey on these vulnerable women and girls. And many of the victims of trafficking, whether they're women and girls or boys and men, many of them live in conflict-afflicted regions. Human trafficking generates about $150 billion. And these are low-end estimates. It's very difficult also to really come up with the right figures, how much they make. And this money goes to criminal groups, rogue state actors. So you want to think about that. Now let me also talk about another angle of gendered security. And this is the role of women in perpetuating insecurity because women are not just victims. Women have agency and women can be quite destructive. And here I'm just showing you a picture of the suspects of human trafficking in many countries around the world. It is believed that up to a third of the criminals who are involved in human trafficking are women. And in some countries, possibly even 50%, but we don't think about it. And we need to be aware of this angle if you want to solve the problem. We also know, we know very well that women are actively recruited by terrorist groups and are very effective as terrorists, not just in support roles, but in perpetuating terrorist acts, in committing terrorism itself. Here I have a picture, some of you may have seen it. This is the picture of the former prime minister of India, Rajiv Gandhi. He was a son of Indira Gandhi, who is also a prime minister. This picture was taken moments before he was assassinated by this woman. The suicide bomber of the Tamil Tigers, Sri Lanka's Tamil Tigers, they're called freedom birds, that women had their own suicide wing. Data suggests that women suicide bombers have a four times higher kill rate than male suicide bombers, partly because of the element of surprise and partly because of the lack of women at checkposts, at checkpoints, lack of women security personnel. I have a picture here of this child soldier, a 15-year-old Daniela from the now defunct FARC of Columbia, a very potent guerrilla group. One third of the world's child soldiers, by the way, are women. Now this terrorist group does not exist, but when it did it was believed 43% of the terrorists were women. Here I have a picture of a teenage suicide bomber belonging to Boko Haram. Boko Haram also actively uses women as terrorist groups, and I have so many more examples. Now we know that women are vulnerable in many contexts. We know that women can also be agents of insecurity, but how well are we using women in making decisions and problem solving, and especially when those decisions concern women and communities. They're just not about men. So I have a picture here that went viral in 2015, because this was about the Vienna peace process on Syria, October 2015, an August gathering of 19 foreign ministers, only one woman from the EU. So why does this matter? Well it matters, because when you don't have women, and if you don't have a critical mass of women, just a token woman, nobody's going to talk about women's issues in problem solving. That's what happens. And that wasn't a one-off. Here I have some data from a study done by the United Nations which shows that women made up 3% of mediators, 4% of signatories, and only 13% of negotiators in major peace processes between 1999 to 2018. And we have data also that in about 21 peace agreements that were signed in this period, only six agreements addressed women's issues, such as gender-based sexual violence, access to health, access to food, their families' concerns. And we have evidence that when women are involved in peace processes, they can help bring about a transformation in the dynamics of negotiation. And let me share with you the story of the peace process in the Philippines, there's an insurgency in the Mindanao province, in the south of Philippines, one of the poorest provinces, one of the poorest least-developed provinces in the Philippines that had been for over a decade since the 1960s fighting to secede from the Philippines, primarily inhabited by Muslims, and there were many insurgent groups. And the Philippines had been fighting with them and had been negotiating with them for about 15 years. Nothing, nothing was happening, nothing was changing, it led to violence, displacement, complexity. This woman in the center, Professor Miriam Coronel Farah, a university professor, spoke to President Aquino and said, let me negotiate with Mindanao Islamic Liberation Front. Muslim conservative group of insurgents, and the president said, well, negotiate with this group, they have such a rigid gender ideology. And she said, well, as a woman, I have an advantage, I appear less threatening and less intimidating. And at one point, her, so she was accepted, and at one point her entire team of negotiators comprised women. And she led the Philippines to signing a peace agreement, she persuaded the insurgent group to actually change their position on secession and be part of the Philippines. They agreed on an autonomous, semi-autonomous region. And not only was she involved with her own team of negotiators who were women, women's participation on behalf of the government also encouraged the women and also facilitated the inclusion of women in the civil society, in the grassroots communities. And that was key because when you want to sustain a peace agreement, it has to have the ownership of the entire society