 Topped by a status series, the Roman Goddess of Agriculture, what remains of Bambi's corn exchange stands as a reminder to the power of Britain's landed elite, who made money by rationing the supply of grain under the corn rows. Today the size of the corn exchange is a shopping centre. Inside shops also seek to extract cash by rationing, except today that isn't the physical ration of essential goods. It is based on the marketing of goods psychologically rendered in short supply by fast fashion, planned obsolescence, and brand identification. Someone who foresaw this change and its implications for radical movements was Murray Bookchin. Bookchin foresaw how consumerism was changing the dialogue in society towards the politics of post- scarcity. Post-scarce the anarchism is an anthology of Bookchin's essays. This print version was produced in 2004 by AK Press, but like all the best anarchist publishers it is available for free online. Why then have a paper copy? What if the internet stopped working, or deliberately blocked Bookchin's works as subversive? That contradiction, a monetarily free internet that is not free politically or socially due to its technological nature, represent the heights of what Bookchin talked about. A century ago scarcity had to be endured. Today it has to be enforced, hence the importance of the state in the present era. The social dialectic and the contradictions of capitalism have expanded from the economic to the hierarchical realms of society, from the arena of survival to the arena of life. The dialectic of bureaucratic state capitalism originates in the contradiction between the repressive character of commodity society and the enormous potential freedom opened by technological advance. Just as the feudal state prevented people leaving the parish, and the industrial state tried to repress political organizing, today the internet exists within the contradiction that isolated communication does not create human identification or organization. As Bookchin says in the next essay, Ecology in Revolutionary Thought. The notion that man must dominate nature emerges directly from the domination of man by man, but it was not until organic community relations, feudal or peasant in form, dissolved into market relationships that the planet itself was reduced to a resource for exploitation. This centuries long tendency finds its most exacerbating development in modern capitalism. Owing to its inherently competitive nature, bourgeois society not only pits humans against each other, it also pits the mass of humanity against the natural world. Just as men are converted into commodities, so every aspect of nature is converted into a commodity, a resource to be manufactured and merchandise wantonly. The liberal euphemisms for the process involved are growth, industrial society and urban blight. By whatever language they are described, the phenomena have their roots in the domination of man by man. This issue is extended further in the essay towards a liberatory technology. Technology is transformed into a force above man, orchestrating his life according to a score contrived by an industrial bureaucracy. Not men, I repeat, but bureaucracy, a social machine. When he becomes an extension of machine, man ceases to exist for his own sake. Society is ruled by the harsh maxim, production for the sake of production. The decline from craftsman to worker, from an active to an increasingly passive personality, is completed by man-acquired consumer, an economic entity whose tastes, values, thoughts and sensibilities are engineered by bureaucratic teams in think tanks. Man, standardised by machines, is reduced to a machine. Man, the machine, is a bureaucratic ideal. One of Butcher's most famous essays is Listen Marxist. I feel it's so relevant now, but needs applying to liberals too. As the richest promise to the denizens of liberal consumer society are threatened by climate change or the breakdown of economic control, a militant extreme centrism is emerging. That, from environmentalism to gender politics, tries to preserve those entitlements against inevitable systemic collapse. Radical left or extreme centre, doesn't matter. It is a disconnection from reality, trying to preserve the very system that binds them, that subverts the possibility of change. The worker becomes a revolutionary, not by becoming more of a worker, but by undoing his workiness. And in this he is not alone. The same applies to the farmer, the student, the clerk, the soldier, the bureaucrat, the professional and the Marxist. A worker is no less bourgeois than the farmer, the student, clerk, soldier, bureaucrat, professional and Marxist. His workiness is the disease he is suffering from, the social affliction, telescoped into individual dimensions. As Bookchin says in the final essay, Desire in Need, when the entire institutional fabric becomes unstable, when everyone lacks a sense of destiny, be it in job or social affiliations, the lumpen periphery of society tends to become its centre, and the déclassé, the degraded, begin to chart out the most advanced forms of social and personal consciousness. We can't make effective change if that is just a nicer, reformed version of our current enslavement to the technological consuming state. Only in that freedom as ecological beings, living within nature and organizing communally to secure our basic needs, can we liberate ourselves and destructive power of exploitation. This is why, since his death in 2006, Bookchin's words are inspiring a new post-Marxist, post-capitalist generation to begin to chart out the most advanced forms of social and personal consciousness.