 So we should be extremely guarded in what we think will be the leach of such a formation. Towards the end of last year we saw Kenyans cry out, we have a big wage bill and don't you think having more leaders would increase our wage bill that we are complaining already because we even have debts that we should pay and then here comes another pack of leaders that we should have. Do you think the Wanjiko Zandocinos will be more pressed in terms of tax pay? The cost of political instability pales in comparison to that of paying five people or more, creating more seats. I think I've heard this narrative and I think Kate is a misguided leader and I think it is, you know, I've heard the deputy president has been quite vocal about this, you know, saying that this is meant to create seats for particular individuals. That might happen, you know, and that happens in society, the question is the cost. You look at, for instance, in 2017, 2007, 2008, the rate of growth in this country, you know, the economy went down on trajectory, you know, so the cost is quite significant. But I don't think the argument can be sustained if it is a question of cost. It is not sustainable at all. So I think we should go ahead, we should go ahead. The argument, of course, I think is meant to appeal to the common man, you know. But if you look at the broader interests of society, then I think we should go on. Now our 2010 constitution, since its promulgation, we kind of feel like most of its content was borrowed. We think our problems as Kenyans is of the version that was borrowed from other countries is our biggest problem. Partly, you know, partly. Every constitutional document must seek to respond to the realities of its own society. There are doubts as to the extent to which that constitution in 2010 responded to what we face in this country. But you cannot deny it to a good profession. You know, you look at the flamers of that constitution, they were quite clear. The constitution was borrowed from the worker draft, from the Jeshpah guy led commission in 2002. So you cannot deny that it responded to the historical experiences that this country has had. So it's not entirely borrowed. There are one or two things about borrowing, but it is not entirely based on borrowing. But I think we should just, you know, constitutions are the experimental business, you know. It's all about experimentation. And as you experiment, you are going to notice various effects. So we should not be shy to amend the constitution. We should go right ahead and do it, whether or not we borrowed one or two things, you know. We should go on. The proposed system that the leaders want, do you think, for the presidential that is, do you think it will help in election rigging because it has been happening in every election hearing period? The system. Yeah, having the premiers and the deputies. So the presidency will have no clamour. Do you think that one would help even in the rigging of elections? When you have dispassion of power, it must go somewhere. So therefore, if the fragmentation of power goes to another office, then you expect high voltage politics in that office. So you expect the similar problems you have experienced. Do you expect that dispassion to five offices will reduce the toxic politics in a country? But there are limitations to that. And that's why I'm saying these reforms that we are seeking have their limitations. So don't just stick politics for power. It's about leaving a legacy, others seek it just to be known. And therefore, as long as those interests are understood in such a way, then people are going to have a lot of clamour for the presidential position, whether or not the powers of the president are trimmed or not. So then it is said that if...