and community. And I have a picture over there of the international contact group on Mindanao to show that it wasn't just women, it was a very complex and comprehensive process where many countries were involved as bridge builders between the Mindanao Islamic Liberation Front and the Philippines government. And one more thing I want to tell you before I tell you the other story is that within two years, a women's inclusion in the peace process, the peace agreement was signed. And so while this was happening, Columbia had also been taking on the FARC. Columbia was at war with FARC, the guerrilla group since 1962. And as I mentioned earlier, 43% of the women in FARC, the terrorist groups, the members of FARC were also women. So in Columbia, there was a peace constituency that was putting pressure on the government. It was a women's peace constituency that was pressurizing the government to make peace with FARC while there are terrorists, there are guerrillas. Not many want to make peace with them because they have traumatized the people, the communities they've killed. But women were more willing to forgive and move on and almost taking the cue from the Philippines because I travel to the Philippines a lot and I learned from my colleagues there that Colombians would travel to the Philippines as well to find out how they were engaging women. And they wanted to learn from their lessons. And so they became the first country to introduce gender inclusion in the negotiation process with the FARC. And there were four rounds of negotiations. And a year and a half, and they had been negotiating for several years as well, but nothing was happening. And then they started flying women from civil society groups to Havana, Cuba to negotiate with FARC ex-combatants. And they found that women were more willing to forgive and make peace and move on. And it helped. But peace processes are complex and messy and I could talk more about Colombia and Philippines. They still have a lot of work to do, but wanted to share with you that there's evidence that suggests that when women are involved, peace processes, which often there's data that tells us that peace processes fail within the first five years, but empirical evidence suggests that when women are involved, peace processes have a 35% greater likelihood of lasting more than 15 years. So now let me move on to the third important element and the most important element of the women peace and security framework. And that's women's participation in peace building and conflict prevention and resolution and crisis and disaster response. So here I have another picture of Bangladesh, the country that's been recognized by the international community for being a leader in its fight against natural disasters because they have started investing in their women, community women as first responders. And they have decreased women's mortality rate by half. Such is the power of women as catalysts of change. And not only in that area, Bangladesh is one of the poorest countries of the world still. It is very poor. When it became independent in 1971, Henry Kissinger called it a basket case. For the past two or more decades, Bangladesh has maintained an economic growth rate of 6% plus. Yes, the current economic slowdown right now caused by the war in Ukraine has impacted Bangladesh. So if you look it up, Bangladesh looks like it's not doing well, but if you look at its trajectory over the past two decades, it's done so well that it's being quoted by the World Bank and the IMF and the Asian Development Bank as a miracle because it's reduced poverty by half focusing on the empowerment of women, giving them access to credit, building their capacities. In Bangladesh is being cited as a story, as a miracle in poverty alleviation as a result of their gender inclusive strategies. And Bangladesh has the lowest wage gap between gender wage gap between men and women. And some studies say, well, actually the wage gap is pro women. It favors men. So that's another area. And the third area, there are many areas where Bangladesh can be given credit for the advances it has made. It is the third area is peacekeeping. It is one of the largest troop contributing nations and it became the second country a few years ago after India to send a women's only peacekeeping contingent. It gives Bangladesh a lot of status, the focus on women. These women are imperative for building the institutional credibility of the United Nations peacekeeping missions, as you may well know, tend to be very complex. And when women are on the ground, they help build trust with communities. They can engage with communities. Women who experience gender-based sexual violence are more likely to report it when women peacekeepers are present. So, ladies and gentlemen, now let me come back to the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, which is actually the basis for this Women, Peace and Security agenda. This was unanimously adopted in 2000. It was a landmark resolution which recognized for the first time that women are not just victims. It acknowledged that women are impacted disproportionately, but it recognized that women are leaders. And it identified these priority areas, which I've been talking about, women's roles. This framework comes, it's actually a package of 10 resolutions. There have been several resolutions that were passed subsequent to 1325 in 2000. They talk about many reasons why it's important to engage women as leaders, the reduction of gender-based and conflict-related sexual violence, women's inclusion in peace processes, end of violence against women and children in conflict. But importantly, this agenda also talks about the role of men, UNSCR 2242. And this resolution makes the agenda broad-based. So, it talks about climate change, it talks about health pandemics, it talks about violent extremism and displaced communities. So, it goes beyond looking at war and violence. 