 Thank you. Thank you very much. So we go to the next, to the third presentation by Karine Walther who is an associate professor of history at Georgetown University in Qatar. And she doesn't have a PowerPoint presentation. Yeah, I, well first of all, I didn't have a PowerPoint because I realized what time this was going to be at and I figured many of you would be napping and I didn't want to get you all excited with my images. So as soon as I'm done, you can all wake up and listen to Hannah. So I'd like to begin by thanking the organizers for the conference. It's such a rare opportunity to present to experts in this area of the world, although it's as an Americanist who's also always viewed and researched Mindanao from the outside in. It's also a bit daunting, so apologies in advance. So let me begin. In January of 1900, an issue of the Southern workmen published out of the Hampton Institute printed a letter by one of its former African-American students, J. H. Walker, which linked the mission of the Hampton Institute to the American Imperial Project Abroad. Before I get to the letter, let me give you a bit of background on the Hampton Institute. The Institute was founded by the Child of American Missionaries in Hawaii, Samuel Chapman Armstrong in 1868 after the Civil War and was designed primarily to offer industrial education to newly emancipated African-Americans. Armstrong had been raised in Hawaii where his father had it had introduced industrial education into the Hawaiian school system in the 1830s and 40s, first as an American missionary then as the Minister of Public Education. As a child, Armstrong had accompanied his father on school visits and was taught to appreciate the value of industrial education for people of color. Views he introduced at the Hampton Institute when he served as its first president. Indeed, Armstrong adopted his father's approach of instituting industrial education among Hawaiians to African-Americans with the belief that people of color were best suited for manual labor rather than intellectual pursuits. By 1900, the Hampton Institute was also accepting Native American students. It had served as a model for Native American industrial boarding schools including the Carlisle Indian Industrial School, which many of you may be familiar with, which opened in Pennsylvania in 1891. One of the African-American graduates of the Hampton Institute, Booker T. Washington, would also apply similar views to his own school, the Tuskegee Institute, which he founded in 1881 based on the Hampton Institute model. So coming back to the issue of the Southern workmen, in 1900 the former graduate walker noted in his letter to the journal that he was currently in Hawaii with his military regiment. Walker's letter reveals important ties between the industrial education systems present across the varied racial landscapes of American Empire and hinted at the complicated ways in which American imperial subjects and people of color could identify with each other across imperial boundaries. I say hinted because clearly Walker would never have been allowed to critique the very system under which he was educated, nor would have been allowed to critique American imperial expansion either in Hawaii or the Philippines to a journal that was heavily supportive of both. And yet if we read through the lines, his letter nonetheless offers us some hints as to these critiques. Speaking of the Hawaiian subjects he had met, Walker noted, quote, they are fond of the color people and claim to have the same blood as we in America, of course meaning African-Americans. They invite us to their houses and entertain us royally. They talk very intelligently about the over-throw of their government by the Americans and about the future of the islands. Walker then hinted at the ways in which the American government instrumentalized people of color by enlisting them to fight an American Imperial warfare, while addressing the very stereotypes that had pushed white Americans to open industrial schools for Hawaiians and African-Americans back in the United States, which included the alleged laziness and dishonesty of people of color. He wrote, quote, there are a number of Hampton students in our regiment, the 49th Infantry, and they are noted for their strictness, promptness, and truthfulness. There are also some Tuskegee boys here. I leave tomorrow for the Philippines. Scholars have already noted the sharp critiques that many African-Americans expressed regarding American Imperial expansion in the Philippines and the racialized justifications that accompanied it. Walker's letter offers us implicit clues about this critique. As a graduate of the Hampton Institute, he was part of an educational system that maintained that African-Americans were not worthy of or prepared for higher learning, and that what they really needed was an industrial education that would prepare them to continue to labor for whites in the American South. As I hope to demonstrate today, these views became explicitly connected to American education in Mindanao. My talk today focuses on the expansion of industrial education to the Philippines and more specifically to Moro's and its connections to American Imperial education more broadly. I argue that to truly understand American colonial officials' attempts to educate Moro's, we must understand the ideas policy makers, educators, and colonial officials brought with them to the islands. Indeed, the policy of introducing industrial education to the Philippines had deep roots in American history and the country's experience with previous Imperial subjects, which for the purpose of my argument I include as Native Americans, Hawaiians, and African Americans. Walker's letter was not the only reference the Philippines made in the pages of the Southern workmen. Five months later, the journal proudly noted