105 countries around the world have adopted national action plans in alignment with UNSCR 1325. The US became the 50th country in 2011 to adopt a national action plan. But since then, the US has come far. We have become the first country in the world to adopt this framework as a law. So, in 2017, the Congress passed a WPS Act, which identified mandated four agencies, the Department of Defense, State Department, USAID, and Homeland Security to advance this agenda. Each agency has its own implementation plan. And we are seeing a sea change in the global environment. It's a transformative agenda. We are beginning to see more and more women in security sector institutions, including in the United States and its partner nations. I was talking about UN female peacekeepers. The UN believes that they are imperative to operational effectiveness. They have 30% civilian personnel. And the UN, in fact, seeks gender parity in all its operations. But of course, it depends on cooperation from its partners, from member states. I also want to just share with you the case of Japan, where they're experiencing declines in their population as a result of a grain and shrinking population. And it is believed by 2040, the Japanese defense forces are going to face a shortfall in its recruitment targets by 20%. Now, Japan is a very traditional society. But they are going out of their way to incentivize women and recruit them in the defense and security sectors. They're introducing very generous labor reforms for women. And they have opened up all positions for women, except in some very dangerous positions where they may be introduced, where they may be exposed to dangerous substances. Along with that, I want to mention that these trends of recruiting more women in security sector organizations and in the military in particular are underway in many countries of the world. Well, for one, many of these states see that women add to their strengths through numbers. Many countries are experiencing shortfalls in their recruitment targets, including the United States. Secondly, so they want to recruit more women. Secondly, the advances in technology and civil civilization of roles is making it easier for them to open up more positions for women. Thirdly, they are finding that when they open up more positions for women, they're able to recruit the best talent, regardless of gender. So there are efforts underway and many of them are also opening up positions in combat roles. I want to talk about Ukraine, for example. It has 17% women in the military and they're allowed to engage in combat and they have been doing so since the Russian invasion of Eastern Ukraine and the Donbas region in 2014. And it is argued that maybe this figure of 17% is maybe a low-end estimate that maybe there are 22% women in the Ukrainian military and that if it wasn't for these women, Ukraine would not be able to deter Russia. And in fact I would like to also mention that in 2014 when Russia initially invaded Ukraine, there were thousands of women who were fighting on the front lines without it being legal for them to engage in combat. And they fought and they deterred Russia and they were documented as cooks and seamstresses. And when the war ended at that time, they weren't recognized, they were not compensated. But since then Ukraine has passed a law in 2019, opening up combat positions to them, giving them the opportunity to enroll in military license which gives them the opportunity to advance to leadership positions. Here I have data from NATO, 12% women, 88% men, this is the average. I wanted to show this picture here to highlight the importance of having women in leadership roles. When we are talking about increasing women's participation, when we are talking about integrating the gender perspective, it is extremely important for us to see more women in leadership roles. We want a critical mass of women in leadership roles and a critical mass means from social science theory 20 to 30%. Why that matters is if you have a lower number, less than 20, they are still in minority. And they cannot, they will not be able to meaningfully represent the gender perspective, the unique skills and diversity of perspectives that they bring. So this is really good, but we want to do even better and we want the United States to lead the world. And just to summarize why we want more women in the security sector, like I said earlier, they expand hard power. They build and expand a country's hard power. They build its smart power because we have evidence that suggests one, mixed gender teams outperform single gender teams. Mixed gender teams are also more innovative and more high performing. Also when we recruit women in the military, when we are recruiting the best regardless of the gender, it makes our military more competent. You don't want to restrict your talent pool. And finally, bring women have alternative leadership styles. They add soft skills. They bring soft skills to the table. They can engage with communities. They build trust. They build institutional credibility. So for all these reasons, we have to give, we have to give a lot of consideration to how to recruit and retain women and make efforts to advance them to leadership positions so we can come up with innovative responses to very wicked and hard problems, security challenges that we face today. So with that, ladies and gentlemen, I would like to thank you for your kind attention. And I'd like to open it up for questions. Thank you, Professor Yeming, for that very insightful lecture. Do we have any questions for those in the audience right now? Jason, please. Good evening, Dr. Yeming. Thank you so much for the presentation. So my name is Jason MacArthur-Browse. I'm a student in the junior class. And my question is in regards to WPS in this institution. It's one of these double-part questions that everybody hates. The first part was going to be with regards to participation. I noticed that that was one of the pillars, basically, of the UN strategy. And I was wondering, is there any work being done to increase the number of women in the faculty and staff or student body? And the second half was going to be the curriculum. So in TSDM this past semester, I noticed clearly WPS being integrated into the curriculum. I was wondering if you could talk about any of the challenges in trying to add something to an already chocked full curriculum, and then maybe any goals for future increases in WPS in the curriculum? Thank you. Thank you for the great question. So let me address the question concerning the curriculum, and then perhaps I'll turn it over to our President Admiral Chatfield to talk about the gender balance in the faculty and efforts that are underway, and I think she'll be better positioned. So yes, well, we are making our best efforts to integrate WPS in the curriculum. As you may be aware, this vision has been incorporated in our strategic plan for 2022 to 2027, and the goal is to integrate it across all programs no later than June 2024, which is not very far. We have one more year. And to give you an example for the next year, next academic year, in the National Security Affairs program, WPS has been integrated in 16 lessons. That's really good, I think. We have other programs such as the, you can say, for example, we have the Seymour Center for Maritime and Operational Warfare. They offer flag and certificate courses, and WPS has been integrated as a plenary in almost all their courses, which is also fantastic. So there are other examples as well. One, I think, notable accomplishment for this year is the WPS symposium that is going to be organized next month. I don't know if you know yet, but it's mandated attendance by all students. We are very, very excited. This is going to be the first of our, this is going to be the ninth iteration, but the first time all students are going to be part of it. A key piece of this symposium is a faculty development session on one of the afternoons. And I believe all faculty are also going to have to attend it because we have to build the capacities of our faculty members as well. And another effort related to the symposium is that about 80% of the speakers who will present at the symposium are writing papers. I have, I have about 20 drafts in my office right now that I'm reviewing. And upon completion, we're going to publish an edited volume that is going to be posted online by the Naval War College Press. And this is going to be a book on WPS and professional military education that will serve as a resource for our faculty, for our students, for other PME institutions in the U.S. and in partner nations, because we have to produce knowledge. So I think it's a great opportunity and I think we are going to do really well in future years, but the important thing is to help everyone understand what WPS is and why it matters. Over to you, ma'am. Well, thanks for letting me have just a few moments to talk about recruitment and retention of women in the faculty and staff here at the Naval War College. So one of the tools at our disposal is actually found in the Federal Equal Employment Opportunity Guidelines. And when we look at what the Office of Personnel Management might tell us about a model program, it does call for looking at what you have and then taking that information and looking at it very mathematically to see if there are any statistical differences in recruitment practices and in retention. And if that is noticed, then we can go forward and remove barriers. And so in the program, there's something called a special emphasis program committee, which is part of the federal EO program. And so that was a process that we actually did engage in here with our local community committee at the college. Now, in terms of recruiting, we are looking for talent and we're looking very broadly for talent. We work with the state of Rhode Island for veterans who are capable and qualified for the positions here. And we're seeing a lot of young academics who are women who are interested in coming to work here. And so building a community that has a