that Fred Atkinson, the newly appointed General Superintendent of Education in the Philippines, had visited the Hampton Institute, quote, for the purpose of observing its methods of dealing with backward races, end quote. Atkinson had been instructed to visit Hampton Institute as well as the Tuskegee Institute and the Carlisle Indian Industrial School by the first civil governor of the Philippines, William Howard Taft. The American government also specifically requested that two white teachers from the Hampton Institute be sent to newly opened schools in the Philippines. Indeed, American colonial officials were inspired by such schools that put forward the principle of what one scholar has described as, quote, agricultural training, political conservatism, and limited educational aspirations. Pointing to other ways in which imperial education shaped American colonial attitudes towards education in the Philippines, Taft had also recommended that Atkinson read a copy of the British scholar Charles Trevelyn's 1838 study entitled On the Education of the People in India. Atkinson had been recommended to Taft by Harvard President Charles Elliott. Although church and state were officially separated in American governance of the Philippine Islands, in interviewing Atkinson, the latter recalled that Elliott had specifically asked him what church he belonged to. When Atkinson replied that he was part of the congregational church, Elliott responded, that settles it, you must go. Atkinson's visit to Hampton Tuskegee and Carlisle convinced him that a similar method of approach often termed the Hampton Tuskegee idea would make sense for the Philippines as he explicitly noted, quote, the education of the masses here must be agricultural and industrial one after the pattern of our Tuskegee Institute at home. Links between domestic racial issues and the Philippines would emerge again and again as American colonial officials sought to design education policies for Filipinos. These ideas also continued to emerge from white Americans who worked for these three institutes. In the same issue of the Southern Workmen, which I referenced above, another author noted in his article, quote, which was entitled Our New Possessions and Open Door, that the Civil War, the Cuban War and the Philippine War furnished, quote, striking coincidences along several lines, not the least important of which is that in each case, a serious consideration of the dark races of the world forms a prominent feature. In these three cases, he noted, the uplifting of the darker races has been and is still one of the first things calling for consideration at the close of the three wars. So again, we get the benevolent American Empire talk. And here he says white American educators had a special role to play in, quote, advising the proper direction of schoolwork, which includes suggestions as to the establishment of manual training schools or even better, special trade schools. He encouraged in particular, sending educated African Americans to the islands to take on the work of teaching Filipinos in industrial education. Booker T. Washington himself would also praise the benefits of industrial education in Cuba and the Philippines, stating that it would solve the problems facing American colonial officials, much as it had begun to address problems in the South. And this goes back to the links between the Moro and the, quote, Negro problem, as it was described at the time. Although American educators and colonial officials recommended industrial education for all Filipinos, including Christians, the policy was particularly encouraged among non-Christians. In the first decade of American colonial rule, however, the extension of public education in the Philippine islands focused primarily on Christian Filipinos, in large part because of the ongoing tensions and violence between Moros and the American military. This distinction between Christian and non-Christian, as you're all well aware of, was part of a broader American colonial policies. With regards to education, the distinction was made explicit in 1903 when public education, Mindanao, was officially separated from the educational governments in the North, and placed under the leadership of the Syrian American, Najib Salibi. Although industrial education was also encouraged in the North, colonial officials emphasized that what was necessary in these schools was, as Taft put it, to place Christian Filipinos, quote, in a state of Christian pupillage where they would be ready for self-governance and Republican training. In the first decade, as I just mentioned, American officials placed less emphasis on instituting public education in Mindanao and Sulu, although they did open two industrial schools in 1902. One in Zambolenga and one in Jolo. Corresponding to wide reviews held by American colonial officials about the proper way to deal with the Moros, the 1902 report of the Philippine Commission noted that Moros' religious views were so hostile and entrenched that they were so convinced of their superiority and power in comparison to Americans that, quote, the education of the Moro must therefore follow his awakening to an appreciation of his feebleness as contrasted with the powers of a civilized nation. Given what we know about the violent military strategies that Americans had already and would continue to employ in their attempts to control these areas, we all know what kind of education would ensue. That's the alarm clock, yeah. They have time. It was clearly not the kind that would take place within the four walls of a school. This was explicitly acknowledged by American colonial officials in 1903 where they noted their reports and note the euphemistic language here that downplays the violent aspects of the struggle, quote, the misunderstandings between the Americans and the Moros and the resulting stress which caused so many of the latter to lose their reason and run a mock at Jolo and Jolo during this period, naturally militated against the success of educational work at that place. Nonetheless, the same report explicitly noted how American officials should approach education for the various populations of the Philippines. A division superintendent, the superintendent noted in his report, could be divided into education, quote, in letters, into letters, or entirely outside of letters. For Moros, like for other non-Christians, the last option was deemed the most appropriate. Nonetheless, the opening of two industrial schools also drew in the expertise of Americans who had previously experienced with Muslims, just as Najeeb Salibi was deemed an expert in moral affairs in part due to his Syrian origins. In 1902, Atkinson appointed another American, Emerson Christie, to head the industrial school in Zamboanga. Christie was born in Turkey to missionary parents who had witnessed the Armenian massacres and held a deep antagonism for the Islamic faith. Perhaps in line with such attitudes, Emerson Christie noted in an article he wrote for the Congregationalist in 1902 that he was embarking on, quote, the first chapter in the story of a modern crusade. This prompted American colonial officials to open, so similar ideas also prompted American officials to open a Moro exchange, as Oliver noted, whereby Moros would be taught the benefits of American governance and capitalism when given the opportunity to sell their items in local markets. Despite such efforts by 1913, efforts to establish schools in Mindanao remained modest and limited finances were attributed to the effort. The situation pushed American missionary Charles Brent to open his own private schools in 1914. Brent had been working as a missionary in the Philippines since 1901 and he began to focus his endeavors primarily on non-Christians. Brent's endeavor was accompanied by a fundraising mission entitled the National Committee for Upbuilding the Wards of the Nation, which sought to establish schools that would merge the evangelical, industrial, and educational pursuits of American missionaries in the islands. As a pamphlet advertising, Brent's project argued with the right education and training, Moros were capable of advancement and the adoption of the fruits of capitalism. As it noted, quote, For instance, in one section families who were dwelling in tree tops two years ago now have comfortable homes in decent villages and are cutting their grass with American lawn mowers. The telephone, telegraph, sewing machine, automobile, railroad, artesian well, farming tools, and other modern inventions are increasingly welcomed and used by the natives who are not devoid of intellectual capacity and have considerable manual dexterity. The mats and beadwork of the women, the brasses and woodwork of the men display artistic ability and have real intrinsic value even in their crude state. As demonstrated by this quote, the value of teaching Moros to engage in industrial labor went hand in hand with the use of American industrial products which played to the initial claims of justifying the annexation of the islands based on the expansion of American markets to Asia. But to do this, Moros needed to be trained to adopt such values from their birth. For this reason, Brent's educational project also adopted the principle of the Native American boarding schools back home emphasizing that to truly save Moro children in the majority of cases Moro children needed to be separated, not caged, just separated from their parents at an early age. As Brent noted in 1915 in an article entitled quote, giving the Moro Americans a chance, if an entire Moro family was capable of change it was possible to leave children at home, quote, otherwise take him from the hovel where he lives, put him in a dormitory under the supervision of competent teachers and give him a minimum of literary and a maximum of industrial training. Indeed, as Brent argued in the same article, quote, a wave of hopelessness sweeps over one when confronted by a mass of Moro or pagan adults but is not so with the children. They are as impressionable, as appealing, as lovable as any children of color in the world. Not any children, any children of color, to specify. Brent's efforts to open schools for Moros received the praise of American colonial officials at the highest levels and his industrial schools would continue in the following decades, even after his death in 1929. Indeed, in 1939, the 25th anniversary of the founding of Brent's Moro School gathered some of the most important political and religious elites of the time, including John Mott, Robert Speer, Frank McCoy, Cameron Forbes, and of course, John Pershing. The introduction of industrial education for Moros should be read within a wider lens of American imperial education that emphasized that American colonial subjects abroad and people of color at home should be trained to serve and work for the racialized American state and not be offered the kinds of intellectual training that would result in dangerous ideas about equality and freedom that would challenge American empire abroad and white racial dominance at home. The dangers of higher educational training had already been demonstrated by intellectuals such as W. E. B. Du Bois. Just as Du Bois and other intellectuals of color would link civil rights in the United States with colonialism abroad, limiting the educational reach of Moros to the benefits of capitalism and labor was deeply enmeshed within the American education system in the southern Philippines, as well as, of course, the political economy, as Oliver just stated. Just as it had been for decades for Hawaiians, African-Americans, and Native Americans in other portions of the American empire. Thank you very much. Thank you.