lot of inclusion for all of our membership that has a foundation of respect across the board for our faculty and staff is, like any federal institution, welcomed and a constant process of taking a look at where we are and how we are improving. Now, when we think about faculty who are uniformed faculty, when we see numbers like the ones that Dr. Yameen put up, oftentimes the membership in that percentage is more junior, because many nations in the United States as well opened some of the specialties later and progressively over the years. And so we might see that, for example, in our permanent military professors, we haven't achieved the same representation of women as we have men in that program. And those are opportunities that I feel it's very important to communicate the ability to be a professor at the Naval War College, for example. But it depends on having sufficient percentages in the retained population of officers at the higher pay grades, because we are looking for Navy commanders and Navy captains to perform that duty. And so I think that's something that we're still working on and measuring and trying to improve. I hope that answered your question. Thanks. Thank you both. Thank you, Dr. Syra. Just touching upon having studied a little bit of the de-radicalization efforts that are present in many countries, you having mentioned women are much more quick to forgive and stronger in the peacemaking area. Is there any statistical data on kind of the incorporation of more women in these de-radicalization campaigns? I would imagine they would be more effective. Is there statistical data there? And obviously the women themselves that are hopefully rebuilding their lives that I would assume that the success rate of these former radicalized individuals would be gender higher. Just wanted to know your perspective on that. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you for the great question. And you're absolutely right. In many de-radicalization programs around the world, they are looking to leverage women. And they are working with women in the households, in the communities, because they feel that they can be the first to detect the signs of radicalization and also influence their families and communities. So it's happening, for example, in many parts of South and Southeast Asia countries, which have been, which have experienced the challenges of radicalization, such as Indonesia or Maldives. And they have been very, very successful in Pakistan as well. They're focusing on women, empowering them, helping them understand, especially in working with youth. So thank you for that question. I actually had a question. For your research in the success of the Philippine situation or Columbia, do you have any personal stories that you can share with, that you talked with those people, both male and female, that told stories of that this was so much better or a better environment to negotiate their differences? Well, you know, that's a great question. And I think to answer it, maybe I could refer to the experience of the Philippines, where they have been working for many years and work is still going on. I believe last year they declared that Mindanao is now violence free. I have to go, I really have to look at the data to see if that's correct. But if that's the situation, I would say that's quite an accomplishment. But, and I wouldn't say it's impossible, because the Philippines has been working for many years. And some of the efforts where they engaged NGOs and started to work with local communities, because many of the local communities were supporting the insurgencies. That's why the insurgent groups were successful. And they were engaging with women and men and children. And they were asking simple questions because they wanted to envision a peaceful future. And they would ask, what does peace mean to you? And an inclusive process such as this allowed, for example, women, children and men to talk about basic needs such as children's laughter, the ability for children to go to school, for people to feel safe. So when they included communities, it broadened the definition of peace. It went beyond putting down arms and disarmament, right? Because it reflected and incorporated what the community wanted. You cannot build peace without addressing human security. And I think that is the essence of women's contributions to peace processes, whether they're representing a government or they're representing a community. When we integrate the gender perspective, immediately we're looking at the problem set more comprehensively because women are bringing in their experiences. I hope that answers your question. No, it does. And just a comment, I think that it's 50% of the population. And so if you don't bring 50% of the population in, your chances of success are probably much lower. I can only... Absolutely. You want community ownership if you want to sustain a peace process. Thank you. Thank you for that. Any other questions? Any other questions? I don't have any other questions on Zoom. So if not, with that, we will close for this evening. Thank you so much, Professor Yamin. It's been a very insightful lecture this afternoon. Thank you for your time. Thank you, everyone, for attending this evening's lecture. We look forward to seeing you in two weeks with Professor John Maurer. Thank you.